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Although heterosexual relationships have been evolving since the dawn of humanity, there continues to be a considerable amount of inequality, toxicity, and dissatisfaction within heterosexual couplings. This paper explores the ways in which socially prescribed gender roles and toxic masculinity contribute to behaviours which lead to toxicity and unhappiness in heterosexual relationships. The behaviours that this paper will discuss include coercive control as well as physical and sexual violence, all of which are behaviours that according to current literature, are shockingly common in heterosexual relationships. Moreover, the present paper will investigate previous literature in order to explore these concepts in depth through theoretical concepts as well as previous qualitative and quantitative studies done on heterosexual relationship satisfaction. This particular research paper aims to identify and define the concepts of socially prescribed gender roles and toxic masculinity, before applying these concepts to the previously mentioned relationship behaviours in order to determine just how these social concepts contribute to or cause these behaviours in heterosexual couplings.

This paper presents findings from a study into the value of lecture captures for online postgraduate courses. There has been little scrutiny of the role of on-campus lecture capture in online courses. We addressed this gap by exploring online distance learning students’ perceptions of lecture captures through the lens of the community of inquiry framework. We found that students were enthusiastic about campus lecture captures due to their naturalistic lecturing style and the opportunity to learn vicariously. However, students also expressed preferences for video material that was produced specifically for online audiences. Overall, we found that lecture captures do not contribute to the creation of a community of inquiry as there is no substantial increase in cognitive, social, or teaching presence for online students. We suggest greater consideration of the role of vicarious learning in online education and the tendency to perceive campus-based education as more authentic.

Tanzania has been a slow and cautious adopter of Basel standards, although a faster pace of adoption emerged after 2009. From 1991 to 2008 Tanzania liberalized its financial sector, but a gap emerged between the commitment to adopting Basel standards and the actual pattern of implementation and enforcement. It was only from 2009 onwards that Basel implementation was prioritized as Tanzania moved to regulator- and market-driven convergence. Regulator preferences reflected the appointment of a new governor at the Bank of Tanzania and the influence of regional commitments to regulatory harmonization. Over the same period, politicians’ commitment to deep liberalization faltered and demands for policy-based lending returned. This led to a selective implementation of Basel II and III and higher levels of enforcement. Domestic and foreign banks initially showed little interest in implementation but their preferences have shifted because of pressures from parent banks and anti-money laundering concerns. The central bank adopted a selective approach to Basel and introduced tailored regulation for development banks.

The political settlements approach emerged out of a critique of new institutional economics developed by Mushtaq Khan in the 1990s. Since then, the political settlements approach has proliferated in donor programming and academic scholarship on African countries. This has led to some confusion about its core conceptual and methodological features. This Research Note starts by setting out our understanding of political settlements and provides an overview of existing political settlements literature on African countries. The note then explores how the key concept of ‘holding power’ has been employed in varied ways in the political settlements literature, which in turn has led to various methodologies to study power. The note discusses a number of these methodologies, including studying political ruptures as a window into analyzing the distribution of power in African countries, and emphasizes the importance of studying economic structure, ideology, violence rights and rents as sources of holding power. The overall contribution of the note is to illustrate the varied strategies used in studying political settlements and to place them in conversation with one another.

Research using variants of political settlement analysis have gained prominence in scholarship on Africa. Political settlement research provides an analytical lens that takes the researcher beyond a narrow focus on formal institutions to examine how distributions of power among groups affect the way that institutions work. A political settlement can be defined as a combination of power and institutions that is mutually compatible and also sustainable in terms of economic and political viability. The main theoretical building blocks of the framework are institutions, power, and rents. Despite its burgeoning influence as an analytical approach, existing literature contains considerable differences in the core concepts and causal mechanisms described as constituting a political settlement framework. There are key differences within the literature between research that conceptualizes political settlement as action and political settlement conceptualized as process. In understanding political settlement as process, a political settlement is conceptualized as a stable political order that has not necessarily been planned or consciously willed by different social groups. The outcomes intended from the adoption of any particular set of institutions cannot be taken for granted. Groups that may appear powerful in terms of their formal political and economic positions in society may not be able to actually enforce compliance with formal and informal institutions they desire, leading to a much more complex relationship between institutions and paths of political and economic change. Approaches that understand political settlement as action emphasize the role of agreements made by powerful groups or elites. Forging a viable and inclusive political settlement is treated as a desirable policy outcome where institutions that generate inclusion, stop war, or reduce violent conflict can be purposefully established and enforced by elites. The two versions of the framework have been deployed to explore a range of different phenomena including economic change and industrialization, corruption, social policy, conflict, and state-building in a number of African countries. A key insight of the political settlement framework is that it provides many new insights into the variation between political economies on the continent. However, it is crucial that those seeking either to deploy or to critique the framework recognize the diverse way in which concepts and underlying causal processes have been defined. Such tensions within the framework can be important for driving research and thinking forward.

