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This study examined whether parental alcohol use in adolescence, adulthood, and for mothers, during pregnancy, was related to their young children's functioning in terms of their on-time development as indicated by the number of developmental areas in which children experienced delay. Observed parenting practices and family socioeconomic status were tested as potential explanatory mechanisms of these links. Data came from the surveys and videotaped observations of a community sample of 123 biological parents and their 1- to 5-year-old children followed longitudinally. Results suggest that the negative association between parental alcohol use and children's development operates primarily through fathers' alcohol use. Additionally, father's adolescent regular alcohol use predicted the family's low socioeconomic status, which in turn predicted less skilled maternal parenting practices and children's developmental delay.

In this article, we draw on the theoretical and empirical literature to name what appear to be core dimensions of successful young adult development. We also describe some possible indicators and measures of those dimensions and sketch the kinds of developmental relationships and opportunities young people need in adolescence to effectively transition to a successful young adulthood, as well as the developmental relationships and opportunities young adults need for continued well-being. We name eight social, psychological, behavioral, educational, occupational, health, ethical, and civic dimensions of successful young adult development, and suggest that only a minority of adolescents are well-prepared to make a transition to successful young adulthood. The goal of the article is twofold: to contribute to the articulation of and consensus on the dimensions of successful young adult development, and to lay the groundwork for subsequent research to empirically validate both those core dimensions, as well as developmental indicators of progress toward attainment of these proposed dimensions of well-being.

This study sought to identify trajectories of marijuana use in the Seattle Social Development Project (n = 808) sample from age 14 through 30, and to examine the extent to which individuals in these trajectories differed in their substance use problems, mental health, problem behavior, economic outcomes, and positive functioning at age 33. In addition, analyses examined between-trajectory differences in family, peer, school, neighborhood, individual, mental health, and substance use factors at key developmental points in adolescence and adulthood. Four trajectories of marijuana use were identified: nonusers (27%), adolescent-limited (21%), late-onset (20%), and chronic (32%) users. At age 33, the chronic trajectory was associated with the worst functioning overall. The late-onset group reported more substance use and sexual risk behavior than nonusers, but was otherwise not differentiated. The adolescent-limited group reported significantly lower educational and economic outcomes at age 33 than the late-onset and nonuser groups. In analyses at earlier ages, adolescent-limited and late-onset groups reported more problems in functioning during the period of escalation in use and improvement in functioning with the beginning of desistance. Implications for prevention are discussed, particularly the unique risks associated with early adolescent versus later onset of marijuana use.

Childhood self-control has been linked with better health, criminal justice, and economic outcomes in adulthood in predominately white cohorts outside of the United States. We investigated whether self-control in first grade predicted success in the transition to adulthood in a longitudinal cohort of first graders who participated in a universal intervention trial to prevent poor achievement and reduce aggression in Baltimore schools. We also explored whether the intervention moderated the relationship between self-control and young adult outcomes. Teachers rated self-control using the Teacher Observation of Classroom Adaptation-Revised. Study outcomes were on-time high school graduation, college participation, teen pregnancy, substance use disorder, criminal justice system involvement, and incarceration (ages 19–26). Latent profile analysis was used to identify classes of childhood self-control. A high self-control class (n = 279, 48.1%), inattentive class (n = 201, 35.3%), and inattentive/hyperactive class (n = 90, 16.6%) were identified. Children with better self-control were more likely to graduate on time and attend college; no significant class differences were found for teen pregnancy, substance use disorder, criminal justice system involvement, or incarceration. A classroom-based intervention reduced criminal justice system involvement and substance use disorder among children with high self-control. Early interventions to promote child self-control may have long-term individual and social benefits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous research has shown that the development of alcohol and tobacco dependence is linked and that both are influenced by environmental and intrapersonal factors, many of which likely interact over the life course. The present study examines the effects of general and alcohol- and tobacco-specific environmental influences in the family of origin (ages 10-18) and family of cohabitation (ages 27-30) on problem behavior and alcohol- and tobacco-specific outcomes at age 33. General environmental factors include family management, conflict, bonding, and involvement. Alcohol environment includes parental alcohol use, parents' attitudes toward alcohol, and children's involvement in family drinking. Tobacco-specific environment is assessed analogously. Additionally, analyses include the effects of childhood behavioral disinhibition, initial behavior problems, and age 18 substance use. Analyses were based on 469 participants drawn from the Seattle Social Development Project (SSDP) sample. Results indicated that (a) environmental factors within the family of origin and the family of cohabitation are both important predictors of problem behavior at age 33; (b) family of cohabitation influences partially mediate the effects of family of origin environments; (c) considerable continuity exists between adolescent and adult general and tobacco (but not alcohol) environments; age 18 alcohol and tobacco use partially mediates these relationships; and (d) childhood behavioral disinhibition contributed to age 33 outcomes, over and above the effects of family of cohabitation mediators. Implications for preventive interventions are discussed. (Contains 2 tables and 2 figures.)

