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Turkish counterterrorism efforts against the PKK have fluctuated between hard and soft policies over the years. However, since 2015, there has been a notable shift toward the predominant use of hard power. This study aims to uncover the underlying causes of the current policy by examining the instruments utilized in its counterterrorism trajectory. Employing an eclectic approach, the research incorporates public policy analysis into the formulation and evolution of counterterrorism policy, considering various analytical levels: individual, organizational, state, and international. While security concerns that emanated from the PKK have played a central role, factors such as the pursuit of strategic autonomy in foreign policy, changes in the global system, and regional dynamics have also significantly influenced the development of this new policy. Additionally, the professionalization of security forces, the growth of the defence industry, domestic political considerations, and challenges in defining the core issues have all contributed to the implementation of the current hard-line approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, comparative scholars and commentators have attempted to find ways to best characterize the opposition between Confucianism and Legalism. For example, it has been argued that Confucianism exemplifies "idealism", whereas Legalism is a version of "realism" and that their dispute can be construed as a clash between the broader philosophical frameworks of idealism and realism. While casting these opposing political philosophies as such can shed some light on the differences between the two schools of classical Chinese philosophy, these conceptual labels are too broad to capture their fundamental differences, which in my view are their different understandings of political power. To better understand their dynamic relationship, I propose to characterize the debate between Confucianism and Legalism in terms of soft power and hard power. Specifically, I argue that Confucianism is primarily a political philosophy centered on soft power. In contrast, Legalism is for the most part a hard-power oriented statecraft. I further argue that the two political philosophies are not only opposite but also complementary to each other. I have reached my conclusion through carefully examining and comparing Confucianism and Legalism through the lens of contemporary Western theories of power. Both theoretical argumentation and historical evidence show that smart power which grows out of judicious combination of hard power and soft power can achieve the desired effect in political and geopolitical arenas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Once depicted as a flagship case for the soft power—based foreign policy of young democracies, Turkey's conduct of foreign affairs following its authoritarian backsliding has been increasingly associated with hard power. Using the case of Turkey's Africa policy under the AKP, this article challenges this reading and its underlying conceptual assumptions. To overcome the spurious democracy—soft power vs. autocracy—hard power dichotomy, it argues for adopting a process-oriented approach to analysing the foreign policies of (autocratising) states by focusing on, firstly, the foreign policy situations in which they mobilize power resources to a particular end; and, secondly, the extent to which they attempt to gain control over societal power resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bulletin of Ablai Khan KazUIRandWL: Series 'International Relations & Regional Studies' is the property of Kazakh Ablai Khan University of International Relations & World Languages and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

BETWEEN REALISM AND COMPREHENSIVE APPROACH TO SECURITY: THE VISIONS OF SECURITY IN THE STRATEGIC DISCOURSE OF NATO MEMBER STATES The war in Donbas, the Russian annexation of Crimea, and its full-scale invasion of Ukraine are part of a trend that many international relations analysts and researchers have dubbed a return to realism and so-called “hard power”. Within this trend, we observe the strengthening of defence capabilities and deterrence by NATO member states, as well as a concentration of the security discourse on military matters. At the same time, this trend has emerged after many years of peacekeeping and stabilisation efforts, which gradually introduced the principles of a comprehensive approach to security into the mainstream security discourse. This approach is based on cooperation, combining the efforts of military and civilian actors, and a certain dispersion of responsibility for security. Therefore, the question arises to what extent comprehensive approach to security and the “return to realism” have influenced the strategic discourse of NATO member states. In seeking an answer to this question, the article will examine the discourse of national security strategies of selected European NATO member states published before and after 2014.

