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Copyright of Trans/Form/Ação is the property of Trans/Form/Acao and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines a comment by Priscillian (d. c. 385) in his Liber apologeticus that certain people erroneously applied to God the unusual Latin neologism, masculofemina. He contrasts their perspective with scriptural teaching about the Holy Spirit being poured out on both men and women. This raises two questions, namely, how Priscillian's comment relates to accusations he faced of encouraging dangerous intimacy between men and women and the source of his information about their teaching. This paper argues that the central thrust of Priscillian's teaching is around the notion that the spirit of prophecy was manifested in both sexes, but that he distinguished his teaching from that of Valentinian gnostics to defend his own orthodoxy. It argues that Priscillian acquired this teaching about God as masculofemina from the translation into Latin of the Aduersus haereses of Irenaeus of Lyons (d. c. 202). The term also occurs within the writing of Marius Victorinus (c. 359–61) in defense of Catholic Christianity. Priscillian drew on Irenaeus to defend the orthodoxy of his notion that the gift of prophecy was given to both men and women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This contribution intends to examine the impact of Conciliarism (1414–1439) on the Christian vision of Islam in the Quattrocento. The analysis of the thought of bishops such as Nicholas of Cusa (d. 1464) and John of Segovia (d. 1458) is understandable only through the evolution of the Latin world with regard to Islam, moving from the Corpus Toletanum (12th century) and the impact of the Crusades in the Levant (1096–1291) and in Europe. This forwardness is rooted in the process of "Islamic Christianization," an analytical operation lasting three centuries, during which Koranic Christology was to play a primary role. It will be through this "Christ-centric" process that from the Renaissance, the Ottoman empire, the great enemy of Western Christianity, will be appreciated for some of its peculiar facets. The weakening of the concept of heresy and of Catholic ecclesiastical authoritarianism in decreeing what heresy was probably one of the "indirect" outcomes of that dialogical "Moment of Vision" between Christianity and Islam. The further fragmentation of the Church of Rome, after the failure of Conciliarism and the outgrowth of the reformed Churches in the 16th century, favored a preliminary different understanding of the religiosity of others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In the essays collected in Eretiche ed eretici medievali, La “disobbedienza” religiosa nei secoli XII-XV, a cura di Marina Benedetti (Roma, Carocci, 2023), manuscripts are studied or mentioned, observed in terms of their content and evaluated in terms of the circumstances and the people who commissioned, prepared and disseminated them. This essay, on the other hand, emphasises the materiality of the word: the paleographic and codicological characteristics of these manuscripts are analysed, also thanks to the digitised images available on the Internet, and are relevant to understanding the meanings attributed to these objects, independently of the religious and existential choices of those who held them in their hands.

In thirteenth- and fourteenth-century Italy, there are a number of examples of people that local communities perceived as holy, but who ran afoul of inquisitors. Two of the more lesser-known, but extremely polarizing local saints ― and accused heretics― were Meco del Sacco and Tomassuccio of Nocera. In both cases, the impetus for the accusations seemed to be jealousy from other members of the clerical elite. In addition, local politics played an enormous part in the championing, or defaming, of their sanctity. In both cases, the accused successfully challenged the charges of heresy. The histories of Meco del Sacco and Tomassuccio of Nocera demonstrate how accused individuals could contest inquisitorial authority, and exemplify how the thin line between sanctity and heresy could give rise to separate realities, creating a liminal space within which a single individual could co-exist.

A sophisticated epistemological approach is essential to the use of inquisitorial evidence. Historians have proposed various reading strategies based on the idea that it is possible to distinguish excess elements from inquisitorial sources that can be attributed to the deponents. This article uses examples from Languedocian inquisition records to challenge such interpretations. The construction of deposition records is framed in terms of information flow influenced by variables such as selection, interpretation, abstraction, and the reconstructive nature of human memory. Inquisitorial documents are approached as materially embedded amalgamations of abstracted information co-constructed by the deponents, the inquisitors, and the notaries. The argument is that this information originating from multiple sources became entangled and blends seamlessly in the extant documents, due to which the idea of sifting through inquisitorial evidence in search of a distinct excess or surplus is untenable as a methodological guideline. Instead, an holistic and stratified approach is proposed.

