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The article explores the motif of "The Choice of Hercules" in George Eliot's Middlemarch, focusing on the interplay between virtue and happiness. Scholars like Valerie Wainwright, Joseph Wiesenfarth, and Lesley Gordon have noted the connection to this mythic theme in the novel. Through a close reading of Middlemarch, the essay aims to bridge the debate on the relationship between virtue and happiness in Eliot's work, emphasizing the classical ideal of eudaimonia that harmonizes moral goodness with the vitality of life. [Extracted from the article]

Considering Roman art as a cumulative process could help resolve a small iconographical problem. Cubiculum N in the burial hypogeum under the Via Dino Compagni in Rome (c. 350–75 ce) features a series of figure scenes referencing the exploits of the mythological hero Hercules. One of these scenes, presently entitled Hercules Slaying an Unknown Enemy, has no direct equivalent in extant Roman art and so has proved difficult to identify. This article suggests that Hercules' battle with Cacus is most likely the incident referred to here. This is because Antonine medallions and coins, and third-century Roman sarcophagi, use imagery associated with the Cacus story that collectively could have contributed to the design of the Unknown Enemy panel. Further, identifying the defeated enemy as Cacus fits in with, and indeed helps to clarify, programmatic themes and associations already established in the other figure scenes in this funerary chamber. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent work on Statius's Silvae has emphasized the poet's efforts to create "intimacy" with his private patrons through espousing a value system based on friendship, connoisseurship, and shared literary interests, a system opposed to the public values of political ambition and the blunt glorification of military power in imperial expansion. This essay, however, argues that we have yet to comprehend the extent to which the dynamics of empire itself inform the creation of such intimacy in the Silvae. Specifically, what Sara Ahmed has described as empire's "queering" effect on the subject's relation to objects of desire has a formative role in Statian intimacy. I focus on one of the Silvae that has been central to the formation of the current view of Statius outlined above: Silvae 4.6, on a Hercules statuette owned by Novius Vindex but previously the possession of three empire-builders, Alexander, Hannibal, and Sulla. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent work on Statius's Silvae has emphasized the poet's efforts to create "intimacy" with his private patrons through espousing a value system based on friendship, connoisseurship, and shared literary interests, a system opposed to the public values of political ambition and the blunt glorification of military power in imperial expansion. This essay, however, argues that we have yet to comprehend the extent to which the dynamics of empire itself inform the creation of such intimacy in the Silvae. Specifically, what Sara Ahmed has described as empire's "queering" effect on the subject's relation to objects of desire has a formative role in Statian intimacy. I focus on one of the Silvae that has been central to the formation of the current view of Statius outlined above: Silvae 4.6, on a Hercules statuette owned by Novius Vindex but previously the possession of three empire-builders, Alexander, Hannibal, and Sulla. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction. The history of the Dodon Oracle has always attracted the attention of foreign researchers. It is reasoned with the inaccessibility of the sanctuary for pilgrims, its antiquity and mystery, as well as the bizarre landscape of the area attracted the attention of both ancient authors and modern researchers to it. The country of Epirus itself, where the sanctuary was located, was the most remote point where the Greek world came into contact with the world of barbarians.Materials and Methods. The study is based both on narrative sources, which are presented by ancient authors, and on monuments of material culture, which are terracotta and votive tablets. Their comparison and comprehensive study allows us to reach the necessary conclusions.Analysis. The main deity of the Dodona sanctuary, one of the oldest in Ancient Greece and the oracle that existed with it, was the supreme god of the Greeks Zeus, which is confirmed by various sources. However, already in the time of Homer, the goddess Dione became Zeus’s mate, who can be recognized as the second most important deity not only in Dodona, but also throughout Epirus. Evidence of this is the presence of a temple located on the sacred territory, as well as numerous votive tablets mentioning the name of the goddess. Confirming the presence of cults of other gods on the territory of Dodona is very problematic due to the extreme scarcity of sources. On the territory of the sacred territory, temenos, figurines and other images of Hercules, Aphrodite, Apollo and Themis were discovered. The most likely is the presence of the cult of Aphrodite, who, according to mythology, was not only the daughter of Dione, but also shared the same temple with her. The presence of the cult of Apollo could be explained by the connection of the deity with prophetic activity in general, and the appearance of the cult of Hercules in the sanctuary could be associated with the creation of the heroic genealogy of the Molossian ruling dynasty.Results. The emergence of new cults in Dodona was associated with an increase in the authority of the sanctuary, which over time acquired first regional and then interregional significance. Another reason for the emergence of new cults in the sanctuary could be the increase in the number of pilgrims in this difficult-to-visit region.

