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: Introduction: More than 70% of new HIV diagnoses in the United States were among men who have sex with men (MSM) in 2019. Pre‐exposure prophylaxis (PrEP) is a transformative innovation for reducing human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) infections. Structural stigma against sexual minorities, including in the form of state‐level policies, may affect PrEP implementation. We evaluated whether lower structural stigma reflected by earlier year of state same‐sex marriage legalization was associated with increased male PrEP prescriptions and male PrEP‐to‐need ratio (PnR), a ratio of PrEP prescriptions to new HIV diagnoses. Methods: We used 2012−2019 AIDSVu data on male PrEP prescriptions and male PnR in each US state and year. We used generalized estimating equations to evaluate the relationship between the timing of implementing state same‐sex marriage policies and the outcomes of male PrEP prescriptions per 100,000 people and the male PnR. We adjusted for calendar year, Medicaid expansion and the political party of the governor in each state. Results: State implementation of same‐sex marriage policies in earlier, relative to later, periods was associated with increases in the rate of male PrEP prescriptions and in the male PnR. Specifically, implementing state same‐sex marriage policies between 2004 and 2011 and between 2012 and 2013 were each associated with greater rates of male PrEP prescriptions relative to implementing same‐sex marriage policies between 2014 and 2015. Implementing state same‐sex marriage policies between 2004 and 2011 as well as between 2012 and 2013 were both significantly associated with a greater male PnR relative to implementing same‐sex marriage policies between 2014 and 2015. By 2019, the difference in male PrEP prescriptions was 137.9 (97.3−175.5) per 100,000 in states that implemented same‐sex marriage in 2004−2011 and 27.2 (23.3−30.5) per 100,000 in states that implemented same‐sex marriage from 2012 to 2013, relative to states that implemented same‐sex marriage in 2014−2015. Conclusions: Earlier implementation of state same‐sex marriage policies was associated with greater rates of male PrEP prescriptions. Reducing state‐level structural stigma may improve HIV prevention among MSM in the United States., INTRODUCTION There are an estimated 36,000 new cases of human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) each year in the United States despite preventive tools. More than 70% of new HIV acquisitions occur [...]

Bullying is one of the most common forms of youth violence and is associated with myriad adverse consequences over the life course. There has been increasing interest in examining whether anti-bullying legislation is effective in preventing bullying victimization and its negative effects. However, a lack of data structures that comprehensively and longitudinally assess anti-bullying legislation and its provisions has hampered this effort. We provide 18 years of data (1999–2017) on anti-bullying legislation and amendments across 50 U.S. states and the District of Columbia, which we are making publicly available at LawAtlas.org. This article describes how the legal content analysis was conducted, provides information on the reliability of the coding, and details provisions of the legislation that were coded, such as funding provisions and enumerated groups (a total of 122 individual codes are provided). Over 90% of states had at least one amendment to their legislation during this 18-year period (range: 0–22; Mean = 6.1), highlighting both the evolving content of anti-bullying statutes and the importance of tracking these changes with longitudinal data. Additionally, we offer illustrative examples of the kinds of research questions that might be pursued with these new data. For instance, using survival analyses, we show that a variety of state characteristics (e.g., political leaning of state legislatures) predict time to adoption of key provisions of anti-bullying legislation (e.g., the comprehensiveness of legal provisions). Finally, we end with a discussion of how the dataset might be used in future research on the efficacy of anti-bullying legislation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study assesses whether anti-immigrant prejudice at the community level is prospectively associated with mortality. We used 10 waves of data from the General Social Survey (GSS) that were linked to mortality data via the National Death Index (NDI) for the period between 1993 and 2014 (n = 13,242). The 2014 GSS-NDI dataset is a nationally representative sample reporting social characteristics and attitudes in the United States that was prospectively linked to mortality data. Community-level prejudice was measured with 5 questions regarding anti-immigrant sentiments across 123 communities, defined using primary sampling units. Cox proportional hazards models tested the association between anti-immigrant prejudice and mortality hazard, controlling for covariates at the individual and community levels. Findings showed that among "other race" respondents, those born in the US had higher risk of mortality in communities with greater anti-immigrant prejudice, whereas foreign-born "other race" respondents had lower risk of mortality in communities with greater anti-immigrant prejudice. Sensitivity analyses indicated that the "other race" category was comprised largely of Asians and Hispanics, and that these results were similar for both groups. In contrast, anti-immigrant prejudice was not associated with mortality for foreign-born immigrants who self-report as white or black. We provide various hypotheses for why US-born immigrant groups seem to suffer higher mortality risk, while foreign-born immigrant groups do not, when they live in communities with high levels of prejudice.