This article analyses Turkey’s foreign policy concerning the status quo of the post-Arab uprisings through the prism of regional hegemony theory. The aspiring regional hegemon is identified through criteria applied to Turkish foreign policy, recontextualizing soft power initiatives of the previous decades with current hard power policies. The article suggests that while the Arab uprisings played a vital part in the redefinition of Turkish foreign policy, Erdoğan’s domestic priorities informed its recalibration to weather political difficulties and maintain power. The objective would be to challenge the status quo shepherded by the West during the twentieth century as articulated by the Mavi Vatan doctrine, the motivation to renegotiate the Lausanne treaty, the conversion of the Hagia Sophia into a mosque, and even the escalating Erdoğan-Macron verbal feud. Turkey’s aspirations for regional hegemony are evidenced in policies including military intervention, diplomatic and economic support to state entities, escalation of tensions with other regional powers, and Erdoğan’s consolidation of power over Turkish domestic affairs.

Today, political analysts consider that the concept of "smart power" has developed as a result of the combination of "soft power - hard power". The case study of the current research confirms this claim; This means that Turkey, during the last two decades, to advance its goals and realize its interests, has combined soft and hard power mechanisms such as the Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency, the Public Diplomacy Coordinating Organization, the Yunus Emre Institute, the Radio Organization and Turkish State Television, Anadolu Agency, Organization of Turks Abroad and Related Communities, International Organization of Turkish Culture, Turkish Red Crescent, the Office of Religious Affairs, Turkish Education Foundation, etc. It is a powerful presence and gaining national, regional, and international authority, on the other hand, in the discussion of public diplomacy, beyond these motives, the provision of religious, humanitarian, ethnic, and security goals has been prioritized.In other words, Turkey's soft power has been effective in its various dimensions during the last two decades and has paved the way for the holders of this power [the Justice and Development Party governments] to have both authority, interests, security, and a kind of Cover the self-concept and the deepening of religious and ideological attitudes with the clothes of realization. So that the leaders of this country, realize this in choosing the field, apart from being in the peripheral regions, they also think about distant regions; Therefore, Turkey is one of the countries in the region that has paid attention to almost all cultural climates in the field of Islam and Muslims. Central Asia, the Caucasus and Transcaucasia, Southwest Asia, the Balkans, the Crimean Islands and beyond, the Horn of Africa, etc., have generally been exposed to the presence and cultural movements of Turkey in recent years.However, the source and origin of Turkey's soft power should be sought in the deep social, political, and economic developments of this country. This in turn is based on an effective combination of political strategies of the ruling political structures, which intensified the focus of politics on the individual, companies, and civil society organizations. This development included redefining the Turkish political language, giving a new role to business organizations and non-governmental organizations, and reanalyzing the relationship between Islam and democracy.It is obvious that along with the economic and social changes in the domestic sphere, the emergence and occurrence of important changes in the international scene, such as "the end of the Cold War and consequently the end of the bipolar system", and "Turkey's membership proposal in the European Union" are an opportunity. It provided new possibilities for Turkey, the most important of which was openness from the perspective of foreign policy and trade policy. Turkey's soft power discourse parallels the rise and fall of Turkey's foreign policy; Therefore, it has gone through different periods.So in the last two decades, when we are facing the single rule of the Justice and Development Party, Turkey's soft power has been influenced by the ups and downs of foreign policy. In other words, according to the political nature of the Justice and Development Party government and the process of domestic, regional, and international political developments, the weight and importance of the aforementioned mechanisms in securing national interests have been different. For example, in the first decade of the Justice and Development Party's rule, i.e. from 2003 to 2013, the role of soft power mechanisms such as Tika and Yunus Emre in smoothing the path of progress and development was much greater. But in the second decade, that is, from 2013 until now, with the beginning of the crises in the Middle East region and Turkish campaigns in areas of Syria and Iraq and the emergence of internal political problems in Turkey such as the Gezi Park crisis and the failed coup of 2016, the role and importance of mechanisms It has become more difficult to secure national interests. The presence and role of Turkish military forces in Syria, Iraq, Libya, Karabagh, and recently in Afghanistan confirms this claim.So, with the reduction of Turkey's decisive foreign