This study tested the association between parent illicit drug use disorder (DUD) in early adulthood and observed parenting practices at ages 27-28 and examined the following 3 theoretically derived models explaining this link: (a) a disrupted parent adult functioning model,(b) a preexisting parent personality factor model, and (c) a disrupted adolescent family process model. Associations between study variables and child externalizing problems also were examined. Longitudinal data linking 2 generations were drawn from the Seattle Social Development Project (SSDP) and The SSDP Intergenerational Project (TIP), and included 167 parents and their 2- to 8-year-old child. Path modeling revealed that parent DUD in early adulthood predicted later observed low-skilled parenting, which was related to child externalizing problems. The preexisting parent personality factor model was supported. Parent negative emotionality accounted for the association between parent early adult DUD and later parenting practices. Parent negative emotionality also was related directly to child externalizing behavior. Limited support for the disrupted transition to adulthood model was found. The disrupted adolescent family process model was not supported. Results suggest that problem drug use that occurs early in adulthood may affect later parenting skills, independent of subsequent parent drug use. Findings highlight the importance of parent negative emotionality in influencing his or her own problem behavior, interactions with his or her child, and his or her child's problem behavior. Prevention and treatment programs targeting young adult substance use, poor parenting practices, and child behavior problems should address parent personality factors that may contribute to these behaviors. (Contains 4 tables.)

This study investigated one potential mechanism mediating continuity and discontinuity in low-income status across generations: children's educational aspirations and expectations. Data were drawn from a community sample of 808 participants who were followed from age 10 to 30. Four trajectory groups of children's educational aspirations and expectations were identified from ages 10 to 18 (grades five through 12): "stable-high" group, "stable-low" group, "increaser" group, and "decreaser" group. Among participants from low-income families, those in the stable-high group and the increaser group were equally likely to graduate from high school. High school graduation was positively associated with level of total household income at age 30. Findings suggest that social work efforts that support the development of high educational aspirations and expectations in children might serve to reduce the intergenerational continuity of low-income status.

This study compared men's and women's pathways to adulthood by examining how role transitions in education, work, marriage, and parenthood intersect and form developmental pathways from ages 18-30. The study investigated how sociodemographic factors and adolescent experiences were associated with these pathways. We used latent class analysis to analyze longitudinal data from a gender-balanced panel of 808 contemporary young adults. We found three similar latent pathways for both genders, but men and women differed in the timing of marriage and when they began to live with children and the likelihood of combining both roles. The present study points to the continued, though differential, relevance of marriage and family in the transition to adulthood for men and women.

Using data from grandparents (G1), parents (G2), and children (G3), this study examined continuity in parental monitoring, harsh discipline, and child externalizing behavior across generations, and the contribution of parenting practices and parental drug use to intergenerational continuity in child externalizing behavior. Structural equation and path modeling of prospective, longitudinal data from 808 G2 participants, their G1 parents, and their school-age G3 children (n = 136) showed that parental monitoring and harsh discipline demonstrated continuity from G1 to G2. Externalizing behavior demonstrated continuity from G2 to G3. Continuity in parenting practices did not explain the intergenerational continuity in externalizing behavior. Rather, G2 adolescent externalizing behavior predicted their adult substance use, which was associated with G3 externalizing behavior. A small indirect effect of G1 harsh parenting on G3 was observed. Interparental abuse and sociodemographic risk were included as controls but did not explain the intergenerational transmission of externalizing behavior. Results highlight the need for preventive interventions aimed at breaking intergenerational cycles in poor parenting practices. More research is required to identify parental mechanisms influencing the continuity of externalizing behavior across generations. (Contains 4 figures, 2 tables and 1 footnote.)

This study examined patterns of between-generation continuity in substance use from generation 1 (G1) parents to generation 2 (G2) adolescents and from G2 adult substance use and G1 substance use to generation 3 (G3) problem behavior in childhood. Structural equation modeling of prospective, longitudinal data from 808 participants, their parents, and their children showed low levels of G1 to G2 cross-generational continuity in the general tendency to use drugs. This effect was fully mediated by G2 early adolescent behavior problems. Drug-specific residual effects were observed across generations for cigarette smoking. Once established in adolescence, substance use in G2 showed stability over time. G2 substance use at age 27 significantly predicted G3 problem behavior. G1 substance use also was related to G3 problem behavior indirectly. These findings highlight the importance of interrupting intergenerational cycles of substance use and problem behavior.