Objective: Transgender adolescents experience adversity accessing mental healthcare, which is exacerbated by transgender-specific mental health provider shortages in the United States. Factors associated with variability in transgender-specific mental health provider availability across states – especially at the macro-social level – have yet to be identified, hindering efforts to address these shortages. To remedy this gap, we queried whether transgender-specific adolescent mental health provider availability varied by states' transgender-specific policy climate. Method: We quantified states' policy climate by factor-analyzing tallies of the presence/absence of 33 transgender-specific state laws/policies in six domains: parental/relationship recognition, nondiscrimination, education, healthcare, criminal justice, and identity documentation. We then tested whether states' transgender-specific policy climate was associated with rates of transgender-specific adolescent mental health providers – identified via Psychology Today – per transgender adolescent in all 50 states and the District of Columbia. Results: Transgender-specific adolescent mental health provider availability was substantially lower in states with more restrictive laws/policies for transgender people (rate ratio = 0.65, 95% CI [0.52, 0.81], p =.00017), controlling for state-level conservatism, religiosity, and urbanicity. States' transgender-specific policy climate was unrelated to rates of adolescent Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder-specialty providers, Oppositional Defiant Disorder-specialty providers, and youth mental health provider shortages broadly, providing evidence for result specificity. Conclusions: Transgender adolescents appear to have access to considerably fewer transgender-specific mental health providers in states with more restrictive laws/policies for transgender people, which may compound their already high mental health burden in these contexts. Intervention and policy efforts are needed to address these shortages, particularly in states with increasingly prohibitive laws/policies targeting transgender adolescents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sexual orientation related health disparities are well documented. Sexual minority men appear to be at risk for mental health problems due to the stress they experience in establishing and maintaining a minority sexual identity. These mental health issues may combine synergistically and lead to higher medical costs to society. We examine whether sexual minority specific syndemic indicators were associated with higher health care costs, health care utilization, or the risk of being HIV-infected. Health care consumers at a community health center (N = 1211) completed a brief screening questionnaire collected over 12 months. Self-reported data were linked with participants' clinical billing records. Adjusted logistic regression models identified that four syndemic indicators (suicidality, substance use, childhood sexual abuse, and intimate partner violence) were each significantly related to each other. Multiple syndemics significantly predicted higher medical care utilization and cost, and were associated with 2.5 times the risk of being HIV-infected (OR 2.49, 95% CI 1.45-4.25). Syndemic indicators did not significantly predict the number of mental health visits or costs per patient. These results confirm and extend earlier findings by relating syndemics to health services use and costs for sexual minority men., Author(s): Conall O'Cleirigh [sup.1] [sup.2] , David W. Pantalone [sup.2] [sup.3] , Abigail W. Batchelder [sup.1] [sup.2] , Mark L. Hatzenbuehler [sup.4] , Samantha M. Marquez [sup.2] , Chris Grasso [...]

Sexual violence (SV) is a stigmatized form of trauma, yet the stigma experiences of those reporting SV are often assumed rather than explicitly measured. We adapted a measure that quantified three key features of SV stigma across three levels: negative self-image (individual), disclosure concerns (interpersonal), and concerns about public attitudes (structural). We administered this measure to a population-based sample of Swedish young adults (N = 453) who reported a history of either sexual assault (SA) or intimate partner sexual violence (IPSV). Among both groups, 89% endorsed at least one item on the stigma scale. Experiences of SV-related stigma were associated with significantly higher symptoms of generalized anxiety, depression, and posttraumatic stress disorder, with greater perceived need for mental health treatment, and with more shame (measured implicitly via a reaction-time task). Experiences of stigma were negatively associated with symptoms of alcohol misuse. Results suggest that exposure to SV stigma may be a critical, but often overlooked, correlate of post-assault recovery. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]