الملخص: يستكشف المقال جوانب التوثيق التاريخي، والتحليل الفني للقصة الرمزية المبكرة، والمعقدة للقديس بطرس الفيروني، والعذراء المزيفة (مادونا)، وطفلها، وهي جدارية رسمت في النصف الثاني من القرن الخامس عشر على الجدار الجنوبي لمصلي القديس بطرس الملحق بكاتدرائية سان أوستورجو في ميلانو، كما يقدم المقال دراسة أثرية فنية لبازيليكا سان أوستورجو، ومصلي القديس بطرس الفيروني، ومن خلال الفحص الفني يتبين كيف أن اللوحة الجدارية، التي تستمد تكوينها من مجموعة متنوعة من المصادر، تحمل مجموعة من المعاني المترابطة مع الفكر الديني للقديس بطرس، وتمجيد مذهبه، أو طائفته مع تأثير رعاية عائلة "سفورزا"، ومع دور الدعاة في تعزيز إيمان أخيهم الدومينيكاني البارز. وعلى وجه الخصوص، يعترف البحث بوجود علاقات قوية بين تمثيل رمزية بطرس، والرهبنة الدومينيكية في مقاومة الهرطقة، ليس فقط ما يسمى بانتصارات القديس بطرس، ولكن أيضًا النماذج الموضوعية، والتركيبية القادمة من التفاني الدومينيكي. كل ما سبق كان دافعاً للفنان "فوبا" في النصف الثاني من القرن الخامس عشر لرسم جدارية القديس بطرس، والعذراء المزيفة، وكذلك الفنان "أنطونيو" في منتصف القرن الخامس عشر أيضاً لتكرار هذا العمل الفني، ولكن بصورة، وخامة مختلفة. Abstract: The article explores aspects of historical documentation and artistic analysis of the early, complex allegory of Saint Peter of Verona, the False Virgin, and Her Child, a fresco (mural) painted in the second half of the fifteenth century on the southern side, below the Cupola of the Chapel of Saint Peter, attached to the Cathedral of Saint Eustorgio in Milan. The article also presents an artistic archaeological study of the Basilica of Saint Eustorgio and the Chapel of Saint Peter of Verona. Through artistic examination, it becomes clear how the fresco, which derives its composition from a variety of sources, carries a set of meanings interconnected with the religious thought of Saint Peter, the glorification of his doctrine, or his sect, with the influence of the patronage of the “Sforza” family, and with the role of preachers in strengthening the faith of their brotherhood. Notable Dominican. In particular, the research acknowledges the existence of strong relationships between the representation of Peter's symbolism and the Dominican Order's resistance to heresy. Not only the so-called Triumphs of Saint Peter but also thematic and compositional models coming from the Dominican devotion. All of the above was an incentive for the artist “Foppa” in the second half of the fifteenth century to paint a mural of St. Peter and the False Virgin, as well as the artist Antonio Vivarini in the middle of the fifteenth century to repeat this work of art, but with a different image and material.

