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Hockey and hockey arenas are often touted as pillars of Canadian identity and community. However, recent debates over inclusion in the sport question the game’s ability to facilitate social and cultural integration. This paper analyzes different forms of social interaction in hockey and hockey arenas in Halifax, Nova Scotia. In doing so, the paper identifies three social forms that hockey players and parents produce and reproduce in arenas. These are “friendliness without friendship,” “ritual togetherness,” and “transactional relationships.” Each form has textures of solitude embedded within the social form and has different social boundaries that separate in- and out-group members. We consider our findings in relation to literature on friendliness, solitude, and socio-cultural integration, as well as Atlantic Canadian and Canadian studies.

The COVID-19 pandemic emerged against the backdrop of the longer-term climate change crisis and increasing global awareness of the imperative for climate action, disrupting the post-Paris trajector...

The COVID-19 pandemic has profoundly disrupted daily life in Canada. This study assesses changes in health behaviours during the early stages of the pandemic and examines socio-demographic disparities associated with these changes.We analyze data on adults age 25 and older (N = 4383) from the public-use Canadian Perspectives Survey Series 1: Impacts of COVID-19 (CPSS-COVID). Multinomial regression models assess the association between demographic and socio-economic characteristics with increases or decreases in six health behaviours: alcohol, tobacco, and cannabis use, junk food consumption, and TV and internet screen time.While findings varied across the six behaviours, overall, there was an increase in negative health behaviours: 14% of Canadian adults reported increasing their alcohol use (95% CI = 0.12, 0.15), 25% increased their junk food consumption (95% CI = 0.23, 0.27), and over 60% increased their screen time (62%, 95% CI = 0.60, 0.65 for TV and 66%, 95% CI = 0.63, 0.68 for internet). Younger and Canada-born adults were more likely to increase negative health behaviours than older and immigrant Canadians. Adults who reported financial impact of COVID-19 were more likely to increase all negative health behaviours (e.g., for increased junk food consumption, the relative risk ratio (RRR) = 1.81, 95% CI = 1.49, 2.20 relative to group reporting no impact).Our study documents the overall deterioration of health behaviours during the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic. To minimize long-term harm to the Canadian population's health, the results highlight the need to tailor interventions, especially for younger Canadians, and the importance of mitigating financial impacts, which are linked to negative changes in health behaviours.RéSUMé: OBJECTIFS: La pandémie de COVID-19 perturbe profondément la vie quotidienne au Canada. Notre étude évalue les changements survenus dans les comportements de santé aux premiers stades de la pandémie et examine les disparités sociodémographiques associées à ces changements. MéTHODE: Nous analysons les données sur les adultes de 25 ans et plus (N = 4 383) tirées de la Série d’enquêtes sur les perspectives canadiennes 1 : Répercussions de la COVID-19 (SEPC-COVID) d’usage public. Des modèles de régression multinomiale permettent d’évaluer l’association entre les caractéristiques démographiques et socioéconomiques et les augmentations ou les diminutions de six comportements de santé : usage de l’alcool, du tabac et du cannabis, consommation d’aliments vides et temps passé devant la télévision et sur Internet. RéSULTATS: Nos constatations varient entre ces six comportements, mais dans l’ensemble, il y a eu une augmentation des comportements de santé négatifs : 14 % des Canadiens adultes ont dit avoir accru leur usage de l’alcool (IC de 95 % = 0,12, 0,15), 25 % ont accru leur consommation d’aliments vides (IC de 95 % = 0,23, 0,27), et plus de 60 % ont accru leur temps d’écran (62 %, IC de 95 % = 0,60, 0,65 pour la télévision et 66 %, IC de 95 % = 0,63, 0,68 pour Internet). Les jeunes adultes et les adultes nés au Canada étaient plus susceptibles d’avoir accru leurs comportements de santé négatifs que les adultes âgés et ceux ayant immigré au Canada. Les adultes ayant dit subir des contrecoups financiers de la COVID-19 étaient plus susceptibles d’avoir accru tous leurs comportements de santé négatifs (p. ex., pour la consommation accrue d’aliments vides, le rapport de risque relatif [RRR] = 1,81, IC de 95 % = 1,49, 2,20, comparativement au groupe n’ayant pas subi de contrecoups financiers). CONCLUSION: Notre étude décrit la détérioration globale des comportements de santé aux premiers stades de la pandémie de COVID-19. Pour réduire les torts que cela peut causer à long terme à la santé de la population canadienne, il faut, selon les résultats, adapter les interventions, surtout aux jeunes Canadiens, et atténuer les contrecoups financiers de la pandémie, qui sont liés à des changements négatifs dans les comportements de santé.

