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We investigate when and how two types of self-reported intimate partner violence (IPV), situational couple violence (SCV) and coercive controlling violence (CCV), are documented in divorce cases. We further examine how IPV influences child custody decisions and how this association is moderated by whether custody was contested or involved third-party intervention. This study involved data collected in two federally funded projects on IPV, divorce, and custody. The initial phase involved self-reported data collected from 195 mothers early in the divorce process. The second phase involved matched administrative divorce, civil protective order, and criminal court records. Self-reports of IPV among a general sample of divorcing mothers were generally not documented in divorce cases regardless of whether situational couple violence or coercive controlling violence was reported. Women who self-reported IPV (of either type), however, were more likely to use mental cruelty grounds for divorce. Sole custody was more likely when IPV was self-reported or documented (regardless of type). When CCV was reported, sole custody was more likely when cases also involved third-party intervention. When IPV was not reported, sole custody was more likely when the custody decision was contested or involved third-party intervention. Reliance on voluntary self-disclosure results in courts not being made aware of IPV. Routine screening and training for family court practitioners is needed to ensure protective custody outcomes. Furthermore, financial and logistical constraints may disincentivize contesting custody or third-party intervention when doing so could result in greater protection., Author(s): Brian G. Ogolsky [sup.1] , Jennifer L. Hardesty [sup.1] , Jaclyn C. Theisen [sup.1] , So Young Park [sup.1] , Christopher R. Maniotes [sup.1] , Angela M. Whittaker [sup.1] [...]

This study examined variations in children's post-separation adjustment based on child characteristics (gender and age) and maternal experiences of intimate partner violence (IPV) during marriage. Mothers (N = 147) recruited within 12 weeks of a divorce filing took part in two interviews three months apart. They reported on marital IPV at Time 1, and their children's (47% female; ages 3-17) adjustment 3 months later at Time 2. Four aspects of child adjustment were assessed using a standardized measure (hyperactivity, emotional symptoms, conduct problems, peer problems). Mothers were classified as having experienced coercive controlling violence (CCV; 23.8%), situational couple violence (SCV; 27.9%), or no violence (48.3%) during marriage. Gender differences were found on one of the four child adjustment indicators: boys had higher levels of hyperactivity than girls. Among boys but not girls, hyperactivity scores varied based on age and IPV type. Implications for practitioners and researchers are discussed., Author(s): Elissa Thomann Mitchell [sup.1] , Angela M. Whittaker [sup.2] , Marcela Raffaelli [sup.2] , Jennifer L. Hardesty [sup.2] Author Affiliations: (1) grid.267188.2, 0000 0001 2286 8941, Social Work Department, [...]

Intimate partner violence (IPV) is a major public health issue across the globe due to its associations with health and wellbeing, especially among mothers and children. These associations are often more pronounced following separation or divorce, which can compromise safety given that women and children are at heightened risk during these transitions. Thus, it is critical to understand the implications of coparenting in the context of IPV. In this paper, we first discuss the literature on IPV broadly. In particular, we discuss the differences between two types of violence: coercive controlling violence (i.e., violence that occurs in the context of systematic control) and situational couple violence (i.e., violence that occurs without a pattern of control). We then link it to parenting and coparenting processes as they relate to separation and divorce. In this section, we focus heavily on the ways in which the legal system affects family dynamics as divorces make their way through the courts. Special attention is paid to the ways in which IPV affects child custody decisions and the safety of those decisions given empirical evidence suggesting that raising allegations of IPV often does not help achieve favorable court outcomes. We conclude with recommendations to guide family court practitioners based upon this substantial literature. Such recommendations center on the development and implementation of empirically‐derived assessment tools as well as systematic training of legal professionals. Key points for the family court community: Conceptualizing intimate partner violence (IPV) as discrete incidents of physical violence without considering context (e.g., coercive control vs. situational conflict) and chronicity underestimates the risks and harms associated with the insidious, daily nature of coercive control.When rigorously distinguished by a context of coercive control, different types of IPV are found to relate to different dynamics and outcomes. For example, coercive controlling violence (CCV) is predominantly perpetrated by men versus women and tends to be more frequent, severe, and injurious whereas situational couple violence (SCV) tends to be more gender symmetric (i.e., perpetrated by both men and women).Separation and divorce do not always end IPV, especially when children are involved, and separation from an abusive partner is often a lengthy, nonlinear process (e.g., multiple separations) that can vary by IPV type.Bringing allegations of IPV into divorce cases does not always result in greater protection, especially as it relates to parenting agreements.Children provide abusers with an ongoing link to their former partners, a link that is often reinforced when judges, parenting plan evaluators, and other family court professionals prioritize joint parenting arrangements. This coparental link leaves mothers and children vulnerable to ongoing intrusion and raises concerns about how to ensure safety if children are to maintain relationships with both parents.Translating empirical evidence about different types of IPV (e.g., that SCV is more common in the general public and tends to be less severe) to conclude that most IPV in family courts is SCV and therefore not of concern for parenting decisions is an inappropriate and potentially dangerous misuse of research findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Approximately, 20% of divorcing couples in the United States require judicial intervention to reach a custody agreement. In such cases, courts often call on child custody evaluators to conduct comprehensive evaluations and recommend custody agreements and services that meet children's best interests. Estimates suggest that allegations of domestic violence (DV) are raised and substantiated in about 75% of these cases. Custody evaluators are thus in a position to ensure that divorcing parents with DV receive effective services and enter into safe custody agreements. They are also in a position to minimize or deny the seriousness of DV and its relevance to custody decisions. The present study uses grounded theory methods to examine how custody evaluators' theoretical perspectives on DV and beliefs about custody disputes in the context of DV are related to their evaluation process and recommendations. (Contains 1 table.)