policy and the reduction of international credibility, which served the political program of the Justice and Development Party, the credibility and importance of the discourse of soft power has been greatly weakened, and in a way, it has witnessed a shift in discourse, which means the decline of soft power and We are witnessing the emergence of hard power, in which the role of mechanisms such as the Red Crescent, the Crisis Management Organization, and the Armed Forces have increased exponentially. Regional changes and the failure of developmental policies in West Asia, the increase of radicalism and terrorism, the involvement of foreign powers, and the need to deal with increasing combined threats, etc., are the necessary reasons for the use of hard power at the disposal of Ankara. Contract. Turkey's activity in this sense is mainly based on four pillars:- Presidential system with extensive executive power and centralized decision-making process;- a domestic defense industry that increasingly meets the needs of the armed forces locally;- Trying to have strategic autonomy as a great regional power;- A professional army with a long history in multi-front combined wars. (found)The theoretical framework of the current research is based on the theory of "soft power" (theoretical framework) and in terms of methodology, the "process tracing" method has been used from the subsets of case analysis. (Method) In general Four types of "mechanism" definitions have been presented, each of which is concerned with [mostly political-social] issues from a specific dimension:Mechanism as the cause of an effect [the effect of choosing a certain set of preferences and requirements on social outcomes]; 2. mechanism as a mediating process, event, or variable [discovering the nature, substance, or internal structure]; 3. Mechanism as an indeterminate causal process [causal sequences linking events; causal patterns that occur repeatedly and are easily recognized, but operate under generally unknown conditions or with unknown results]; 4. The mechanism is an intangible thing that creates the result [events that change the relationships between some elements and components of the set; A set of interconnected components or elements that create an effect that does not exist by itself in any of the elements alone].In the current study, the definition of the fourth type, that is, "mechanism as an intangible thing that creates the result"; has been exploited. In this way, the main hypothesis is that Turkey's soft power supply mechanisms are considered as a set of interconnected components or elements that create an effect that by itself Does not exist in any of the elements alone. In other words, mechanisms such as Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency, Public Diplomacy Coordinating Organization, Yunus Emre Institute, Turkish State Radio and Television Organization, Anadolu Agency, Organization of Turks Abroad and Related Communities, International Organization of Turkish Culture, Administration of the Office of Religious Affairs, Maarif Foundation, Red Crescent, Armed Forces, etc. are an interconnected and at the same time separate complex that the realization of Turkey's soft power depends on their individual and collective actions.

Introduction: Analyzing the policies of the European Union in the Middle East and the world, indicate the existence of fundamental weaknesses in both the strategic and operational levels of this institution's activism. With a quick look at the problem, it can be seen that the lack of software and hardware balance in the general and regional strategy of the European Union is one of the most important reasons for creating such a situation; To the extent that european policy makers, aware of this fact, at the same time as signing the "Maastricht Treaty" in 1992, talked about the necessity of strengthening the hard power of the European Union in theory, and then started their practical movement in this regard. Although this goal remained at the declarative and theoretical level in the 1990s, upon entering the 21st century, it took on an operational aspect, and at the same time, the idea of smartening was extended to the European Union's Middle East strategy. Since, it is expected that the European Union's focus on this area will continue in coming decades. In this case, the Middle East region will increasingly become a place for the implementation of European Union hardware ideas, and this issue will have a direct impact on Iran's interests in the region. Therefore, the continuous review of European Union activities in the region helps Iran to be aware of the challenges and opportunities arising from this as much as possible. Considering the importance and impact of soft power and hard power balancing of the European Union's general and Middle East strategy for Iran, the main issue of this article is to evaluate the performance of the European Union in order to realize the smartness of the general and Middle East strategy of this institution. Research question: What are the solutions of the European Union to make its general and Middle East strategy smarter? Research hypothesis: European Union using various theoretical and practical tools such as "Strategic Compass", "European Rapid Reaction Force" and ... to strengthen its hard power and in this way tries to make its general and regional action smarter. Methodology and theoretical framework: In this research, Joseph Nye's smart