In a globalized world with high rates of migration, identification with one’s culture of origin and one’s new cultural environment is a key and sometimes conflicted issue. Focusing on the growing p...

Research on American secondary cities has largely focused on so–called “rust belt” cities and has found that they tend to have economic stagnation, racialization, and urban decay in their urban cores occurring after economic crises. Most urban research on Canadian cities has, by contrast, focused on the country's largest cities, Toronto, Montreal, and Vancouver, and has found that urban cores are getting richer, less diverse, and undergoing infrastructural improvements. We examine each model by looking at four secondary Atlantic Canadian cities (Halifax, Moncton, St. John's, and Charlottetown) that all faced major economic crisis in the 1990s to see whether these models can explain the sociospatial changes occurring in them. Analysis of 1996 and 2006 Canadian Census data finds unlike “rust belt” cities or changes seen in larger Canadian cities, there is no clear sociospatial concentration of change. Rather, change is seen through “hot spots” of economic and physical characteristics of neighborhoods.

In an era in which unprecedented data on migration are collected, accessing and using it, as well as understanding the kinds of questions that can be engaged with it, often are under-examined. In this chapter, using the Canadian case, we assess how census and survey data collected by national statistics agencies, administrative data, and other data sources can be used in an unprecedented era of migration and data gathering. The chapter explores issues of data access, consistency of units of analysis and concepts, technical skill deficits, and what is missed in existing data sources. Finally, we assess the need for creating data spines and common protocols. Overall, we offer insights from our navigation of the Canadian data ecosystem and a practical assessment of what can be done with different types of data regarding the researching of migration and immigrant settlement.

Background Prior to COVID-19, postnatal resettled refugee women in Canada reported barriers to healthcare and low levels of social support, contributing to maternal health morbidities. The COVID-19 pandemic appears to be further exacerbating health inequities for marginalized populations. The experiences of resettled refugee women are not fully known. Aim To understand Syrian refugee women’s experiences accessing postnatal healthcare services and supports during the COVID-19 pandemic. Methods Semi-structured, virtual interviews were conducted with eight resettled Syrian refugee women living in Nova Scotia (Canada) who were postnatal between March and August 2020. Data analysis was informed by constructivist grounded theory. Findings Three themes emerged: “the impacts of COVID-19 on postnatal healthcare;” “loss of informal support;” and “grief and anxiety.” Women experienced difficult healthcare interactions, including socially and physically isolated deliveries, challenges accessing in-person interpreters, and cancelled or unavailable in-home services (e.g., public health nurse and doula visits). Increased childcare responsibilities and limited informal supports due to pandemic restrictions left women feeling overwhelmed and exhausted. Stay-at-home orders resulted in some women reporting feelings of isolation and loss, as they were unable to share in person postnatal moments with friends and family, ultimately impacting their mental wellness. Conclusions COVID-19 and associated public health restrictions had significant impacts on postnatal Syrian refugee women. Data presented in this study demonstrated the ways in which the pandemic environment and related restrictions amplified pre-existing barriers to care and postnatal health inequalities for resettled refugee women—particularly a lack of postnatal informal supports and systemic barriers to care.

Recent policy shifts and budget cuts have led to a reduction in government support for NGOs. While studies examine funding at the federal level, few analyze municipalities. Using a socio-spatial ap...

The United Nations High Commission for Refugees reports that more than half of the 65 million refugees and displaced people identified worldwide are under the age of 18. For this reason, researchers, practitioners and policymakers need to understand the consequences of forced migration on the integration of refugee children and youth in receiving countries. A first step to do that is to scope out the state of current research on these issues and identify possible gaps. To that end, the article offers a scoping review of peer-reviewed English and German academic articles on refugee children and youth’s integration over a 20-year period. The review finds: little consensus on the definitions of ‘children’ or ‘youth’; most studies focus on girls and boys that are between 12 and 19 years old; there is a focus on refugees landing in developed countries; and there is a lack of longitudinal and quantitative studies.

