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Displacement has increased continuously over the last 12 years and the number of forcibly displaced persons has reached an unprecedented level. More than half of all forcibly displaced persons are girls or women; yet very little is known about how gender intersects the behavior and welfare of forced displacement. This special issue focuses specifically on the gender dimensions of forced displacement. We make both topical and methodological contributions to knowledge about gender norms, livelihoods, multi-dimensional and income poverty, and gender-based violence and discuss the implications of our findings for future research, policy and practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Displacement and conflict substantially heighten the risk of gender-based violence including intimate partner violence (IPV), experienced by women and girls. This study aims to examine the links between conflict, forced displacement and IPV using nationally representative survey data measuring IPV combined with data on conflict-related violence from two different conflict-affected settings: Colombia and Liberia. We find that forced displacement is strongly associated with increased lifetime and past year IPV. Displaced women and girls in Colombia and Liberia have a 36 and 55 per cent, respectively greater risk of experiencing past year IPV and 39 and 49 per cent greater risk of experiencing lifetime IPV in each country respectively, compared to their non-displaced counterparts. Both conflict and displacement are independently and significantly associated with past year IPV. Taking conflict intensity into account increases the associated IPV risk to 40 and 60 per cent in Colombia and Liberia respectively. Recognising the increased prevalence of IPV for displaced women is vital to providing effective assistance. Humanitarian, state and peace-building efforts, should encompass the provision of a range of assistance services to help displaced and conflict-affected women heal from the impacts of the violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Post Keynesian economic theorists have ignored the household as an economic institution as if economic growth and macroeconomics have nothing to do with the economic dynamics of households. This obvious neglect of the household by Post Keynesians also results in their failure to take into consideration the influence of households on labor markets and the type of bargains established over real wages and labor market access. It is therefore necessary and appropriate to develop a Post Keynesian economic theory of the household in order to come up with a better understanding of macroeconomic principles.