Copyright of Humanities & Educational Sciences Journal is the property of Humanities & Educational Sciences Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

John Stuart Mill is considered one of the most important representatives of the classical school of political economy. His intellectual development exhibited a gradual transition toward more socialistic views. This transition was partly the result of his interaction with French utopian socialists, which led Mill to theoretically construct an economic system lying between what is now called market capitalism and revolutionary socialism. For Mill, socialism would be a new organic period after the transitory and critical period of the "stationary state." This paper delineates the core tenets of Mill's stationary state and presents it as an early anticipation of what from the 1920s on is called "market socialism." Mill's optimistic vision of the stationary state was based on the spread of associations, the socialization of knowledge among all people, competition, and the importance of individuality. These elements are connected with Mill's idiosyncratic, liberal and utilitarianist vision of (market) socialism which prepares the ground for his socialist utopia based on the ideal "from each according to his capacities; to each according to his needs." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Magazine General Union of Arab Archaeologists is the property of General Union of Arab Archaeologists and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Potestas: Estudios del Mundo Clásico e Historia del Arte is the property of Potestas Estudios del Mundo Clasico e Historia del Arte and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Bologna, 1299. The purse-makers Bompietro and Giuliano are burned at the stake as heretics by the Dominican Inquisition. A discussion about the lack of fairness of the condemnation ensues and spreads all over the city. The outrage of the Bolognese community is such that an investigation into the disorders and a mass excommunication follow. This article uses the Bolognese episode, for which a rich documentation survives in the form of inquisitorial records, as a lens through which to observe and comment on the phenomenon of the 'public sphere' (a term coined in Habermas's Strukturwandel der Öffentlichkeit) in medieval Europe. The first aim of the article is to demonstrate that it is possible to reconstruct a 'public sphere' in the specific context of the public response to the condemnation for heresy of the two purse-makers. In so doing, the article looks at the social composition and at the communication mechanisms of, and at the discussion taking place within, the Bolognese public sphere. Importantly, it proposes the idea that the Inquisition too was a public authority around which a public sphere could develop, in contrast to the focus on secular political institutions of the previous historiography. The second aim is to build on the evidence presented to demonstrate that the notion of the 'public sphere' can be an effective tool for the study of the interaction between the people and public authorities in the pre-modern world—if the critical functions rather than the structural characteristics of the phenomenon are emphasised. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Until the Enlightenment, the prevailing opinion about the Paulicians was that they were the resurrection of Manichaeism. However, with the Enlightenment, an alternative historiography to this traditional portrayal was developed in the context of criticism of the church. Edward Gibbon, one of the greatest historians England ever produced, had a seminal influence on Protestant historiography when he surprisingly allocated a separate chapter to the Paulicians in his famous history. Gibbon portrayed the Paulicians as the last witnesses of the early Christians described in Acts and therefore as victims of spiritual persecution by the Catholic and Orthodox Churches. His conclusions were based on charges attributed to the Paulicians by Byzantine historians, such as their rejection of the established Church, her clergy, and the sacraments that developed around them, as well as their more liberal attitude towards the Bible, their rejection of icons, the veneration of the cross, saints, and relics. Due to the proximity of these claims to Protestantism, Gibbon argued that the Paulicians were the forefathers of the Reformation in Europe in the sixteenth century, which caused a great uproar later and can be traced back historically, theologically, and geographically. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The twelfth century expectations about the return of King Arthur connect to a more comprehensive and ancient belief in physical immortality being possible beyond the ordinary human geography. But contrary to other immortalised figures in medieval belief, who either remained in the geographical periphery or came back only at the end of time, Arthur returning at any moment to continue his ideal rule countered the basic Christian understanding that immortality had no place in the ordinary world before the apocalypse. The emotional longing for the widely popular Arthur's apparently infinite perfect reign could also put the hope for Christ's second coming more in the shadow. The Arthurian expectations simultaneously represented a most subtle heresy as none of those holding these unorthodox beliefs considered themselves in opposition to the Church. This, along