power theory has been used to test the hypothesis and examine the status of soft power and hard power of the European Union. The term smart power refers to the combination of hard power and soft power strategies. Also, the qualitative method, based on content analysis and the approach of historical-comparative analysis and data collection from historical documents, has been used. Results and Discussion: The findings of this research is that the European Union, although due to reasons such as the lack of unity of opinion among its member states, insufficient hardware capacities, dependence on third parties such as the United States of America and NATO, and the existence of strong regional and global competitors, is still far from becoming an smart power; Since the Maastricht Treaty, it has acted in various ways to strengthen its hard power and has taken verifiable efforts in order to increase the smartness of its general and Middle East strategy. As far as we can say, the European Union's presence in the world and the Middle East has become smarter than it was three decades ago. For Iran, this brings challenges such as increasing the security weight of Iran's regional rivals such as the [Persian] Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) in the security strategy of the European Union and opportunities such as the use of Iran's operational capacities in security fields such as border management and combating all types of smuggling. Conclusion: For the reasons mentioned throughout the article, since the signing of the Maastricht Treaty, using theoretical and practical hardware tools such as the Strategic Compass, the EU Military Committee, and by launching missions and operations such as operation Althea and joint naval maneuvers with third countries in areas such as the Gulf of Aden and the Arabian Sea have started a gradual movement in line with the smartening of the general strategy. The efforts made in order to strengthen the hard power of the European Union in the region and the world, although it has recorded a growing trend, it still does not have the necessary compatibility with the global geopolitical pressures and the realities ruling the region. This means that despite the fact that the European Union has started moving in the direction of smartening its general and regional strategy, in recent years it has intensified the measures related to this area numerically and has continued this movement; But due to the problems that mentioned, it is still far from reaching the standards of a real smart power. According to the points mentioned in relation to the consequences of smartening the European Union's general and Middle East strategy, Iran can benefit from the hardware presence of the European Union in the region to create initiatives in some areas such as managing border affairs and combating all types of smuggling by inviting this institution to join such initiatives. In the field of confrontation, considering the European Union's focus on maritime security and specifically the key waterways of the Middle East and its adjacent regions, it is necessary to take measures such as strengthening Iran's maritime and land capabilities in order to help manage the borders better and increase dominance over the key water ways of the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: This research aims to extract the strategic components of sustainable development with the approach of national power.Methodology: The research strategy is mixed exploratory. In the qualitative part, the strategic components of sustainable development were determined by studying thirteen high-level system documents with the theme analysis method. In the quantitative part, with structural-interpretive modeling and targeted sampling of experts, classification and identification of relationships between strategic components of sustainable development were done.Findings: The components were identified in such a way that diplomacy, knowledge-based defense, economic development, and natural resources and environment were placed at level one. In the second level, the component of knowledge-based development was placed, and in the third level, the two components of administrative governance and national culture of development were determined.Originality: Soft power components include the culture of national development, administrative governance and knowledge-based development, the basis for actualizing and exploiting the hard power components of economic development, knowledge-based defense, and resources and environment.

China’s rapid emergence as a great power in the world has not only influenced the actions of other countries, but also introduced new concepts to academic discourses. One of these concepts is sharp power, which has entered academia to theoretically explain China and Russia’s rise. More particularly, China’s actions to consolidate its position as a great power and to restore its image, have given rise to this concept. Its influence in other countries is intangible in nature and tools, but it has great tangible effects. At first, this article seeks to examine sharp power as a new concept and explain China’s influential behaviours. Sec-ond, it will study the rationale of China’s sharp power and then scrutinize its indicators in the world. The paper assumes that China has infiltrated the world by using intangible but powerful tools and is consolidating its foothold in different countries.