Intimate partner violence (IPV) is a significant concern for some lesbian households with children. Yet we know of only one study that has examined lesbian mothers' experiences with IPV. In the current study we analyzed the counseling experiences of participants in our prior study. Interviews with 24 lesbian mothers (12 Black, 9 White, and 3 Latina) 23 to 54 years of age (M = 39.5) were coded using thematic analysis. Overall, lesbian mothers experiencing IPV did seek help from counselors (n = 15, 63%), typically after reaching a breaking point. Counselors were most helpful when addressing the abuse and promoting self-empowerment, and least helpful when victim-blaming or ignoring the abuse and/or the same-sex relationship. Lesbian mothers' perceptions that mental health professionals were sometimes ineffective have implications for provider training. In order to work effectively with this population, providers should attempt to eliminate or correct personal biases or prejudices with self-exploration and education. By becoming more aware and knowledgeable of the nuances, struggles, and strengths of the lesbian community, providers can gain competency in providing therapeutic services to such clients. Mental health professionals can also adopt an advocacy stance to assist in spreading cultural awareness to others and support policy or institutional changes to include same-sex IPV. Competencies can be assessed through future studies that identify the knowledge and skills gap among mental health professionals who frequently work with the lesbian population. (Contains 1 table.)

Using grounded theory methods, we examined coparenting relationships for 25 divorced mothers who experienced violence during their marriages. How well former husbands were able to differentiate, or keep separate, their parental and spousal roles emerged as central to coparenting dynamics and was partly related to type of marital violence. Linking differentiation to types of martial violence advances our theoretical understanding of variations in coparenting relationships after divorce. Results can be used to more effectively match divorcing parents with appropriate interventions.

Approximately 3,300 children are affected by intimate partner femicide each year. Despite the multitude of stressors and the potential for negative outcomes, little is known about these children or their caregivers. This in-depth interview study used family stress theory to explore caregivers' and children's adjustment after intimate partner femicide in 10 families. Data were analyzed qualitatively using framework analysis. Results suggest that children and their caregivers manage numerous health and adjustment challenges in the context of ongoing hardships, resource-poor environments, and continued efforts to come to terms with the loss of their loved one and its effects on their family. Future directions are provided, with a specific focus on family-centered, strengths-based, and advocacy approaches. (Contains 1 table.)

The Stages of Change Model (J. O. Prochaska & C. C. DiClemente, 1984) has been used to explore women's process of leaving relationships involving intimate partner violence. Using a strengths-based approach, this study aims to build upon the model to further theorize the process of leaving. We conducted secondary data analysis of interviews with 19 mothers who left their abusive husbands. Turning points marked mothers' movements from one stage of change to another, resulting in linear and nonlinear trajectories of leaving. All turning points were similar across cases except for the turning point between the stages of action and preparation. Consequently, 3 variations in the trajectories of leaving were found. The theoretical and practical implications for future work with abused mothers are discussed.

Joint custody and cooperative coparenting are often unsafe for women who leave violent partners. Although certain legal protections are available, more work is needed to understand and address abused women's needs in this context. This study provides divorce scholars and practitioners with information on the interface between separation/divorce and intimate partner violence. We review existing research, policies, and programs and propose directions for intervention and research that center around the unique needs of these families.