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Um elemento pétreo decorado com um baixo-relevo, identificado na Citânia de Briteiros no século XVIII, é o tema central deste estudo. O facto de representar duas figuras humanas conferiu-lhe algum destaque, divergindo a interpretação do baixo-relevo entre os que consideram a sua temática sexual, ou a representação de uma cena de combate ou de trabalho. De forma menos evidente, também a atribuição cronológica deste achado descontextualizado é controversa, entre a sua inclusão na escultura romana, ou entre os cânones artísticos da Idade do Ferro local. Uma observação mais detalhada da peça e a procura de paralelos iconográficos, motivou a interpretação que apresentamos e que está parcialmente em linha com algumas propostas anteriores que a atribuem genericamente ao período romano. Contudo, propomos a interpretação hercúlea da cena representada, analisando o possível contexto subjacente ao recurso a esta iconografia clássica.

Hercules Oetaeus (Hercules on Oeta) is one of the tragedies written by Seneca, which main subject is the death and the apotheosis of the great hero Hercules. The prologue of the senecan tragedy is composed by 103 stanzas through which Hercules, speakingin first person, tries to persuade Zeus, his father and the father of all gods, to provide him the power of immortality. Our article aims to present the pleadings of the hero on the prologue of the tragedy Hercules Oetaeus, along with the translation and comments about the stanzas in which the hero lists the glorious achievements conducted by himself. We understand that the role of Hercules serves as na example through which the principles of the stoic-senecan teachings can be demonstrated and, especially, disseminated. As a main text, we will use the edition signed by Fitch (2004); and, to assist us with the simbolism of the myths, we will use the researches done by Brandão (2010; 2012); and the philosophical books written by Seneca will be used as a guideline to our observations.

This article argues that Virgil includes an allusion to the fourth-century censor Appius Claudius Caecus in Book 8 of the Aeneid. Three pieces of evidence point to this allusion: (1) wordplay, especially the near echo of 'Caecus' in 'Cacus'; (2) semantic associations between Cacus and darkness; and (3) repeated references to sight and Cacus' eyes. By invoking the memory of Appius, whose blinding in 312 b.c.e. allegedly came at the hands of Hercules as punishment for transferring control of the god's rites at the Ara Maxima to the state, Virgil underscores the importance of properly observing religious rituals. This aligns with Evander's original intent with the Hercules–Cacus story to prove to Aeneas and the Trojans that the Arcadians' religious practices are no uana superstitio (8.187). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Virgil’s Aeneid contains three depictions of ruins : the walls of Troy in book 2, Cacus’ cave and the citadels of Saturnus and Janus in book 8. This article proposes to read these three passages as a coherent thematical series structured by effects of intratextual correspondencies. It brings into light a cyclical vision of History according to which the destruction of buildings linked to the memory of past ages prepares the advent of Romulean Rome and Augustan Peace. The reader’s eye is prompted to go past the melancholy inspired by visions of ruins to acknowledge a process of destruction/reconstruction according to a kind of necessity both historical and moral.