Tapping into and creating broad networks is integral to connecting communities and destinations to wider flows of tourists and ensuring local benefits from tourism development. However, lit...

Aim The purpose of this qualitative study was to understand Syrian refugee women's perceptions and experiences of access to formal health services and informal supports during the postpartum period in Nova Scotia, Canada and to identify valued and missing services and supports in the community. Background The postnatal period is a critical time when mothers may need access to health services (e.g., family physicians, psychologists) and informal supports (e.g., friends, family) to support their positive mental and physical health after birth. Resettled refugee women commonly encounter barriers when accessing care during the postnatal period and often have limited social supports. Methods Semi-structured, telephone or virtual interviews were conducted with 11 resettled Syrian refugee women who gave birth in Nova Scotia, Canada within the past five years. Data were collected in the summer of 2020. This study was conducted using elements of constructivist grounded theory. Findings Four key themes were identified from women's experiences: (i) postpartum social support was critical, but often lacking, (ii) structural barriers (e.g., irregular interpreter services, limited childcare options) impeded women's access to healthcare, (iii) paternalistic healthcare providers limited women's decision-making autonomy, and (iv) the value and need for culturally competent, integrated care (e.g., newcomer specific healthcare centres), in-home services, and family support. Conclusion Resettled Syrian refugee women in Nova Scotia, Canada experience a range of barriers that limits their access to postnatal healthcare. Policy change, program development, and/or interventions are needed to improve access to postnatal services and supports for resettled Syrian women in Canada.

Given that children and adolescents constitute a growing and significant share of forced migrants worldwide, assessing the state of research on and the methods used to study the acculturation of this group is both timely and essential. The acculturation of refugee children and adolescents in host countries occurs primarily within educational institutions and through the acquisition of the language of the new host society. This scoping review of peer-reviewed journal articles published between 1987 and 2016 (N = 192 eligible studies) examined the extent to which individual-level factors (e.g., gender, age) and contextual factors (e.g., country of residence) emphasized by acculturation models have been considered in research involving young refugees in the educational domain. In addition, the research designs and methods applied in these studies were evaluated, and content analysis was performed to examine whether individual-level factors considered in the sample of studies were related to educational outcomes of young refugees. Overall, the review revealed that very few studies provided adequate information on sample composition, or considered individual and contextual factors, thus leaving crucial gaps in the knowledge about the acculturation of young refugees. Guidelines for future research are proposed to remedy the identified research deficits.

Small cities across North America are experiencing rapid changes, but methodological obstacles hamper researchers’ ability to analyze them. This research note explores some of the methodological challenges faced by researchers and offers solutions. Using Charlottetown, Prince Edward Island, as a case study, we show that a major challenge lies in choosing meaningful geographic units for small city neighborhoods, and we evaluate the benefits and drawbacks of several geographical options. Another major challenge is that the boundaries of existing units change between census years, demanding an approach to reconstructing them to allow for temporal analysis. We propose two feasible solutions for re-creating neighborhood geographic units over time: ‘moving forward’ and ‘going backward.’ Both involve selecting units from a particular census year to serve as a fixed point of reference for the re-creation of boundaries across multiple census years. We conclude by cautioning that studying changes in small cities over longer time periods in Canada is not feasible because of the extensive and complex boundary changes that have occurred between census years. We offer an approach for looking at shorter time periods. SSHRC Insight Grant

Many Canadian advocacy organizations were founded with federal government funding. However, in recent years, with federal budget cuts that funding has come into question. In this article, we analyze the funding of Indigenous organizations in Nova Scotia between 1960 and 2014 in order to examine whether or not the province filled gaps created by a changing political and economic context at the federal level. We analyze how the amount of funding and number of organizations funded changed during this period and consider how national and provincial critical events, federal Supreme Court decisions, changes in governments, and the founding of key organizations affect those shifts. Overall, we find that the province did make up shortfalls in funding during the 1990s and the first decade of the twenty-first century, offering more funds and to a wider number of organizations, but at the same time we see less funding per organization over time and ultimately cutbacks at the provincial level mirroring broader national trends toward austerity and neo-liberalism.