with a most adamant defence of their expectations, made the Arthur believers hard to handle without turning them into full-fledged heretics, while denouncing Arthur himself was difficult without afflicting the pious ideals he represented as a legendary Christian champion. The 1191 fabrication of Arthur's tomb could thus have been the perfect answer to a subtle heresy, as it effectively eliminated the possibility of his return without overtly criticizing anyone's beliefs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study delves into the metaphorical nature of the OHG Muspilli. Employing cognitive linguistics, the research aims to explore the deeper implications of metaphors, which are believed to be deeply ingrained in our thought processes and reasoning about the world. According to Lakoff and Johnson's theory, metaphors are more than just linguistic tools; they are integral to understanding and interacting with the world around us. Moreover, the meaning of language is not solely determined by individual words or grammar but is also shaped by the social and cultural context in which it exists. The poet and their work are intertwined in a syncretistic world where diverse cultural expressions converge. In this context, the Muspilli becomes a center for religious syncretism, where metaphors of the older belief system intersect with those of the newer one. As a place of "polyvocality," it seeks to be didactic, shedding light on the complex interplay between language, culture, and religion. Overall, this research offers a nuanced understanding of the OHG Muspilli, revealing its significance as a cultural artifact. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The important problem of the publication is expressed by two questions: what method was used by German Dominican theologians who were supporters of the Immaculate Conception? How did the change in method change the view of the Immaculate Conception? The path to solving the problem has three stages. The first of them is a reconstruction of the views on the Immaculate Conception of German Dominican theologians. The next stage examines these views in terms of the method used. The final stage is a critical look at the methods used by Dominican supporters of the Immaculate Conception. The method used in the article consists of: systematization of the views of German Dominicans, analysis of the methods used by them and a discourse on the methods of the supporters of the Immaculate Conception with the opponent of this opinion, St. Thomas Aquinas. The change of method, from the scholastic method to the liturgical method (lex orandi – lex credendi), the argument from congruity (ex convenientia), and typological exegesis, has led a few Dominican theologians to the opinion that Mary was preserved or purified from original sin, or that she was conceived without original sin. The methods used by Dominican supporters of the Immaculate Conception have weaknesses. They resemble a circumstantial trial, which provides a high degree of probability, but not proof. This weakness of the methods is exposed by the discourse of these methods with the scholastic method of St. Thomas. This discourse results in the postulate of reinterpreting the Immaculate Conception. We should return to the biblical term “sanctification” and explain that Mary was saved by a more sublime sanctification. This would prevent the immaculate conception of Jesus from being equated with the immaculate conception of Mary. Only Jesus is Immaculate because He was conceived by the Holy Spirit, and His Mother, conceived by Joachim and Anna, was saved by a more sublime sanctification.

The position of fatwa institutions in cases of blasphemy by cult groups is often seen as representing only the majority Muslims and blaming minority Muslims, as in Indonesia, or seen as a tool to suppress anti-government groups, as in Malaysia. This study aims to explain the position of the Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI) and Jawatankuasa Fatwa in handling heresy, including the reasons behind the differences in the positions and roles of the two institutions. Researchers use qualitative methods with a comparative legal approach. This study found that MUI's heretical fatwas had no legal force, the central MUI has the authority to enact heretical fatwas within MUI institutions, but not absolutely to respond to national laws, and not play a role in the criminal justice system. Meanwhile, Jawatankuasa Fatwa Kebangsaan (JFK) has the force of law with certain conditions, however, the federal state Jawatankuasa Fatwa has the authority to determine heretical fatwas to respond and strengthen state regulations (blasphemy laws). This research can be used as a reference for law enforcement in handling blasphemy cases by considering the views of MUI and Jawatankuasa Fatwa, which are regulated adequately by laws and regulations.