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Colossians contains plausible allusions to Hercules. While there are additional parallels in the letter from Jewish literature and other Greco-Roman stories, few come as close to Hercules with respect to the composite picture of Christ as the heavenly Son of God, who conquered the powers of darkness, marched in a triumphal procession, reconciled his enemies, brought peace to the world and hope to his followers. Moreover, the unparalleled popularity of Hercules in the ancient world makes it likely that some viewed Hercules's legend as a lens and point of comparison with Christ's death. Further, the Hercules myth was specifically used to propagate Rome's preeminence over the nations. In this article, I survey the associations made between Jesus and Hercules in the early church and in recent scholarship. Next, I summarize Hercules Furens and Hercules on Oeta to set up a comparison with comments about Christ in Colossians before discussing possible ramifications of considering the myth in the background of the letter and making final conclusions. I argue that, due to the widespread infatuation with Hercules in the first century, the Colossian believers would likely have recognized any comment about Christ that resembled something in Hercules's story. Furthermore, because of the role the legend played in Roman ideology, an inclusion of plausible allusions to the hero in the background of Colossians reinforces an imperial-critical reading of the letter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article compares the aspects of sacral and divine kingship in the Seleucid Empire and Western Han dynasty. It explores the divine origin of rulers, their role as chief priests, their divinity, and the authority derived from the gods. The article provides a cultural comparison between ancient China and ancient Hellenistic states, discussing the deification of rulers in both empires. It also includes a list of various books and articles related to the topic, offering a comprehensive collection of resources for further research. [Extracted from the article]

One of the most famous scenes of gambling, alea, from Roman antiquity is found in archaic Latin theater, notably in a passage from Plautus’ Curculio (“The Weevil”) in which the eponymous character of the comedy, a parasite, invokes the god Hercules before throwing knucklebones in a betting game. Several commentators of the passage had interpreted the invocation to Hercules as the expression of the parasite’s wish to succeed in obtaining the throw of the god Hercules, which would have been of sufficient value to enable him to win against his opponent, a Phrygian soldier. This interpretation is no longer accepted today and it is preferred to consider that such an invocation plays rather with the comic cliché of Hercules represented as a glutton god and that the parasite Curculio invokes the god as the protector of parasites in search of survival. On the basis of a new analysis involving written sources, iconography and the topography of the city of Rome, this article proposes to interpret the scene according to a third scenario linking the invocation to Hercules to a request for intercession for good fortune.

This article analyses the argumentative function of the Greek divine hero Hercules in Pandolfo Collenuccio's Philotimo (1497), a satiric dialogue making criticism about honor and nobility at court society, and Gutierre de Cetina's Spanish translation (1538-1554). The aim is to compare the reasons why the divine hero is able to solve as a judge the dispute taking place between an ignorant head and her cap: both in the original and in the translation, the authority given to Hercules derives from the virtue and effort characterizing the Greek hero; at the same time, whilst in the original text this authority is also due to Collenuccio's intention of honoring his patron, Ercole I d'Este, by means of a rhetorical play based on homonym; in the translation any laudatory function is omitted instead, thus displaying just the moral ideas of the dialogue and its universal message. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper concerns Hercules as the mythical founder of Perinthus in the legend told by Ammianus. His image appears on the obverse of pseudo-autonomous coinage popular since but not before the mid-1st century AD, and he was announced as ΚΤΙΣΤΗΣ [the builder] in the time of the Severan dynasty. Thus, the legend proved to be from Roman times, probably after the town had been proclaimed the provincial capital of Thracia as a convincing way to propagate its old history. Hercules was a well-known colonizer on the Thracian littoral, and his appearance on Perinthian coins seems plausible. Another head of a young hero, maybe the eponymous Perinthus himself, was presented on the reverse of provincial coinage in the time of Antoninus Pius, as well as on the obverse of pseudo-autonomous coins from the time of the Severan dynasty at the end of the 2nd and beginning of the 3rd century, while Hercules and Perintos were presented in full height on the reverse of a medallion of Alexander Severus. As such, the time of Severi appears to be the probable date for the common legend of the two heroes. Later on, the town was renamed Heraclea, probably in 286 AD in accordance with the administrative reforms of Diocletian. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1997, during a surface prospection, a fragment of a Roman bronze statuette was found at a Germanic settlement from the 2nd to 4th century in Veľký Meder (southwestern Slovakia). It is probably a figure of Hercules, who is leaning on a club with his right hand. In recent years, there have been discoveries of bronze and lead Roman statuettes from the Germanic sites in western Slovakia. A discussion was therefore opened about the penetration of Roman ideas into the spiritual world of the Germanic people. However, the statuette of Mercury placed in a Germanic urn grave at the burial site in Ivanka pri Dunaji represents a non-Roman act. It testifies to the distinctive approach and, non-Roman perception" of the Roman artefact. In the Roman world, bronze statuettes were rarely placed in graves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

En el presente artículo, buscaremos visibilizar escenarios bélicos propios del conflicto de Malvinas, en el cual el involucramiento de un avión de transporte logístico Hércules argentino fue modificado como bombardero y con el cual se realizó el ataque a un supertanquero también denominado Hércules. Producido el ataque, el navío tendría como destino Brasil, para una pronta intervención ante la amenaza que significaba las bombas en su interior con el cargamento que transportaba. Es allí donde, sobre zonas adyacentes al mar territorial brasilero, el buque petrolero encontró su tumba.