Communities often stigmatise forms of housing targeting low-income tenants. This paper examines how media sources characterise one such form: rooming houses that provide multiple, low-cost, single-...

Countries around the world have adopted neoliberal or austerity policies. Among states that fund organizations, this may have a detrimental effect on civil society. Looking at the Canadian context, this article examines whether subnational governments, provinces, step in during times of national budget cuts and changing political environments to fund organizations. We do this by analyzing the effect of critical events, regime changes, and the founding of key organizations on state funding in the province of Nova Scotia between 1960 and 2014. We do this to examine how the interaction of national and subnational political context shapes subnational funding of organizations. We find that critical events appear to be linked to increases in provincial funding, however, do not appear to be linked to cuts in funding. Regime changes and founding of key organizations have less clear-cut relationships with provincial funding.

A correction to this paper has been published: https://doi.org/10.1007/s40894-021-00162-5

At many Canadian universities it is now common to publicly acknowledge Indigenous lands, treaties, and peoples. Yet, this practice has yet to be considered as a subject of scholarly inquiry. How does this practice vary and why? In this paper we describe the content and practice of acknowledgment, linking this content to treaty relationships (or lack thereof). We show that acknowledgment tends to be one of five general types: of land and title (British Columbia), of specific treaties and political relationships (Prairies), of multiculturalism and heterogeneity (Ontario), of no practice (most of Quebec), and of people, territory, and openness to doing more (Atlantic). Based on these results, we conclude that the fluidity of acknowledgment as a practice, including changing meanings depending on the positionality of the acknowledger, need to be taken into account. Plusieurs universites Canadien pratique une reconnaissance des territoires, des traites, et des peoples autochtone en publique. Cette pratique, cependant, n'a jamais ete consideree comme une enquete savante. Dans ce projet nous regardons comment les reconnaissances varie par institution et pourquoi. Nous trouvons qu'il y a un lien entre le contenu des reconnaissances et les relations traite. On demontre cinq forme des reconnaissances: territoire et titre (Colombie britannique); traite specifique and les relations politiques (Prairies); multiculturalisme et heterogeneite (Ontario); l'absence (la majorite du Quebec); et des peoples, territoire et volonte a plus faire (Atlantique). Nous concluons que la fluidite de la reconnaissance, comme pratique, est fluide et doit prendre en consideration la position de la personne qui le fait.

This article is based on data from a four-year national study of racialization and Indigeneity at Canadian universities. Its main conclusion is that whether one examines representation in terms of numbers of racialized and Indigenous faculty members and their positioning within the system, their earned income as compared to white faculty, their daily life experiences within the university as workplace, or interactions with colleagues and students, the results are more or less the same. Racialized and Indigenous faculty and the disciplines or areas of their expertise are, on the whole, low in numbers and even lower in terms of power, prestige, and influence within the University.

Fifteen years have passed since the ground-breaking 1999 Marshall decision and the Mi'kmaq Lobster Crisis that followed which saw two months of tit-for-tat violence. In this article, we examine how relations among Mi'kmaq and Settler fishers have changed since the decision and its aftermath, and interpret intergroup relations by using Herbert Blumer's group-position theory. The article presents data collected from ethnographic observation and interviews with Mi'kmaq and Settler fishers in a Maritime community. We find that although fishers share the same waters, and have a generally amicable public relationship, many miscon- ceptions and resentments persist.