The purpose of this article is to present an analysis of the rewriting work that Costa Rican author Ana Lucía Fonseca does of some exemplary biblical narratives, to give voice to figures that, from her perspective, represent dissidence, heresy, exile, rebellion, and persecution. We focus on the stories "La amante de Eva" and "Caín y las semillas". For the analysis, we follow the contributions of Herrero Cecilia (2006), who understands the myth --within a rewriting work-- as a "reference intertext", which is interpreted and reformulated by a writer in a new text. Consequently, we consider, in relation to the new texts, the transformations --by inclusion or exclusion-- that are introduced in their narrative schemes (always in relation to the "intertexts of reference"), as well as the ideological line that underlies in the specific message, in each of them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study delves into the unexplored intersection of Socinianism, a religious movement challenging Christian orthodoxy in the Early Modern period, and Tacitism, a political discourse inspired by Tacitus. Both fostered critical thinking, intertwining in nuanced ways. Socinianism’s theological skepticism questioned established beliefs, while Tacitism scrutinized historical and political accounts. Their controversial nature resulted in covert existence among elite intellectuals, shaping socio-political discourse. Socinianism’s theological nonconformity, akin to Tacitism’s critique of traditional political narratives, often sparked conflicts with authorities, revealing the intricate relationship between religion and politics in the Early Modern Era and influencing the development of secular thought. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This composition's signal concern is the play of Black Studies' Beloved(s): both the interplay between such Beloved(s) and what play follows from them. By Beloved(s), this essay means not only the varied figurations present in Toni Morrison's seminal novel and the many meditations on Morrison's Beloved within the field of Black Studies, but Black Studies' own haints—how these Beloved(s) bear and shape the langues that Black Studies uses to enunciate both black study and politics. Over the decades since its initial institutionalizations within the academic marketplace, Black Studies has born many such haints in the process of excising the monstrous holdovers of its extra-academic origins and interventions seen as intrusions on Black Studies' crystallizing institutional forms. On the occasion of Hortense Spillers's recent remarks about afropessimism and celebrations of Spillers's work, including that of Spillers's psychoanalytics, this composition lingers with haints, jamming in a shared site of excision: the break between psychoanalysis and Black Studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Anales del Seminario de Historia de la Filosofía is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Verse fifty-five of the Aal-Imran Chapter indicates the purification of Jesus (peace be upon him) by God: "...and purify you of those who disbelieve." What is the meaning of this purification and what views exist in this regard? With the aim of explaining what this purification is through the method of comparative exegesis, the present paper seeks to study the view of exegetes about the purification of Jesus and present the adopted view based on Quranic evidence and some Jewish and Christian sources. By emphasizing that Jesus was not killed and crucified, the Quran shows that what is attributed to Jesus is unjust. The Jews had accused him of illegitimacy of birth, disbelief, witchcraft, and heresy, and believed that the punishment for these accusations was to be killed, and they insisted that they killed him. The Quran, in contrast, has purified him from these unjust accusations through different expressions, including by insisting on him not having been killed and crucified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the practice of punitive exhumation in the Middle Ages by religious authorities. It examines how and why this ritual emerged and speculates about its possible meaning. Additionally, it mentions the association between exhumation and annihilation, especially in cases of heresy. It also presents a modern case of exhumation in the Mohawk community of Kahnawake, Canada, where the body of a priest accused of sexual abuse was exhumed and transferred to another cemetery. The article highlights the complexity of interpreting rituals and how interest groups can give them a new meaning. [Extracted from the article]

By Royal Decree of Philip II, on January 25, 1569, the Inquisition tribunals of Lima and Mexico were created. The purpose was to protect the Catholic faith and combat heresy. Later on February 7 of the same year, the Inquisition began to operate in Chile. This paper addresses case studies of Inquisition processes in Chile, their forms of control and exercise of power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the beginning of Henry VIII's reign, the prosecution of heresy was based on three statutes of the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries. Under this system, the Church tried the crime with the assistance of secular authority. Juries presented suspects, whose cases were then transferred to the church courts for determination. In 1532, the Supplication against the Ordinaries challenged the conduct of heresy trials. It invoked common-law principles about due process and standards of proof. Two years later, a new statute modified the system, although less drastically than had been proposed. The royal supremacy and new religious policies changed the context in which heresy was prosecuted. Up until 1539, however, the church courts still determined accusations. Thereafter, in the case of specified heresies, the Act of Six Articles made lay juries responsible for determining guilt or innocence. Commissions under this act combined elements of canon law and common law. These reforms were, however, not seen to have improved the conduct of heresy trials. It proved easier to criticize the traditional method of prosecution than to devise a better one. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this essay I explain that the Christian doctrine of the Trinity was first developed as a response to Jewish claims of Christian apostasy and polytheism. At the beginning of Christianity, most of its converts were observant Jews. The Jewish authorities took steps to reclaim their lost sheep and to stem the flow of departures. Their primary intellectual ammunition in that effort was the claim that the Christians were polytheists, because they claimed to believe in two Gods–the Father and His Son, Jesus Christ. The Christians' apostasy was manifest by simple referring to the Mosaic commandment that righteous Israel should have only one God. This Jewish accusation of polytheism also neatly answered the inflammatory Christian charge that the Jews had crucified God and raised significant doubt about their claims of a special resurrection. The doctrine of the Trinity answered all those criticisms. God and Jesus Christ together were the one true God. But the nature of that oneness took some time to work out, and it is within a process of contending with pagan philosophical arguments and intra-Christian heretical positions, that a Christian doctrine of the Trinity begins to congeal. The work of Ante-Nicene Fathers—Justin Martyr, Theophilus of Antioch, Clement of Alexandria, Tertullian, Origen, Novatian, and others—whose voices we allow to be heard below—contain a trajectory of ideas that explain how the tri-unity is expressed in the momentous Creeds of Nicaea (AD 325) and Constantinople (381). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the central category of shituf in the medieval kabbalistic treatise, Ma'arekhet ha-elohut. I argue that shituf is fundamental to the metaphysics of the Ma'arekhet and demonstrate its significance to the hermeneutics, sefirotic theosophy, doctrine of emanation, and cosmology of this seminal work. This reflects its importance in the anonymous author's historical context, even as his usage betrays undeniable idiosyncratic transvaluations that distinguish it from its functions in other contemporary texts—in the halakhic writings of his milieu, in Tibonine translations of medieval philosophical texts, and in the polemical writings of his apparent teacher, Shlomo Ibn Aderet.By comparing and contrasting its meanings in these variegated literary milieus, I expose the unusual discourse of unity found in the Ma'arekhet , which betrays the author's apparent intention to shift the orientation of the key term from its dominant usage in the era. Despite the novelty with which the author deploys the term shituf , I argue that polemical and halakhic associations lurk behind it and cast his unusual approach to the question of divine unity in sharp relief.The distinctive use of shituf in the Ma'arekhet thus reflects a fraught moment in the early history of kabbalah, in which a kabbalist chose to deal with the issue of divine unity in a manner all his own. This examination thus provides a heretofore unexposed vantage point for the current reassessment of the intersectionalities of philosophy, theology, religious polemics, and kabbalah in this period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes the Christological heresies found in the Letters of St Jerome. These are Arianism, Apolinarianism, the heresies preached by the Ebionites and Nazarenes, the heresies professing Docetism and Pelagianism. In the heresies described, the Author of the Vulgate demonstrates not only doctrinal errors, but also defends the orthodoxy of the Christian faith in his writings. The article furthermore points out the important issues in Christology highlighted by the Monk of Bethlehem. It is mainly concerned with the confusion of concepts in Greek and Latin concerning the terms οὐσία and ὑπόστασις, the attempt to restore their proper meaning, the formation of the correct meaning and understanding of the term persona, the pointing out of the dangers of Pelagianism and the linking of it to earlier heresies in order to draw attention to its pernicious effects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Jacques Lacan was a notoriously difficult and idiosyncratic thinker. But is there any value in his hermetically difficult style? By highlighting certain crucial elements of his practice, I show how Lacan enlists the notion of difficulty to press home that he did not want his readers to understand directly. Instead, as Foucault and Althusser explain so well, Lacan wished for his readers and auditors to discover themselves as subjects of desire through reading him. Indeed, in miming the language of the unconscious, Lacan believed he could throw into sharp relief the notion of the unconscious itself and, paradoxically, better express himself. This temporary detour through misunderstanding indicates the programmatic value of difficulty itself. By commenting on the comedic aspect of Lacan's difficult literary dandyism, I also seek to playfully remind the reader that Lacan was a master of comedy and irony and that it is only by adopting a comparative literary approach to his work that we can appreciate how his theory of misunderstanding is at the heart of his conceptualization of madness and psychosis, allowing us to see how, for Lacan, the subject is ontologically sick. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I explore a Wittgensteinian approach to blasphemy. While philosophy of religion tends to have very little to say about blasphemy, we can note two key, typically unchallenged, assumptions about it. First, there is the Assertion from Anywhere Assumption: whether one can successfully blaspheme is entirely independent of one's religious views, commitments, or way of life. Second, there is the Act of Communication Assumption: blasphemy is essentially an act of assertion. I contend that a Wittgensteinian approach rejects both assumptions and, thus, reorients our conception of blasphemy. Take two characteristically Wittgensteinian claims. First, religious statements/beliefs have a different 'grammar' than empirical propositions. Second (and relatedly), holding religious beliefs necessarily connects with how one lives. Wittgensteinian blasphemy rejects the Assertion from Anywhere Assumption: to blaspheme, one must be in or have been in the religious framework one blasphemes. Being entirely outside of that context divests one's blasphemy from its proper content. Second, Wittgensteinian blasphemy rejects the Act of Communication Assumption: if religious belief is centrally a form of life, then blasphemy must be lived out as well. Wittgensteinian blasphemy is less about the utterances one makes and more about how one's life intersects (or fails to intersect) with religiosity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why did Origen write Peri Archon ? The standard view, often tinged with triumphant hues, envisions him as a "man of the church," embarking upon a bold research agenda while laying waste to his heterodox opponents. But I believe this picture misses the mark. It was really Origen—and not these heretics—who was in the dock. And it was those whom he regarded as his fellow Christians in Alexandria, including his bishop, who made up the prosecution. In this essay I argue that Peri Archon was Origen's response to these in-house critics, who increasingly regarded his views on select issues as heretical, or at least, less than orthodox. This essay has two parts. In the first, I examine Origen's self-portrait in the preface of Peri Archon , demonstrating how he shrewdly maneuvered his project into orthodox waters. In the second, I explain why he adopted this tactic. I spotlight five issues from his earlier writings where he challenged positions adopted by most Christians in his day, including prominent church leaders. These controversial stances surface again in Peri Archon but often in a diplomatic form and always in an orthodox frame. Peri Archon was Origen's apologia to fellow Christians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the life of Baruch Spinoza, a Jewish philosopher born in 1632 in Amsterdam. Spinoza was excommunicated by the Jewish community in 1656 for his controversial ideas and spent his days as an optical lens grinder. Despite being persecuted as an atheist, Spinoza's writings, including "The Principles of Cartesian Philosophy" and "Tractatus Theologico Politicus," had a significant impact on early Zionism. He passed away in 1677 and was buried in the Christian churchyard of Nieuwe Kerk in The Hague. [Extracted from the article]

The Renaissance humanist Cornelius Agrippa von Netesheim (1486–1533) left a rich body of works in philosophy, theology, biblical exegesis and occultism. The disparity and internal contradictions of this opus, as well as the ambivalent position of Agrippa on the intellectual map of the epoch, caused the reception of his work to branch out in the most diverse directions. Contemporaries from clerical and Protestant circles branded him as a heretic, whereas humanists recognized his great erudition and devotion to faith. While he considered himself a reformer of Christianity, his followers regarded him as an authority in Neoplatonic, Hermetic, and Esoteric studies. On the basis of tendentious interpretations of his writings, as well as the entire tradition of apocryphal stories that developed around his personality, the church and folk tradition of the 16th and 17th centuries constructed a representation of Agrippa as a servant of the devil. Therefore, he served as a model for the character of Faust, first to Christopher Marlowe and later to Goethe. With the strong development of science and its foundations being linked with occult teachings, in the 18th and 19th centuries the image of Agrippa as a proto-scientist appeared, e.g. in Mary Shelley’s novel Frankenstein. However, for the positivist science of the late 19th and early 20th centuries, Agrippa was, at best, a representative of a barren branch of Western philosophical thought, and at worst, a mere charlatan or mentally disturbed person. Such a perception prevailed until the mid-20th century, when scholars from Warburg Institute in London developed new interpretations of Renaissance humanism, including Agrippa's role in it. Today's science views Agrippa as a representative of the vital religious component of humanism and as a link between ancient, medieval and Renaissance currents of thought. At the same time, in certain segments of New Age, his writings acquire the status of the "bible" of the occultism, and Agrippa himself the status of a kind of New Age guru. Therefore, the literary legacy of Cornelius Agrippa is of significance for the history of ideas, reception studies, imagology, and anthropology of religion as an exceptionally rich case study, and in this paper, we aim to trace the intricate paths of his reception in different epochs and cultural contexts.