In this paper I articulate the following hypothesis: an occasional poem may have some masonic relevance, how little soever this reference may be expressed openly. What are the markers which may allow this to be tested? In this respect my case study invokes a masonic constitution called Draskovich observance which was elaborated in 1775 and was amended in 1777. With this obser- vance a masonic province called Liberty (Libertas) was established under the protection of the Holy Crown of the Kingdom of Hungary, aiming to connect Croatian and Hungarian lodges into a Grand Lodge independent from the Austrian and German Grand Lodges, thus implementing a separate system on its own. In terms of politics this system was attached to the Austrian Grand Lodge in 1781, however, the accession procedure was drawn-out until 1784. Under such circumstances – and in the light of latter changes exerted in the case of a 1789 issuance of the poem by Karl Joseph Michaeler who was a mason indeed – it is telling that István Agyich (or regarding his Croatian origin, Stjepan Hadžić, 1730–1789) wrote a salutary poem to Count Ferenc Balassa in 1785 when the Count was appointed to Ban of Croatia, Dalmatia, and Slavonia. On the other hand, in the same year Count Balassa was also appointed to the commissioner of the Zagreb District (one out of the ten newly established administrative unite by Joseph II) which consisted of such counties where masonic activity was current at the time: Zagreb, Kőrös (Križevci), Pozsega (Požega), Szeverin (Severin), Varasd (Varaždin), and Zala Counites. Lodges in these counties were included in the Grand Lodge of Liberty. And Agyich’s poem does not miss to reflect some crucial facts concerned here. This is clear in a single reference to Zala, a Hungarian county, which was attached to Zagreb district later, which further alludes to a historical-political unity of the two countries, Croatia, and Hungary, in a symbolic way under the auspices of the Holy Crown, which altogether is embodied by the gover- nance of the newly appointed Count Balassa. As Count Balassa wrote a treatise on the Holy Crown in his formative years at the Theresianum in Vienna, and later he was a keeper of the relic, these facts exposed in the poem may gain some ambiguous meaning as well. Beyond that, the career of Count Balassa is displayed by a narrative based on a catalogue of virtues. Although, these virtues are not specified only described in the poem, at this point one can observe a certain resemblance to the text of the Draskovich observance in which a copiously detailed catalogue of virtues can be found as well. However, the most striking parallel between the poem and the masonic thought is Hercules since Count Ferenc Balassa is represented as Hercules many times in the text, and the antique hero is a key figure for the masonic constitution too. Along these details and by detecting such allusive tactics as above (typical for masonic thought), I provide an interpretation of the poem in favour of freemasonry. However, I must specify that I was unable to tell whether Agyich and Balassa had been masons themselves or not. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Jacopo Sansovino, born Jacopo Tatti known as Sansovino (Florence, July 2, 1486 – Venice, November 27, 1570), was a Tuscan architect and sculptor active for a long time in several locations, where he has always been worthy of positions of great responsibility. On this occasion I will focus on the commission for the statue of Hercules requested from him in 1550 by Duke Ercole II d’Este through his ambassador to Venice, Girolamo Faruffini. The giant in Istrian stone will reach Brescello, the «nova Cittade Erculea», its definitive seat, in 1553. So far, the model for the head of Hercules is unpublished, and in a private collection, on this occasion he presents and confronts himself with the sculpture created.