Cet article etudie de quelle facon et a quel moment les journaux, les ONG environnementales, les entreprises privees et le gouvernement convergent autour des evenements environnementaux. En utilisant les donnees sur le deversement de petrole BP en 2010 tirees des journaux aux Etats-Unis, au Canada et en Grande-Bretagne et des communiques de presses de Greenpeace, du Club Sierra, de Halliburton, de Transocean, d’Exxon/Mobil et les annonce de presse de la secretaire de presse pour le Maison Blanche, nous etudions la capacite d'un evenement a faire converger des actions sociales et politiques. En concevant les evenements comme des actants, nous verifions les arguments tires des publications sur les mouvements sociaux et sur la definition de l'agenda politique a propos du timing, de la simplicite et de la visualite afin de comprendre comment les acteurs politiques convergent. Nous observons que l'effet de convergence est lie au timing, mais pas a la simplicite ou a la visualite. This paper examines how and when newspapers, environmental nongovernmental organizations, businesses, and the government converge on environmental events. Using data on the 2010 BP Oil Spill from newspaper articles in the United States, Canada, and the United Kingdom, press releases by Greenpeace and Sierra Club, press releases by BP, Halliburton, Transocean, ExxonMobil, and Shell, and press statements by the White House Press Secretary, we examine an event's potential to trigger convergence of social and political action. By treating events as political actants, we examine arguments from the agenda-setting and social movement literatures on timing, simplicity, and visuality to understand when political actors converge. We find that convergence is related to temporal cycles but not simplicity or visuality.

Every few years, a book comes along that strikes a chord with readers because it tackles issues that are front and center in contemporary debates and it manages to offer new insights that allow scholars to return to long standing debates. Elke Winter’s Us, them and others has the potential to be such a book. It offers a model that draws on literatures of nationalism and those of race and ethnicity using a Weberian approach. It also looks at how different groups align with one another in some contexts, but exclude one another in others and as a result, the book offers insight on multiculturalism, the growing fear of ethnic and religious radicalization, and failed immigration. In this short paper, I offer reaction to, and criticism of, Winter’s model in an effort to trigger broader debate around the issues she identifies and the model she uses to understand them. Despite the many strengths of the book (see Ramos 2011), Winter’s argument is open to a number of criticisms including an openness and inconsistency of key concepts and arguments, a narrow sample and timeframe of analysis, and missed opportunities for revisiting past luminaries in the area that identify underlying causal mechanisms rather than descriptive labels alone.

For social movements, the mass media are a key means of reaching potential supporters, engaging public and political debate and reshaping cultural interpretations of relationships with the non-human environment. We examine how outdoor sport becomes the object of environmental movement mobilization and media claims-making in conflict over the Jumbo Pass ski resort, British Columbia, and Off-Highway Vehicle use in the Tobeatic Wilderness Area, Nova Scotia. We use provincial and national news coverage and interviews with key movement actors to examine how activists interpret the success or failure of their media work. We find that environmentalists are generally successful at translating claims on behalf of nature to a general audience through newspaper coverage. Using an activist-centred approach to media and social movements, interviews with core activists provide insight into barriers that persist and characterize environmental movement relationships with the media.

La Revue canadienne de sociologie a ete un forum important pour la recherche sur l'ethnicite et la race. Grâce a une analyse des publications publies dans la revue entre 1964 et 2010 nous constatons que l'ethnicite a recu plus d'attention que la race, et que la majorite des publications se sert d'une approche d’economie politique et des methodes quantitatives. Au fil du temps, nous relevons l'abandon du concept d'ethnicite et la montee de la race et nous relevons moins d’etudes quantitatives. Ces changements ont lieu en parallele avec des changements politiques et demographiques au Canada et sont en reponse aux iniquites raciales. The Canadian Review of Sociology has been an important venue for scholarship on ethnicity and race. Through an analysis of publications dealing with both terms in the journal, between 1964 and 2010, the paper finds that publications have focused more on ethnicity than race, using a political economy approach, and quantitative methods. Over time, significant changes have occurred, including a move away from ethnicity to race and a move away from quantitative methods. Many of these changes have occurred in conjunction with policy and demographic changes in Canada and as a response to ongoing racial inequities.