Academics in high-income countries are increasingly launching development studies programmes through online distance learning to engage practitioner-students in low-income countries. Are such initiatives providing opportunities to critically tackle social injustice, or merely ‘mirroring’ relations of global inequality and re-entrenching imperial practices? Building on recent scholarship addressing efforts to ‘decolonise development studies’ and the complex power dynamics they encounter, we reflect on this question by analysing experiences of faculty and students in a United Kingdom-based online development studies programme, focusing particularly on perspectives of development practitioner-students working from Africa. We discuss barriers to social inclusivity – including the politics of language – that shaped participation dynamics in the programme as well as debates regarding critical development course content, rethinking possibilities for bridging counter-hegemonic development scholarship with...

In December 2015, an outbreak of pertussis was detected among staff working in the Maternity Unit of a district general hospital in Hampshire. This occurred in the background of increased pertussis activity in the community. The outbreak occurred over the Christmas holiday period causing staff shortages at a time when the departments were already overstretched. The high prevalence of upper respiratory tract infections at the time were difficult to distinguish from pertussis. This paper describes the outbreak, infection control measures implemented and the learning points.

This chapter evaluates new institutional economic theory and its approach to explaining economic transformation and political order. It explains the key assumptions of the ‘old’ New Institutional Economics, associated with the work of Douglass North prior to 2009. It then sets out the more recent developments within New Institutional Economics that engages more explicitly with power, in the work of Acemoglu, Robinson and North et al. The chapter evaluates the extent to which these theories can help explain Tanzania and Vietnam’s experiences of political reform and economic change over the era of high growth. The chapter argues that while the ‘new’-New Institutional Economics of development correctly identifies the importance of power in explaining economic transformation, these theories remained tied to a number of restrictive neoclassical assumptions that limits the extent to which they can illuminate processes of contemporary economic change.

This chapter contrasts the way that the political settlement in both countries shaped the pattern of redistribution, reform, and corruption within public finance and the implications that this had for economic transformation. Differences in the impact of corruption on economic transformation can be explained by the way that their political settlements generated distinct patterns of competition and collaboration between economic and political actors. In Vietnam corrupt activities led to investments that were frequently not productive; however, the greater financial discipline imposed by lower-level organizations led to a higher degree of investment overall in Vietnam that supported a more rapid economic transformation under liberalization than in Tanzania. Individuals or small factional networks within the VCP at the local level were, therefore, probably less able to engage in forms of corruption that simply led to capital flight as happened in Tanzania, where local level organizations were significantly weaker.

This chapter explores the role of the political settlement in shaping outcomes of land investments by analysing struggles in key sectors of the economy. Land reform during the socialist period had far-reaching implications for the political settlement. Reforms to land rights under liberalization involved strengthening land markets; however, the state continued to play a significant role. Corruption within formal land management systems became prevalent during the period of high growth. Vietnam experienced a rapid growth in export agriculture but, in contrast with stable property rights for smallholders, Tanzania’s efforts to encourage large land investments were less successful. Industrialization in both countries generated new forms of land struggles that were influenced by the different distributions of power between the state, existing landowners, and investors.