After the defeat of the Japanese Empire in World War II, the country began to actually rebuild its political system and raise the economy destroyed by the war, relying on the Constitution of 1947. Clause 9 of the Japanese Constitution assumes that the country does not have a full-fledged armed forces, which led, on the one hand, to enslaving dependence of Japan in the field of security on the military-political alliance with the United States, and on the other hand, to building Japan's relations in the international arena, in fact, only with the help of “soft power”, which had no alternative to “hard power” in the form of forceful methods of influencing their opponents. Such “soft diplomacy” led to the positioning of Japan as a peace- loving country, winning the hearts of people with positive examples in the fields of culture, science and technology, successfully practicing “soft power” in the interests of its development. In recent years, the tense situation in the world has required Japan to increase the level of protection from external threats, which Japan sees primarily in the actions of China and the DPRK. As a result, Japan has come up with a more independent security and defense policy from the United States, relying on other countries and organizations, as well as revisiting its global role in the international arena. The process of change, leading to the formation of a real “hard power” in Japan, has already been launched and requires thorough expert study.

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Copyright of Codrul Cosminului is the property of Codrul Cosminului and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The study of soft power and its impact on the foreign policy of states has a special place in understanding the tools of management and influence, and the directions of foreign policies, where the need for interest in the unconventional manifestations of power emerged, where alternative perceptions of coercion and forcedness have emerged; It is mainly based on persuasion and intimidation, in order for the state to be able, through this option, to influence its regional and international environment. Through this study, we aim to drop this proposition on the path of Turkish-Algerian relations, and the extent to which the Turkish-Algerian political action is compatible with the real implications of soft power. And the search for the impact of geopolitical characteristics on Turkish foreign policy and its use as tools for its soft power in implementing its foreign policy, through which it followed a new strategy called soft power instead of hard power to strengthen its relationship with Algeria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study examines China's strategic use of soft power, with a focus on economic engagement, to enhance its international influence in South Asian regional and in interactions with the United States and European states, aiming to address global challenges. This research extends Nye's framework, spotlighting China's strategic deployment of soft power, mostly through economic engagement. The study employs a qualitative methodology and a descriptive approach to analyze China's strategies in various geopolitical contexts. It indicates that China actively utilizes soft power initiatives, leveraging values, culture, and technologies, with a significant role played by development programs in disseminating its strategic influence in the regions. On the basis Based of the findings, it is recommended that China continues to balance its soft power initiatives, considering the sensitivities of diverse regions. Acknowledging concerns raised by other global powers, especially the United States, China may benefit from adopting a more nuanced approach to cultural dissemination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this research is to examine the hard power perception of Pakistan and explore strategies for transforming it into a soft power image. The global community cannot ignore the developments in Pakistan due to its strategic location, large population, strong military, and nuclear weapons. Military leadership has significant share in the policy making. Qualitative approaches are employed in this research. Pakistan's "hard power" image has produced diplomatic challenges worldwide. It has a bad reputation among civilized nations due to human rights abuses, extremism, terrorism, and military interference in civil matters. Today's quick communication affects people worldwide through the internet and other ways. Narratives are constructed through the employment of soft power instruments. Strengthening of civil governments, cultural & educational exchange programs, electronic media, improvements of human rights, regional connectivity, trade, and public diplomacy, are some of the recommendations for the improvement of the image of Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The scientific literature has taken up the theme of secular stagnation of economic growth again in the middle of the second decade of the 21st century, many decades after Alvin Hansen's original contribution. The resurgence of this phenomenon is also accompanied by profound changes at other levels: the world has become more global, digitization is advancing and, in International Relations, the instruments of power change and soft power joins the military and economy components as the fundamental vertices of power. Meanwhile, a violent pandemic emerged, causing unimaginable loss of life, significant changes in habits and a deep worldwide economic recession. Soon after, war invaded Europe, destabilizing the Old Continent and having very negative repercussions on distribution channels and the world economy. The pandemic and the war reinforce a very negative expectation about the evolution of the world economy, in a dual scenario in which not everyone reacts in the same way. Our analysis focuses mainly on the United States and China, currently the two major economic powers. In fact, the latter will most likely become the world's largest economy in the short term, although the US, aware of the relative loss of its supremacy, continues to resist in different ways in which this top position can be played. The aim of this article is to assess to what extent all these changes in the paradigms of geoeconomics, with the rise of China to the top of the world pyramid, accompanied by a dual phenomenon, that is, an apparent long stagnation of world economic growth in the advanced economies and the maintenance of solid economic growth in emerging markets, may change the balances of world power. And this eventual change, it seems to us, will probably involve a strengthening of China's position and the loss of the still dominant power, the USA.