Aim: To report an analysis of the concept of post‐separation abuse and its impact on the health of children and adult survivors. Design: Concept analysis. Data Sources: A literature search was conducted via PubMed, Cochrane and Embase and identified articles published from 1987 to 2021. Methods: Walker and Avant's (2019) eight stage methodology was used for this concept analysis, including identifying the concept, determining the purpose of analysis, identifying uses of the concept, defining attributes, identifying a model case and contrary case, antecedents and consequences and defining empirical referents. Results: Post‐separation abuse can be defined as the ongoing, willful pattern of intimidation of a former intimate partner including legal abuse, economic abuse, threats and endangerment to children, isolation and discrediting and harassment and stalking. An analysis of literature identified essential attributes including fear and intimidation; domination, power and control; intrusion and entrapment; omnipresence; and manipulation of systems. Antecedents to post‐separation abuse include patriarchal norms, physical separation, children, spatiality and availability, pre‐separation IPV and coercive control and perpetrator characteristics. Consequences include lethality, adverse health consequences, institutional violence and betrayal, such as loss of child custody and economic deprivation. Conclusion: This concept analysis provides a significant contribution to the literature because it advances the science for understanding the phenomenon of post‐separation abuse. It will aid in developing risk assessment tools and interventions to improve standards of care for adult and children survivors following separation from an abusive partner. Impact: This concept analysis of post‐separation abuse provides a comprehensive insight into the phenomenon and a theoretical foundation to inform instrument development, future research and intervention. Post‐separation abuse is a complex, multi‐faceted phenomenon that requires differential social, legal and healthcare systems responses to support the health and well‐being of survivors and their children. Impact: This concept analysis provides a significant contribution to the literature because it advances the science for understanding the phenomenon of post‐separation abuse. It will aid in developing risk assessment tools and interventions to improve standards of care for adult and children survivors following separation from an abusive partner. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To authenticate to the full-text of this article, please visit this link: http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1471-6402.2010.01575.x Byline: Ramona F. Oswald (1), Carol A. Fonseca (1), Jennifer L. Hardesty (1) Abstract: Intimate partner violence (IPV) is a significant concern for some lesbian households with children. Yet we know of only one study that has examined lesbian mothers' experiences with IPV. In the current study we analyzed the counseling experiences of participants in our prior study. Interviews with 24 lesbian mothers (12 Black, 9 White, and 3 Latina) 23 to 54 years of age (M = 39.5) were coded using thematic analysis. Overall, lesbian mothers experiencing IPV did seek help from counselors (n = 15, 63%), typically after reaching a breaking point. Counselors were most helpful when addressing the abuse and promoting self-empowerment, and least helpful when victim-blaming or ignoring the abuse and/or the same-sex relationship. Lesbian mothers' perceptions that mental health professionals were sometimes ineffective have implications for provider training. In order to work effectively with this population, providers should attempt to eliminate or correct personal biases or prejudices with self-exploration and education. By becoming more aware and knowledgeable of the nuances, struggles, and strengths of the lesbian community, providers can gain competency in providing therapeutic services to such clients. Mental health professionals can also adopt an advocacy stance to assist in spreading cultural awareness to others and support policy or institutional changes to include same-sex IPV. Competencies can be assessed through future studies that identify the knowledge and skills gap among mental health professionals who frequently work with the lesbian population. Author Affiliation: (1)University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign Article History: Initial submission: March 24, 2009Initial acceptance: July 16, 2009Final acceptance: April 14, 2010 Article note: Address correspondence and reprint requests to: Ramona F. Oswald, Human and Community Development, 905 South Goodwin, Urbana, IL 61801. E-mail: roswald@illinois.edu

Approximately 3,300 children are affected by intimate partner femicide each year. Despite the multitude of stressors and the potential for negative outcomes, little is known about these children or their caregivers. This in-depth interview study used family stress theory to explore caregivers' and children's adjustment after intimate partner femicide in 10 families. Data were analyzed qualitatively using framework analysis. Results suggest that children and their caregivers manage numerous health and adjustment challenges in the context of ongoing hardships, resource-poor environments, and continued efforts to come to terms with the loss of their loved one and its effects on their family. Future directions are provided, with a specific focus on family-centered, strengths-based, and advocacy approaches. Keywords: child exposure to violence; domestic violence; family crisis; family stress theory; intimate partner femicide 10.1177/0192513X07307845