This chapter sets out the comparative evolution of the political settlement in Tanzania and Vietnam from the colonial period to the period of socialism and its ultimate demise. A description of the dominant political institutions and the evolution of the underlying distribution of power is traced through an historical exploration of the evolving structure of production and the important political struggles between contending groups in society. This chapter examines their comparative socialist experiences from the perspectives of the routes to power of the ruling parties, their success in consolidating power within the party, the creation of socialist economic institutions, and the attempts to redistribute economic power away from capitalists towards collective economic institutions. The crises of the 1970s and 1980s drove a significant change within the prevailing political settlement in both countries, that opened up the space for clientelism and informal processes of accumulation working within state institutions.

This final chapter draws together the central arguments presented in the earlier chapters and reflects on the wider implications of the analysis for contemporary processes of economic transformation. Tanzania and Vietnam were able to maintain the stability of the political order through their relatively inclusive party institutions. In the absence of strong central monitoring, in Vietnam there was much more effective power at the local level, and a viable political relationship developed between the state and economic actors that were emerging from within the party structures. In Tanzania, the transformation of economic power under socialism had been more limited. There was a weaker institutional legacy at the local level and, more importantly, an enduring complex relationship between the private sector and the state. The book concludes by examining the implications of the analysis for the possibilities of constructing alternative paths of economic transformation.

This chapter sets out the analytical framework of political settlements and elaborates the framework to account for the socialist experiences of Tanzania and Vietnam in the 1960s and 1970s. A political settlement, as defined by Mushtaq Khan, is a combination of power and institutions that is mutually compatible and also sustainable in terms of economic and political viability. The chapter clarifies the core building blocks of the approach and sets out the main differences between political settlements and new institutional economics. The chapter then defines a socialist political settlement where productive rights are formally held by the collective and formal institutions protect common and collectively owned assets. The attempts to construct a socialist political settlement left important institutional, political, and economic legacies. These shaped incentives and constraints which influenced a number of critical processes at the heart of economic development—related to technological learning, accumulation for investment, and political stabilization.

This chapter examines the challenges of industrial policy in the era of liberalization in Tanzania and Vietnam. It starts by describing the major features of industrialization under socialism. Many of the challenges of industrialization related to the difficulties of adequately financing industrial expansion while maintaining effective supervision of the recipients of industrial rents. Under liberalization, important differences in the approach to industrial policy emerged. The chapter compares how the two countries approached privatization and establishing export processing and industrial zones. Vietnam retained a much larger state-owned industrial sector, while Tanzania engaged in an extensive privatization programme. The challenges of disciplining industrial policy rent recipients continued under liberalization in both countries but differed in ways that reflected the different distributions of power in the industrial sector and between the private sector and the state in each country.

The terms of debate on the role of institutions in economic development are changing. Stable market institutions, in particular secure private property rights and democratically accountable governments that uphold the rule of law, are widely seen to be a prerequisite for economic transformation in low-income countries. Yet over the last thirty years, economic growth and structural transformation has surged forward in a range of countries where market and state institutions have differed from these ideals, as well as from each other. This book studies the role of the state in economic transformation in two such countries, Tanzania and Vietnam. These were two of the poorest countries in the world in the early 1980s but, over the last thirty years, both have experienced significant changes in the pace and character of economic development. While both countries experienced faster rates of GDP growth, their paths of economic transformation were very different. Vietnam experienced rapid manufacturing growth and poverty reduction while Tanzania’s path of economic change was characterized by the rise of mining and a much slower pace of poverty reduction. Employing a political settlements approach, this book argues that their paths of economic transformation were mediated by the lasting influence of differences in the institutions and distributions of power that had been forged during the socialist period. The comparison generates new insights into the variable relationship between political order and economic outcomes.

This chapter sets out the main characteristics of economic transformation in Tanzania and Vietnam from 1980 to 2010. It highlights macroeconomic features and explains the key differences in their experience of structural change that occurred as both countries adopted forms of market liberalization. The chapter explains the proximate causes of economic transformation and examines how orthodox economics explains the deeper determinants of economic transformation, related to comparative advantage. The chapter argues that these approaches are insufficient because they cannot account for the distinct roles that the state played in each country. Contrary to orthodox economic theory, Vietnamese economic policy retained a much greater level of state intervention than was the case in Tanzania, while achieving a more rapid rate of industrialization. Therefore this book undertakes an analysis of the interplay between market forces, institutions, and power that shape the different paths of economic transformation under liberalization.