This paper analyzes the strategies that small states exert to offset power imbalances with neighboring powers. Building on Stephen Walt's balance of threat theory, the article examines the changes in Finland's security strategy since the end of the Cold War. It focuses on its use of soft and hard power means to deal with Russia, specifically in three periods: 1992-2013, 2014-2022, and since 2022. Given the Russian invasion of Ukraine and the undermined security situation worldwide, the article sheds light on potential paths of action for small states struggling against powerful rivals, and on the significance of soft power tools in those states' security strategies as a means to compensate for their relative inferiority in size. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recently, India has increased its engagement with Maldives. This development coincides with the growing strategic competition between India and China over the Indian Ocean's littoral states. New Delhi has employed a range of hard- and soft-power instruments to operationalize India's smart-power influence in Maldives. However, the "India Out" protests and #saveaddu online campaigns have exposed the lack of equilibrium between India's hard and soft power in its smart-power matrix. This study argues that India needs to prioritize its soft-power inputs in Malé to restore the balance in its smart-power matrix. Therefore, the objective of this article is to offer recommendations on how New Delhi can optimize its hard and soft power by promoting cricket diplomacy as a soft-power tool to enhance India's national influence in Maldives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Located at the crossroads of Europe and Asia, Turkey boasts a strategic importance in both regions. Although, in the past decade Turkey has resorted more to public diplomacy in order to extend its spheres of influence, nevertheless over the past six years, it has slowly but surely transitioned from a "soft power" into a "hard power." Its strong military and involvement in various conflicts and peacekeeping missions have already established it as a "hard power" in international politics. As a member of NATO and with a growing economy, Turkey has become a major player on the global stage. In recent years, Turkey has become increasingly assertive in its foreign policy, engaging in military operations in Syria and Iraq, Nagorno Karabakh, and playing a key role in the conflicts in all those countries. It has also been involved in efforts to resolve the ongoing conflict in Libya by intervening militarily, thereby altering the course of war and political landscape there. Additionally, for some time now Turkey has exhibited a belligerent response to Greece's attempt to extend its territorial waters by 12 nautical miles in the Aegean Sea and militarize Dodecanese islands in contravention to Lausanne and Paris Treaties, forcing Turkey to issue stark warnings and threats to Greece. In addition, from 2019 onward, Turkey has been sending vessels for seismic surveys in disputed continental shelves of the Eastern Mediterranean Sea, a move that has upset Greece especially due to Turkish warships and fighter jets roaming around and hovering over Turkish seismic ships, which has led to numerous dogfights and even physical contact between warships of both sides. This paper attempts to provide a rationale behind the researcher's personal observations and premise that Turkey has already positioned itself as a hard power on the international arena and is gradually departing from its position of a soft power. In order to shed light on all of the above mentioned, the research relied on a multi method of data collection and an extensive opensource data research. Also, review of a number of literary works of authors from the relevant field was conducted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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According with NATO Capstone Concept for the Military Contribution to Countering Hybrid Threats and EU Joint Framework to Counter Hybrid Threats, approved a new Military Strategy that will help set out NATO’s military priorities and approach to current and future challenges, including cyber and hybrid threats, instability across the Middle East and North Africa, and a more assertive Russia.