Introduction. In ancient mythology, the image of Hercules is one of the most popular, and his heroic cult is one of the most common. Having emerged from the “conglomerate of folk tales”, the image of Hercules was actively assimilated by the Greek and then Roman literary tradition. Hercules was a very popular hero among Greek tragic and especially comic poets. In Roman times, the final systematization of the image took place. The key role in this process was played by the works of Apollodorus “The Mythological Library” (2nd century BC), “Pictures” by Philostratus the Younger (2nd century BC) and “Description of Hellas” by Pausanias (2nd century BC). Within the framework of the classical tradition, the image of Hercules in Roman times was finally formed and unambiguous. Hercules is a hero, a demigod, the son of Zeus and Alcmene, who possessed amazing strength, who killed his children (and the children of his brother Iphicles) in an act of madness. He performed 12 labours at the request of Eurystheus. Hercules lived with the Lydian queen Omphale dressing in a woman’s dress. He was poisoned by his wife Deianira, burned at the stake on Mount Eta and ascended to Olympus, where he became the spouse of Hebe. Methods. The hermeneutic methodology, which ensured the correct understanding and interpretation of the text of the Suda dictionary and the ancient texts, on which this “antique” dictionary was based, is used in the article. The toolkit of the hermeneutic circle (pre-understanding and understanding of the text, interpretation of the whole based on knowledge of its parts) made it possible to highlight key elements (plots, signs and symbols) of the philosophical image of Hercules in the entries of the dictionary. Results. We can see a kind of “muscular Christianity”, when the strength of the body still corresponds to moral perfection and the withdrawal from the world does not contradict the active entry into the still polis institutions of urban life in Byzantine cities, among which the most important was the hippodrome and sports competitions. Christian authors actively used traditional sports metaphors and images of wrestling, but filled them with new Christian content. In the dictionary of the Suda, there is a kind of replacement of images that embody the samples of virtue. Hercules always loses to Job. It is indicative that the Christian rhetoric, relying on the philosophical symbolism of the apotheosis of Hercules, using the “sports” terminology of struggle, ignores the developed philosophical symbolism of Hercules, and fights against the mythological “fables” about Hercules. Using cynical and stoic terminology, Christian rhetoric opposes the comedic and dramatic image of Hercules, as Herodore of Heracles did in the 5th century BC. That is, the enemy is borrowed from Christian rhetoric along with philosophical symbols and terminology describing a difficult life full of trials as a virtue.

The goal to be achieved in the first instance is to make some reflections on the mythological models judge, brought by François Ost in your text Jupiter, Hercules y Hermes: three models juez, and their levels of discretion in their decisions. For this, each judge model will be contextualized and compared with its theory of law to which Ost bind them. As a result, will be sought-delineate these theories, the existence of advances in the control of discretion in the interpretation of the law, making it a comparative form between each mythological character, using the deductive research method for this.

The Hercules and Cacus episode in Book VIII highlights the problematic nature of Aeneas’ exploits throughout the Aeneid. Through the violence of Hercules, Vergil makes the reader question whether a story like the founding of Rome and its eventual imperial expansion can be as cut and dry as the story of a rugged hero slaughtering someone whose name literally means “evil one” might superficially seem. Calling into question Aeneas’ morality and his justification for settling in Italy in turn casts doubt on Augustus’ own means of attaining power.The Hercules and Cacus episode is fundamental to our understanding of the Aeneid as a whole inasmuch as it brings up the question of right. The question of the rightful owner of Geryon’s cattle finds its parallel in Aeneas and Turnus’ dispute over betrothal to Lavinia, as well as in Augustus’ contested claim to rule Rome. The Italy of Hercules’ day, in which violence determines right, must be compared with the universal empire Augustus will eventually establish. This paper explores to what extent the Hercules and Cacus episode can influence our understanding of Aeneas and Augustus and how Vergil might be reacting to the political climate of his day through his poetry.N.B. I give citations in Latin throughout the paper, with my own English translations in the footnotes.

This essay explores a Roman triumphal monument put up at the heart of Rome by the triumphator Lucullus in the 1st c. BCE, and its Imperial afterlife after the fall of the Republic. We know this monument, a Greek statue of Hercules dying in torment from the poisoned robe sent him by his consort,  from a description in Pliny's Natural History; strong themes of the discussion are how Pliny interprets works of art and history, and addresses the physical city of Rome. The monument had to be put up again twice, by Lucullus' son with the Roman Senate, then by a magistrate, and each of those phases had their own meanings; the inscriptions described in Pliny afford a chance to explore relations between text and image. Accounting for the varied and even contradictory sorts of appeal made by this display of pain, for this particular hero, is key to any full exploration of how Lucullus' Hercules could be an exemplary Roman monument, and one which could stand in Pliny's day for the age of the Republic itself.