To purchase or authenticate to the full-text of this article, please visit this link: http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1741-3729.2007.00470.x Byline: Lyndal Khaw (**), Jennifer L. Hardesty (**) Keywords: abused mothers; intimate partner violence; process of leaving; Stages of Change Model; trajectories; turning points Abstract: Abstract: The Stages of Change Model (J. O. Prochaska & C. C. DiClemente, 1984) has been used to explore women's process of leaving relationships involving intimate partner violence. Using a strengths-based approach, this study aims to build upon the model to further theorize the process of leaving. We conducted secondary data analysis of interviews with 19 mothers who left their abusive husbands. Turning points marked mothers' movements from one stage of change to another, resulting in linear and nonlinear trajectories of leaving. All turning points were similar across cases except for the turning point between the stages of action and preparation. Consequently, 3 variations in the trajectories of leaving were found. The theoretical and practical implications for future work with abused mothers are discussed. Article note: (**) Lyndal Khaw is a doctoral student in the Department of Human and Community Development at the University of Illinois, 167 Bevier Hall MC-180, 905 S. Goodwin Avenue, Urbana, IL 61801 (khaw@uiuc.edu). Jennifer L. Hardesty is Assistant Professor in the Department of Human and Community Development at the University of Illinois, 268 Bevier Hall MC-180, 905 S. Goodwin Avenue, Urbana, IL (hardesty@uiuc.edu).

Civil orders of protection (OPs) are the only victim-initiated legal intervention for intimate partner violence. The OP process is unique because victims write a narrative account of abuse to inform judges’ decision-making. Historically, feminist scholars have considered OPs as empowering to victims, as they can signal strength-based change and requesting needed relief. OPs also serve as an important tool for some mothers who need temporary protection related to child custody and visitation. Studies of OP narratives have found that content related to future risk is associated with securing an OP, including allegations of physical and severe violence, suggesting that OPs provide needed protection. At the same time, the OP process is disempowering for some women. The content and quality of survivors’ OP narratives vary greatly, and studies have found that well-written accounts are positively associated with securing OPs, uncovering the potential influence of judges’ implicit biases. This study used logistic regression to explore how violence risk and writing quality related to the receipt of emergency OPs in a sample of 90 petitions filed by women with minor children in a large Midwest County. As expected, violence severity was positively associated with securing an OP, controlling for the mention of other cases/orders and legal representation. However, the association was no longer significant when writing quality was considered; specifically, greater readability was associated with being granted an OP. Linear structure and appearance of narratives were not related to OP outcomes. Findings underscore the ongoing need to explore how the written narrative requirement of the OP process (dis)empowers survivors and the role implicit biases may play in judicial decision-making in civil OP proceedings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author presents information on the effects of domestic violence against women and the effects on parenting in a post-divorce setting. Topics include separation assaults, psychological aspect of living apart from a violent spouse, and the state of research into post-divorce violence against women.

Research on intimate partner violence (IPV) has increasingly focused on women's processes of leaving abusive partners. This article aims to develop a theoretical understanding grounded in intersectionality of the decision-making process involved in leaving an abusive partner. An intersectionality framework was used to analyze interviews with 25 abused mothers. We theorize that the leaving processes are complex and shaped by intersections of various individual, familial, and sociocultural factors that affect one's access to resources and decision-making. We make recommendations for future research regarding data collection and analysis to further facilitate the use of intersectionality within IPV research. The implications of this work urge researchers to account for diversity across individuals, their families, and sociocultural environments to have a more socially just stance while working with IPV survivors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Intimate partner violence (IPV) is a public health problem that continues to affect abused mothers after separation from an abusive partner. In addition to the risk of ongoing control and violence by abusers, the custody determination process may present challenges for mothers who end up with negative custody outcomes (e.g., share custody with abusers or lose custody). Using constructivist grounded theory techniques, we conducted a qualitative analysis of interviews with 24 abused mothers with negative custody outcomes to understand how they perceive and make sense of the process as a whole, and how they cope with these outcomes. The custody determination process was reportedly complex and stressful, and most mothers did not anticipate a negative custody outcome. Mothers' perceptions and experiences followed three phases: " trusting "the system" to protect them and their children, adapting to "the system" in search of positive outcomes, and, once custody decisions were determined, coping with the aftermath of the judicial system process, either by accepting or resisting the outcome. This study echoes previous calls for further training and policies that make the custody determination process less burdensome and harmful for survivors and their children. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the process of leaving abusive relationships has received increased research attention, preparing to leave is still largely understudied. Despite an emphasis on safety planning, not all women take active steps to prepare, and the characteristics and experiences of those who do or do not actively prepare are unknown. We address this gap with a secondary data analysis of interviews with 25 abused mothers in the process of leaving. All women initially engaged in mental planning, where they had emotionally disconnected from their partners. Using constructivist grounded theory techniques, we identified two distinct groups: those whose mental planning led to active planning (n = 11), and those who moved directly from mental planning to leaving (n = 14) with little time or need to actively plan. The groups differed on several individual, relationship, and child factors, which may have impacted the ability or decisions to prepare. This study supports the feminist view that survivors are not helpless victims but active agents who strategize for safety. Those who engage solely in mental planning still prepare to leave, even if they do not engage in active planning. Practitioners should consider factors affecting preparations and acknowledge mental planning as a necessary effort in leaving. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]