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Cataloged from PDF version of article. Thesis (Master's): Bilkent University, Department of International Relations, İhsan Doğramacı Bilkent University, 2022. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 102-113). This thesis analyzes the impact of various banking sector policy reforms in Turkey in the 1980s from the critical perspective offered by surveillance studies. I argue that, with the proliferation of retail banking services, data on the economic assets of individuals in Turkey became increasingly transmitted to the national and international data vortex, creating advantages for power centers that had access to this data. I show the power hierarchies at the bank, state, and international levels through a wide range of qualitative sources. Neoliberal reforms were leading society to consume more, as well as enabling the collection of data on an individual basis. At all levels of analysis, I have found that surveillance mechanisms were mainly used for two purposes: to ensure transparency necessary for the functioning of the economy and to reinforce existing hierarchies. While the latter target is less visible at the corporate level, I have observed that information is collected and disseminated at the state level to remind people of their consumer identity and at the international level to position Turkey within the global economic system. by Deniz Kaptan M.A.

When Aleksei Kosygin visited Turkey in 1975 for the inaugural firing of a massive Soviet-built steelworks, he laid out an ideologically charged vision of development: “unlike the Americans with their Coca-Cola factories, we contribute to industrialization.”1 The Soviet chairman of the council of ministers picked an unusual audience for his disparagement of the United States. Even though Washington had recently imposed an arms embargo in response to Ankara’s intervention on Cyprus, Turkey was still a NATO member. More to the point, Turkey had been a key recipient of U.S. aid since the beginning of the Cold War.2 The Soviet Union could not truly compete with the Western investments that included a Coca-Cola plant which opened in Istanbul in 1964, but Moscow nevertheless committed extensive resources to industrial sites in Anatolia in the 1960s and 1970s. Given that Turkey was closer to the Transatlantic Alliance than the Non-Aligned Movement, the Soviet challenge to U.S.-led modernization in Turkey is an unusual and thus revealing place to find what looks like Cold War competition to develop the Global South.

Cataloged from PDF version of article. Thesis (Master's): Bilkent University, Department of International Relations, İhsan Doğramacı Bilkent University, 2021. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 74-80). With the end of the Second World War, Turkey increasingly aligned with the Western powers. Turkey was a key recipient of Marshall Plan aid that sought to rebuild Europe after the destruction of the war. In the aftermath of the war, the Turkish political scene and the economy liberalized as Turkey integrated itself more with the West. These policies were followed by a power change with the defeat of the Republic’s founding party, the Republican People’s Party, to the Democrat Party in the 1950 elections. Adnan Menderes’ ten-year rule was a period of close cooperation between Ankara and its Western partners. In this study, I have sought to examine the role of ideology in the Menderes Government’s foreign policy. To capture the balance between Menderes’s pro-Western ideology and his concerns about Turkey’s security and economy, the thesis highlights three different cases. American financial aid to Turkey reveals the limits of Menderes’s pro-Westernism and the different approaches to developmental plans in Ankara and Washington. Turkish-Soviet relations show that his government’s attitude towards Moscow was not narrowly ideological and changed over time. It was in the Menderes government’s attitude towards decolonization movements and Third World nationalism that ideology had an undeniable influence on Ankara’s foreign policy. by Ali Berk Bilir M.A.

Türkiye Cumhuriyeti ve Pehlevi hanedanının kurulmasından sonra, Türkiye-İran ikili ilişkileri, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk ve Rıza Şah Pehlevi liderliğinde zirveye ulaşmıştır. Ardından İran'da Muhammed Mossadegh'in başbakanlık yaptığı yıllar (1951-1953), ikili ilişkilerin test edildiği bir dönem olmuştur. Bu çalışma, devletlerarası ilişkilerde bu iki farklı dönemin arkasındaki etkenleri ele almaktadır. Hem iki dünya savaşı arası dönemin milliyetçi-yenilikçi rejimlerinde hem de Mossadegh'in popüler milliyetçi hareketinde milliyetçi ideolojinin önemli bir siyasal güç olarak gelişimi ele alındığında, 2. Dünya Savaşı öncesi ve sonrasında milliyetçi ideolojinin Türkiye ve İran'daki farklı ifadelendirilmelerini açıklamaya çalıştık. Bu çalışmanın bulgularının gösterdiği üzere, iki dünya savaşı arası Türkiye ve İran'ında milliyetçilik, tüm ülke sathında devlet otoritesi kurmayı amaçlayan resmi bir devlet ideolojisi olarak ortaya çıkmıştır. Her bir devletin ulus-devlet fikrine ve diğerinin egemenliğine olan bağlılığının yakın ilişkilerde önemli olduğu kanıtlanmıştır. İkinci Dünya Savaşı'ndan sonra, Türk milliyetçiliği anti-komünist bir kimliğe bürünmüştür. Öte yandan, İran'da yükselen milliyetçilik, anti-emperyalizm ve komünizm eğilimleri, 1951'de İran petrolünün millileşmesine zemin hazırlamıştır. Erken Soğuk Savaş dönemi Türkiye ve İran'da milliyetçi ideolojinin yorumunda ayrılığa işaret etmiştir ve ideolojik ayrışma ikili ilişkilerin zayıflamasına sebep olmuştur. After the establishment of the Turkish Republic and the Pahlavi dynasty, Turkish-Iranian bilateral relations reached their peak under the leaderships of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk and Reza Shah Pahlavi. Then, the premiership of Mohammad Mossadegh in Iran (1951-1953) was an era during which the bilateral relations were tested. This study deals with the factors behind these two distinctive periods in the inter-state relations. Taking into consideration the development of the nationalist ideology as an important political force in the hands of both the nationalist-modernist regimes of the interwar period and for Mossadegh's popular national movement, I have sought to explain the different articulations of the nationalist ideology in Turkey and Iran before and after WWII. As the findings of this study show, nationalism in interwar Turkey and Iran emerged as an official state ideology which aimed to establish state authority across the country. Each state's commitment to the idea of the nation-state and to the sovereignty of the other proved to be significant in close relations. After WWII, Turkish nationalism evolved to take on an anti-communist identity. On the other hand, the rising tide of nationalism, anti-imperialism, and communism led up to the nationalization of Iranian oil in 1951. The early Cold War years marked a divergence in the interpretations of the nationalist ideology in Turkey and Iran, and ideological divergence contributed to the weakening of bilateral relations. 140