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In the night battle of Cyzicus, reminiscent of the Dolonia, Hercules kills his opponent Phlegyas, who is carrying a torch, shooting an arrow at him (Val. Fl. 3.133-137). This paper argues that in his Hercules and Phlegyas episode Valerius Flaccus is alluding to an Homeric scholion (ad Il. 10.260), in which the usefulness of bow and arrows at night is stressed. Statius will later allude not only to Homer and the Homeric scholia, as has been shown by S. Casali, but also to Valerius Flaccus, making Agylleus, Hercules' unworthy son, assume that in night raids archery would be useless (Stat. Theb. 10.260-261). Moreover, an old conjecture by N. Heinsius at Val. Fl. 3.134 (flectere for pectore) is reconsidered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Este trabajo supone una aproximación a los cultos rurales de uno de los conventos de la provincia Tarraconensis. Partiendo de una concepción del paisaje sagrado como algo “encantado” y dotado de agencia y en transformación continua, se analizan los diversos tipos de lugares en los que se optimiza la relación con el mundo sobrenatural: espacios naturales (santuarios rupestres, cuevas y bosques sacros, espacios acuáticos) y otros cuyo carácter viene determinado por la epigrafía votiva. Finalmente, se consideran los posibles santuarios relacionados con los tránsitos en relación con la trashumancia y las actividades ganaderas, así como los agentes atestiguados epigráficamente, pertenecientes sobre todo al ámbito privado.

The research of this study is dedicated to a unique iconographical scene in the territory of the Central Balkan Roman provinces, of Hercules rescuing Hesione from a sea-monster (ketos), depicted on a funerary monument found in 1931 at the site of Stojnik, in the vicinity of Belgrade, antique Singidunum, and now displayed in the lapidarium of the National Museum in Belgrade. The funerary monument was erected for the deceased, a veteran of cohors II Aurelia nova, Publius Aelius Victorinus, by his wife Aurelia Rufina and their son Publius Aelius Acutianus. The rich iconography of the monument makes it a very important example of funerary art in the period from the end of the 2nd and the beginning of the 3rd century - the eschatological symbolism of the presented scenes and motifs is more than clear and underlines not only the hope of the deceased’s family for his eternal and blessed life after death, but also the deceased’s victory over death and presents him as a symbol of courage and virtue. The architectural scheme of the monument, along with its iconography, suggests strong artistic influences from Noricum and both the Pannonian provinces, while the the mythical tale of Hercules and Hesione was chosen, it is argued, not only because Hercules was one of the most favoured gods in the Roman army, but also because he was a protector of miners and mines.

The article aims to explore the connections between the fifteenth book of Ovid’s Metamorphoses and the Bellum civile sung by Eumolpus in Petronius’ Satyricon. Not only structural and thematic analogies, but also the recurrence of key-figures such as Hercules and Caesar support the thesis of a very close link between the two texts. Eventually, it will be shown that Ovid’s Metamorphoses represent for Petronius both an important model and «anti-model» in the construction of an epic poem which only apparently takes side against Lucan’s Pharsalia.

In opposition to some trends of historiography, that describe the painting of this period as pleasant and ornamental, we try to show how this work represent otherwise the image of the power that Louis XV and his principal ministry Fleury had. They try, through this work, to reinforce the principles of French monarchy. In this politically convulsed environment, where the Jansenist, the parliaments and some parts of nobility were questioning the traditional basis of sovereignty, Lemoyne proposed, through allegory and centered in the figure of Hercules –a frequent iconography element in the European courts–, and also, with the close collaboration of the duke d’Antin and Fleury, the Apotheosis of the French monarchy. The objective is to establish the intentionality of this work through this historical context and compare the changes between the first project of 1730 and the final project.