At many Canadian universities it is now common to publicly acknowledge Indigenous lands, treaties, and peoples. Yet, this practice has yet to be considered as a subject of scholarly inquiry. How does this practice vary and why? In this paper we describe the content and practice of acknowledgment, linking this content to treaty relationships (or lack thereof). We show that acknowledgment tends to be one of five general types: of land and title (British Columbia), of specific treaties and political relationships (Prairies), of multiculturalism and heterogeneity (Ontario), of no practice (most of Quebec), and of people, territory, and openness to doing more (Atlantic). Based on these results, we conclude that the fluidity of acknowledgment as a practice, including changing meanings depending on the positionality of the acknowledger, need to be taken into account. Plusieurs universités Canadien pratique une reconnaissance des territoires, des traités, et des peoples autochtone en publique. Cette pratique, cependant, n'a jamais été considérée comme une enquête savante. Dans ce projet nous regardons comment les reconnaissances varie par institution et pourquoi. Nous trouvons qu'il y a un lien entre le contenu des reconnaissances et les relations traité. On démontre cinq forme des reconnaissances: territoire et titre (Colombie britannique); traité spécifique and les relations politiques (Prairies); multiculturalisme et hétérogénéité (Ontario); l'absence (la majorité du Québec); et des peoples, territoire et volonté a plus faire (Atlantique). Nous concluons que la fluidité de la reconnaissance, comme pratique, est fluide et doit prendre en considération la position de la personne qui le fait.

Canada increasingly favours immigration policies based on human capital theory and economic outcomes. Consequently, while immigration is on the increase there is a downward trend in the number of “family class” entrants admitted to the country. The group most seriously affected is sponsored parents and/or grandparents who are also the most vulnerable to criticisms against family class immigration. The discussion is centered on the perceived lack of potential economic contributions of these immigrants. Such a focus, however, overlooks the feminized nature of this type of immigration and the many non-economic contributions these immigrants make. Using multinomial regression modeling of the Longitudinal Survey of Immigrants to Canada data, we examine economic and non-economic contributions of sponsored parent and/or grandparent immigrants and compare them to immigrants of similar age migrating under other categories of immigration. We find that sponsored parents and/or grandparents make significant economic contributions to Canadian society as well as other non-economic ones that are often overlooked. We also find that their contributions increase over time and are heavily gendered, with female sponsored parents and/or grandparents making more non-economic contributions than their male counterparts or other immigrants of similar age migrating under other categories of immigration. Resume: Le Canada favorise de plus en plus les politiques d’immigration qui sont fondees sur la theorie du capital humain et sur ses retombees economiques. Par consequent, alors que cette immigration est a la hausse, il y a neanmoins une tendance a la baisse du nombre d’entrees obtenues a partir du «regroupement familial». Le groupe le plus serieusement touche est celui des parents et / ou grands-parents parraines, qui sont aussi les plus vulnerables face aux critiques contre cette categorie. La discussion est centree sur le manque percu de contributions economiques potentielles qu’ils peuvent apporter. Une telle approche, cependant, neglige la nature feminisee de ce type d’immigration et leurs nombreuses prestations non monetaires. En utilisant un modele de regression multinominale de l’Enquete longitudinale aupres des immigrants au Canada, nous examinons ces apports et nous les comparons a ceux d’autres immigres d’un âge similaire et provenant d’autres categories. Nous constatons que les parents et / ou grands-parents parraines font d’importantes contributions economiques a la societe canadienne, ainsi que des non-economiques qui sont souvent negligees. Nous constatons egalement qu’au fil du temps leurs prestations augmentent et sont fortement sexuees, les femmes en faisant plus au niveau non monetaire que leurs homologues masculins et que les immigres d’un âge similaire venus par l’entremise d’autres categories d’immigration.