[1]Hybrid conflict is defined as a dynamic interaction between elements of hard power (consolidation of military forces, deployment of military forces and capabilities in conflict zones, financing of separatist movements, activities to destabilize and undermine the security of a state or regions) and soft power ( maintaining an economic or energy dependence, applying economic sanctions, conducting propaganda, disinformation and influence campaigns, conducting cyber attacks, etc.)[2]. Hybrid warfare encompasses a vast area of hostile actions in which military force is only a small part of a flexible strategy with long-term objectives, complemented by political, economic and informational methods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Power is a critical factor in several types of diplomacy. India-EU relations are a classic case of how changing geopolitics prompted diplomatic acumen. This scoping review assesses the changing relations of both partners as a manifestation of Smart Power. The dynamic relations from normative-based to pragmatic and inclusive interests based are evaluated. Their value-based relations are put under international relations theories. Their changing factors of cooperation are used to justify their smart diplomacy, where contemporary relations are less likely to be affected by multilateral interests. To solidify claims of smart power in their relations, the recent TRIPS waiver schism illuminated health diplomacy between the two regions. This health diplomacy discourse promotes smart power diplomacy between India and the EU, where new avenues of cooperation emerge despite pandemic disagreements. The article explores how hybrid power is better than soft and hard power in silos by systematically searching and selecting the existing knowledge in the contemporary context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: Soft power elements can be the so-called persuasive means of political influence (culture, propaganda, diplomacy). The Russian Federation, with its historical legacy, by some historians referred to as the "siege complex", still seems to prefer changes in the distribution of power at the global level, while being aware of the benefits of cooperation with the wider West. Nevertheless, the position regarding some former USSR Republics, which it would most likely see directly in its sphere of influence, seems to remain the same, hence the actions taken and the methodology of conduct have their own characteristic features. Methods: In accordance reference to the typology established by Nye - the methodology of the so-called hard influence generally implies the use of military means, compulsory diplomacy and economic sanctions to influence on the behavior or interests of other political bodies (Wilson, 2008, p. 114). Results: Russia seems to use the hard combination in its own specific way and soft impact. However, the soft impact is primarily based on propaganda activities implementing the clear strategy of the Federation. As argued by Alexander et al. (2005, p. 31): "the theory of the image at the international level shows a clear relationship between the image of another nation and the choice of a strategic policy towards that nation." Conclusions: In this sense, Russia will apply a shifting strategy in line with the old Latin principle: divide et impera. For this purpose, it will use a combination of soft and hard impact depending on Estonia's internal and international situation.

Power is a critical factor in several types of diplomacy. India-EU relations are a classic case of how changing geopolitics prompted diplomatic acumen. This scoping review assesses the changing relations of both partners as a manifestation of Smart Power. The dynamic relations from normative-based to pragmatic and inclusive interests based are evaluated. Their value-based relations are put under international relations theories. Their changing factors of cooperation are used to justify their smart diplomacy, where contemporary relations are less likely to be affected by multilateral interests. To solidify claims of smart power in their relations, the recent TRIPS waiver schism illuminated health diplomacy between the two regions. This health diplomacy discourse promotes smart power diplomacy between India and the EU, where new avenues of cooperation emerge despite pandemic disagreements. The article explores how hybrid power is better than soft and hard power in silos by systematically searching and selecting the existing knowledge in the contemporary context.