The release of Conan the Barbarian (1982) played a crucial role in the emergence of the sword and sorcery film, a subgenre of fantasy cinema featuring muscular heroes in violent conflict with wizards and other supernatural creatures. Italian genre filmmakers attempted to capitalize on the international popularity of sword and sorcery by quickly producing a number of low-budget films, which emulated the stylistic and narrative features of Conan. Over a period of six years, between 1982 and 1987, the Italian film industry produced almost two dozen sword and sorcery films, which achieved mixed results at the box office. Although recently an increasing number of international film scholars have focused on the critical examination of Italian genre cinema, to date, little attention has been devoted to the study of Italian sword and sorcery. By examining the aesthetic features of four Italian sword and sorcery films (Gunan il guerriero [1982], Ator l'invincibile [1982], Hercules [1983] and The Barbarians [1987]), as well as their modes of production and distribution, this article proposes the first comprehensive critical examination of this filone. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The satires against Philip III and his ministers were a fundamental part of the Count of Villamediana's poetry, especially in the last years of his reign. His audacity knew no bounds. In one of his mythological sonnets, he will use the myth of Hercules and Omphale to accuse Philip III of being a slave without the will to rule, a true capitis deminutio that put on doubt his role like king, Christian and man. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hercules has been, without a doubt, one of the most revered mythological figures in the Greco- Roman world since the emergence of accounts of his exploits. Courage, bravery, and physical strength were some of the virtues associated with the hero, a reason which explains the adoption of his attributes in the official representations of emperors of the High Imperial era, such as Commodus, and the Low Imperial era, such as Maximian. The appeal radiated by the figure of Hercules also reached many Roman aristocrats, who held important public positions and spent their leisure time in retreat at their luxurious villae and domus. Evidence of this can be seen in the dissemination throughout the empire of mosaics with mythological representations of the hero. In this work, we will review the mosaic representations of Hercules documented to date in the villae and domus spaces across the empire, to later focus on the Hispania case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuadernos de Filología Clásica: Estudios Griegos e Indoeuropeos is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Rónai - Revista de Estudos Classicos e Tradutorios is the property of Ronai - Revista de Estudos Classicos e Tradutorios and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Scenario‐based earthquake simulations at regional scales hold the promise in advancing the state‐of‐the‐art in seismic risk assessment studies. In this study, a computational workflow is presented that combines (i) a broadband Green's function‐based fault‐rupture and ground motion simulation—herein carried out using the "UCSB (University of California at Santa Barbara) method", (ii) a three‐dimensional physics‐based regional‐scale wave propagation simulation that is resolved at fmax=11.2 Hz, and (iii) a local soil‐foundation‐structure finite element analysis model. These models are interfaced with each other using the domain reduction method. The innermost local model—implemented in ABAQUS—is additionally enveloped with perfectly matched layer boundaries that absorb outbound waves scattered by the structures contained within it. The intermediate wave propagation simulation is carried out using Hercules, which is an explicit time‐stepping finite element code that is developed and licensed by the CMU‐QUAKE group. The devised workflow is applied to a 80×40×40 km3 region on the European side of Istanbul, which was modeled using detailed soil stratigraphy data and realistic fault rupture properties, which are available from prior microzonation surveys and earthquake scenario studies. The innermost local model comprises a chevron‐braced steel frame building supported by a shallow foundation slab, which, in turn, rests atop a three‐dimensional soil domain. To demonstrate the utility of the workflow, results obtained using various simplified soil‐structure interaction analysis techniques are compared with those from the detailed direct model. While the aforementioned demonstration has a limited scope, the devised workflow can be used in a multitude of ways, for example, to examine the effects of shallow‐layer soil nonlinearities and surface topography, to devise site‐ and structure‐specific seismic fragilities, and for calibrating regional loss models, to name a few. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Historical & Cultural Studies an Academic Magazine is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article is devoted to the study of the precedent name as a linguistic and cultural phenomenon, which forms a new fragment of the political picture of the world. A comprehensive analysis of the precedent name of Hercules in the Russian-language political media is conducted in the work. To identify the communicative and pragmatic potential of the political text, the thematic, semantic and semantic-grammatical classifications of stable constructions with the Hercules core component in the Russian-language media discourse are proposed. Knowledge of precedent names contributes to effective cross-cultural communication.