This research note offers critical reaction to Elke Winter's Us, Them and Others in an effort to trigger debate around the issues she identifies and her model (us + [others.sub.1-n] = multicultural we [not equal to] [them.sub.1-n]). Critiques include: a looseness and inconsistency with some key concepts and arguments, a narrow sample and timeframe of analysis, and missed opportunities to revisit past luminaries that identify underlying causal mechanisms rather than descriptive labels alone. Despite these criticisms, it is argued that Winter's model has the potential to strike a chord with a broad range of scholars because it tackles issues that are front and center in contemporary debates, and it manages to offer new insights that allow scholars to return to overlooked and under-appreciated scholarship. Resume Cette note de recherche propose une reaction critique contre Us, Them and Others par Elke Winter, dans le but de stimuler un debat autour des problemes et du modele presentes dans ce livre (nous + [autres.sub.1-n] = un nous rnulticulturel [not equal to] [eux.sub.1-n]). Les defauts releves sont, entre autres, une imprecision et des incoherences dans certains concepts cles et arguments principaux, une analyse portant sur un echantillon et une periode restreints, et des occasions manquees pour revoir des theories classiques sur les mecanismes de causalite au lieu de simplement s'en tenir a un etiquetage descriptif. Malgre ces critiques, il est clair que le modele de Winter a beaucoup de potentiel pour trouver un echo aupres d'une grande variete de chercheurs parce qu'il aborde des questions qui sont au coeur des debats contemporains et qu'il offre de nouvelles perspectives nous permettant de revenir sur des travaux negliges et sous-estimes. ********** Every few years, a book comes along that strikes a chord with readers because it tackles issues that are front and center in contemporary debates and it manages to offer new insights that allow scholars to return to overlooked and under-appreciated scholarship. Elke Winter's Us, Them and Others has the potential to be such a book. It offers a model that draws on literatures of nationalism and those of race and ethnicity; it looks at how different groups align with one another in some contexts, but exclude one another in others; and the book offers insight on pressing debates around multiculturalism and the growing fear of ethnic and religious radicalization and failed immigrant integration. In this short research note, I will offer reaction to, and criticism of, Winter's model in an effort to trigger broader debate around the issues she identifies and the model she uses to understand them. Overall, I will offer a very brief summary of the book's main argument and highlight how it offers Canadian scholars opportunities to engage with emerging theoretical debates around Weberian sociology. The research note also examines how the book provides tools to engage Canada's exceptionalism with respect to multiculturalism and immigration and how the book can be used to understand how liberalism and multiculturalism are used to discriminate against ethnic and religious minorities. Despite these strengths, Winter's argument is open to a number of criticisms which will also be raised to show how her work can be extended in future research and academic debate. These include an openness and inconsistency with some of her key concepts and argument, a narrow sample and timeframe of analysis, and missed opportunities for theorizing more broadly and revisiting past luminaries to identify underlying causal mechanisms rather than descriptive labels alone. UNDERSTANDING US, THEM AND OTHERS Winter's argument is centered on multiple literatures, including scholarship on nationalism and race and ethnic relations in an effort to understand Canadian multiculturalism and, more specifically, how Anglophones, Francophones and Allophone "others" relate to one another, often forming allegiances, and, at other times, excluding each other. …

Many social movement researchers question the usefulness of political opportunity as a concept. However, others argue that it can be refined by disaggregating different opportunities for actors and outcomes to understand the underlying mechanisms that influence each. This research extends this analysis by asking "political opportunity for whom?" Looking at Canadian Aboriginal mobilization, it assesses how different opportunities influence a broad range of movement actors and organizations. Using data from a 50-year period it assesses how contemporaneous, lagged and change regression modeling of opportunities affect results. The article finds that structural opportunities around resources robustly influence a wide range of mobilization.

What influences the Northern media's coverage of events and abuses in explicit human rights terms? Do international NGOs have an impact, and, if so, when are they most effective? This article addresses these questions with regression analysis of human rights reporting by The Economist and Newsweek from 1986 to 2000, covering 145 countries. First, it finds that these two media sources cover abuses in human rights terms more frequently when they occur in countries with higher levels of state repression, economic development, population, and Amnesty International attention. There is also some evidence that political openness, number of battle-deaths, and civil societies affect coverage, although these effects were not robust. Second, it finds that Amnesty International's press releases appear to have less impact on media coverage when discussing abuses in countries that are central to the media's zone of concern. Indeed, Amnesty's press advocacy may be more effective when addressing violations in lesser-noticed countries. The article attributes this to the saturation of coverage of abuses in highly mediatized countries. Cumulative attention by multiple journalists and others raises a country's media profile but also makes it more difficult for any one voice to be heard. The authors conclude that Amnesty's press advocacy may have greater media impact when focusing on abuses in countries located away from the media's core areas of concern. Overall, the authors are encouraged by the Northern media's sensitivity to actual patterns of repression and to Amnesty's lobbying, since both indicate that the media is potentially a useful ally in efforts to combat abuses worldwide. Yet, the discouraging effects of poverty on the media's human rights coverage are cause for concern.

The severity of abuse may be be less important than a nation's policy relevance to the West, the ability of journalists to investigate freely, and attention from rights activists.