This article examines the Access Order theories of development that have emerged as the latest reformulation of New Institutional Economics by Douglass North and his associates. They claim that Access Order theory represents a radical break from previous models of institutional change in developing countries. They argue that at the heart of development is the problem of controlling organized violence. Two distinct social orders, the Limited Access Order and the Open Access Order, have emerged as solutions to the problem of endemic violence. This article traces the evolution of these new ideas within North’s institutional theory and examines how violence is treated within their framework. The article evaluates the underlying economic model on which the theory is based and argues that the conceptual device of the Open Access Order preserves key features of the neoclassical approach within North's work. The article contrasts the Access Order approach to the political settlements framework. To conclude the article argues that the Access Order approach serves to strip the progressive potential out of development by ignoring how controlling violence may affect capabilities, rights and freedom.

This article examines the political economy of grand corruption in Tanzania in the era of rapid growth and global integration. Grand corruption in Tanzania is linked to intra-elite conflicts within the ruling CCM party. However, the underlying dynamics of these struggles and how such elite politics interacts with the wider process of socio-economic transformation unfolding in Tanzania are not well understood. This article draws on the political settlements approach in building an analytical framework to examine four major grand corruption scandals that occurred within public finance from 2000 until 2014. In particular, it sets out the key actors and patterns in the factional struggles over corruption in order to demonstrate how the elite within the ruling CCM party is not centralized but composed instead of internal factions that have equal weight. The article explains how the enduring control of this elite, despite its internal divisions, can be explained by examining the balance of power in society beyond the institutions of the ruling party or the state itself. The article then establishes the mechanisms through which grand corruption shapes paths of accumulation within the domestic economy in Tanzania. In concluding, it argues that the fragmented distribution of power within the ruling party means that policy responses of the donor community, in particular the halting of aid disbursements, have been ineffective and are likely to continue to be ineffective in stopping grand corruption in Tanzania.

BACKGROUND: In Hampshire Hospitals NHS Foundation Trust, in addition to an on-the-spot investigation into hospital-onset Clostridium difficile infection (CDI) by the infection prevention team, a multidisciplinary team root cause analysis (MDT-RCA) forum has been developed. The MDT-RCA aims to deliver a more thorough investigation into individual cases and the recommendation of cases to the clinical commissioning groups (CCG) appeals panel against potential financial penalties (£10,000 per breached case). We mainly aimed to investigate the financial impact of MDT-RCAs to the Trust. METHODOLOGY: Over two years, 84 cases of hospital-onset CDI cases were reviewed by the MDT-RCA forum. RESULTS: Among this cohort, no additional learning outcomes were identified by the MDT-RCAs over those that were found by on-the-spot investigations. In total, 543 staff members attended the MDT-RCAs at a potential cost to the Trust of £23,795.74–£51,670.10. The Trust appealed against financial penalties for 27 cases and 14 were successful, i.e. £140,000 would have been avoided had targets been breached by 14 cases. However, targets were only breached by two cases, meaning only £20,000 in fines was avoided. Deducting this from the total costs of the MDT-RCA meant the Trust lost £3,795.74–£31,670.10. CONCLUSION: Over the two years reviewed, the MDT-RCA proved to be costly to the Trust, with no additional learning or quality improvement measures identified.

This article explores Tanzania's experience of industrial policy since independence through the concept of the political settlement. Higher growth in manufacturing since 1996 has been seen as a vindication of neoliberal policies of market liberalisation. Yet, the neoliberal approach fails to take account of the important legacy of state-led industrialisation under socialism and aspects of the political economy of the state in Tanzania that explain some of the longer-term constraints on industrialisation. Critical aspects of Tanzania's political settlement relate to state–capital relations and the distribution of power between contenting factions of intermediate classes within the state. [Politique industrielle et le reglement politique en Tanzanie: aspects de continuite et de changement depuis l'independance.] Cet article examine l'experience tanzanienne en matiere de politique industrielle depuis l'independance a travers le concept du reglement politique. La forte croissance dans le secteur industriel de...

While the importance of governance for development is now widely recognised, previous certainties about the type of governance that should be promoted in low income countries are increasingly comin...