The study deals with the parts of the work of the Channadic bishop St. Gerard, Deliberatio supra hymnum trium puerorum, in which references to heretics and heresy appear. Gerard mentions the heresy in the broader context of their activities in church history, but he also writes about heretics of his own time, that is, the first half of the 11th century. In this thesis, I analyze Gerard’s accounts of the heretics’ myths, their teachings, and the heretics’ criticisms of the church, church doctrines, and church rites. In the historiography, the heretics of Gerard’s work are often identified with the Bogomils. I therefore compare Gerard’s data on heretics with reports on bogomils from other sources, especially from the works as Sermon against the Bogomils by Cosmas the Priest, the Interrogatio Johannis, and from several Byzantine sources – the letters of Theophylact to the Bulgarian Tsar Peter, the monk Euthymius of the Convent of the Most Venerable Mother of God in Constantinople, and the letter of Euthymius Zigabenus. In the study I devote attention to the question whether Deliberatio proves the presence of Bogomils in Hungary already in the first half of the 11th century. I further address the question of the nature of the so-called pagan uprising, i.e. the social unrest of 1046 in Hungary, the possible participation of bogomils in the uprising, and the testimonial value of Deliberatio also to these important events of Hungarian history in the first half of the 11th century.

The contribution aims to investigate the reflection of the jurist Pietro d'Ancarano between the years 1405-1409 and the passage from the idea of the via cessionis, expressed in the treaty of 1405 as the only solution to the schism, to the complete adherence to the program of the councilium generale utriusque partis of the cardinals separated from their respective popes. The case study offers the possibility of highlighting the relationship between legal production and the failure of the negotiations between the contenders to the papacy and to explore the role of Ancarano in planning phase of the council.

This paper examines a comment by Priscillian (d. c. 385) in his Liber apologeticus that certain people erroneously applied to God the unusual Latin neologism, masculofemina. He contrasts their perspective with scriptural teaching about the Holy Spirit being poured out on both men and women. This raises two questions, namely, how Priscillian’s comment relates to accusations he faced of encouraging dangerous intimacy between men and women and the source of his information about their teaching. This paper argues that the central thrust of Priscillian’s teaching is around the notion that the spirit of prophecy was manifested in both sexes, but that he distinguished his teaching from that of Valentinian gnostics to defend his own orthodoxy. It argues that Priscillian acquired this teaching about God as masculofemina from the translation into Latin of the Aduersus haereses of Irenaeus of Lyons (d. c. 202). The term also occurs within the writing of Marius Victorinus (c. 359–61) in defense of Catholic Christianity. Priscillian drew on Irenaeus to defend the orthodoxy of his notion that the gift of prophecy was given to both men and women.

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In this article, I will highlight how Dante's clear separation between heretics and schismatics is radical compared to contemporary thought and can, therefore, tell us a great deal about his conception of these two sins and about the nature of the characters condemned in Cantos X and XXVIII. In fact, the heresy of disobedience, a political weapon created ad hoc to favor the imposition of the hierocratic model, tended, in the reflection of jurists, to bring together these two sins so well-separated by Dante. The proposal of a new interpretation of these concepts that is more adherent to their historicity, with a specific and radical meaning, can open up interesting reflections on Dante's possible desire to affect this historical process. It also brings new interpretations to questions that still lack a convincing answer, such as the silence on the numerous heretical movements that had characterized the decades preceding the writing of the Commedia, the presence of Dolcino among the schismatics, and the selection of Epicurus as an exemplum of heresy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1239, the convert Nicholas Donin submitted thirty-five articles against the Talmud to Pope Gregory IX. As a result, Christendom became aware of how Jews observed an oral law that was allegedly plagued with folly, blasphemy, and heresy. This triggered the infamous trial against the Talmud and resulted in the production of several Latin translations of rabbinical texts, including the compilation of the Extractiones de Talmud (1245). The present article mainly focusses on a short text taken from the manuscript Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Vat. lat. 822 (folios 204ra–205ra), which includes a series of Talmudic passages that derive from texts which emerged from the Paris Disputation against the Talmud (1240–1245). From it, we are able to infer new information regarding the genesis of subsequent anti-Jewish works, including the Errores Iudaeorum by Thibaud de Sézanne and Passau Anonymous anti-Jewish sections. Additionally, we also provide the edition and translation of the text of the Vatican manuscript at the end of the article. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]