This article compares Turkish foreign policy in the post-Davutoğlu era with the previous period and analyzes the changes and continuities in these two periods. In the first years of the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) period, the Davutoğlu era, Turkish foreign policy featured soft power and cooperation-based characteristics.While maintaining its proactive and multi-dimensional aspects, there were three crucial changes in Turkish foreign policy in the post-Davutoğlu era. First, the elimination of the Fetullah Terror Organization (FETÖ) network from the state institutions and organizations after the July 15 coup attempt contributed to the effective functioning of the state, more autonomous foreign policy, and successful military operations. Second, Türkiye adopted a new security concept aiming to eradicate the sources of terrorism both within and outside its borders and began to use more hard power. Third, Türkiye increased its capabilities in crisis management in its relations with great powers and managed its autonomous foreign policy. These three changes in the post-Davutoğlu era led to increasing realism, autonomous foreign policy, and the rise of deterrence and the sphere of regional influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives The aim of this study is to determine the activities of different countries in the context of the Syrian conflict. Methods The following research methods and techniques have proven to be useful: starting material analysis, cause-effect analysis, scientific observation. Results An analysis of the available literature has shown that the Russian Federation has refrained from direct participation in the war in Syria since the beginning of the war. First, it supplied arms and ammunition to Syria to support the Assad regime, and in Damascus and other areas, Russian trainers were deployed to support Assad’s war efforts. But in the fall of 2015, when Assad’s government forces were severely weakened, Russia began to implement direct and open military support on the scale of a world power with global ambitions. Conclusions The political-military measures of the Russian Federation had enormous destabilizing effects on the entire region of the Middle East. The strategic interests of many countries in the region are under threat, and the Russian Federation has become and will continue to be an important player in the Middle East. Russia’s engagement in Syria is part of the Russian Federation’s multifaceted policy aimed at achieving various objectives. The Russian operation in Syria is Russia’s return to the Middle East Games as an important military and political player with the aim of strengthening its own position and weakening the position of the United States. With its military actions in Syria, Russia has reaffirmed its influence in the Middle East region.

Power transition in the international order and the position of China in this order have triggered ramifications in China's foreign policy strategy toward the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. Its foreign policy approach has evolved from strict non-intervention to an assertive policy at the international level and constructive engagement at the regional level. China has simultaneously been applying both soft and hard power to protect its national interests in MENA. This study aims to assess China's four-pillar MENA policy from the perspective of its smart power strategy by examining its hard power means and soft power tools. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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To ensure effective competition for global resources, countries around the world are creating an international image (nation brands), on which their influence in the international arena depends. This brand is influenced by politics, governance and socio-economic development. The attractiveness of nation brands is a necessary condition for the competitiveness of the state. Based on the components of a significant measure of a country's positive reputation of the Global Soft Power Index (GSPI) 2022 for 120 countries, a discriminant model was built to determine the significant factors that affect the level of perception of the state's competitiveness and assess geopolitical risks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of the present research is to compare the relationship between the Islamic Revolution's discourse and cultural diplomacy based on the discourse analysis model. In this regard, the research aims to find an answer to this main question: How could the Islamic Revolution implement an active foreign policy in the regional and international sphere using its soft power and cultural diplomacy? The research relies on the hypothesis that the Islamic Revolution has implemented an active role in the foreign policy relying on globalism, community-centeredness, justice seeking, and opposition to secularism (as the tools of its soft power and cultural diplomacy). The results indicate that the Islamic Revolution's discourse by using its soft power and cultural diplomacy could follow active foreign policy in the regional and international realm. With the Islamic Revolution, we witness the emergence and manifestation of a cultural state that, due to the soft power criteria, seeks to extend its signs regionally and globally. With its essence of soft power, the Islamic Revolution's discourse transformed power relations from vertical to horizontal while they aimed to achieve cultural hegemony by the creation of otherness against international actors.

States fight by nature to get their hegemony accepted. Therefore, world history begins with wars and con-flicts. Unequal power exchanges between states have existed since the day humanity began to live together. Since the states reveal these dynamics, establishing sovereignty has survived from the first generation to the present. So why did societies that want to domi-nate each other find the solution in conflict and war? This study attributes this problem to the invariance of human nature, such as Thucydides, and a dogmatic reason in the consciousness of increasing humanity’s powers through fear. Although progress has been made in line with the systematically changing theories of war with the lessons learned from the methods of war between the Spartans and the Athenians, the following fact must be revealed: “Even if the technological development and economy of mankind progress, the war that this man dogmatically carries in does not change his nature, it only changes the methods of war.” This study reveals the change in war policies and defence in line with the data obtained by observing the conditions of American-based change of the political order transitioning to multipolar world order.