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In recent years, an increasingly assertive People's Republic of China (PRC) leadership has sought to extend the PRC's influence globally. To this end, it has developed diverse strategies ranging from soft power to more coercive means. The more visible strategies include the Belt and Road Initiative, the Chinese Dream, and 'wolf warrior' diplomacy. At the soft power end of the spectrum, Chinese overseas students are at the nexus between two strategies of soft power -- the Chinese diaspora and the internationalisation of higher education. While there is an established literature analysing China's soft power worldwide, relatively little has been done on the role of higher education, particularly where this concerns overseas Chinese students. The article will examine China's use of overseas students to project its soft power. It then identifies the strategies that support this, viz. ideological and political education to prepare young people for this role and, once overseas, an appeal to a conception of the Chinese diaspora, as well as the organisations (e.g. embassies and student associations) that form potential channels to students and monitor and support them in their role.

This study evaluated the safety and efficacy of a novel hyper-crosslinked carbohydrate polymer (HCCP) for the repair of critical-sized bone defects in comparison to two alternative treatments: autologous bone and poly(lactide-co-glycolide) with hyaluronic acid (PLGA/HA). Bilateral critical-sized defects were created in the lateral femoral condyles of skeletally mature New Zealand White rabbits, and they were subsequently implanted with HCCP, PLGA/HA, or autologous bone in a randomized manner. Clinical and behavioral observations were made daily, and radiological and histopathological evaluations were performed at 4, 10, and 16 weeks postimplantation. Defects implanted with HCCP showed progressive bone regeneration and bridging of the defect without adverse histological events. No signs of infection or inflammation associated with the implant material were observed in all animals that received HCCP implantation. A radiographic assessment performed at 16 weeks post-implantation showed significantly higher bone density and volume in defects implanted with HCCP compared to PLGA/HA. No statistically significant difference was observed in bone density and volume between HCCP and autologous bone. These findings demonstrate that HCCP is biocompatible, osteoconductive, and capable of promoting bone regeneration in vivo; therefore, it is suitable for both tissue engineering and the repair of critical-sized bone defects.

Since the mid-1980s, a number of East Asian societies have consistently performed well in international tests, and their education systems have emerged as models of "best practice", including Hong Kong, which has been extensively referenced by politicians and their advisers in England. In parallel, local dissatisfaction with the education system in Hong Kong has prompted major education reforms. This mismatch between the perceptions of the Hong Kong education system of the two policy communities is explored using documentary analysis and interviews with policymakers and other key stakeholders. We analyse the ways in which features of Hong Kong's education system are reconstructed and projected in policymaking in England and argue that the referencing to Hong Kong in England is akin to a form of political theatre, reminiscent of a pantomime, with stereotyped villains, heroes and fairy godmothers, narratives of good conquering evil, and comical set-pieces. We argue that these elements provide the means for both constructing and validating simple causal claims and their associated policy actions.

This article performs exploratory research using a mixed-methods approach (structural equation modelling and a thematic analysis of interview data) to analyse the ways in which socioeconomic disparities in voting patterns are reproduced through inequalities in education in different national contexts, and the role of self-efficacy in this process. The evidence suggests that in Germany and England students with lower socioeconomic status (SES) have lower levels of general self-efficacy, and that this is reinforced through early experiences of inequalities in the education system, such as within- or between-school selection. Low levels of general self-efficacy are then found to reduce political self-efficacy and voting intentions. In Germany and England, it is these students who enter initial vocational education and training (IVET). The experience of IVET then reinforces the distinctions in civic engagement, probably either through peer socialisation and/or curriculum differences. In Denmark, where SES has a weaker association with track placement, the experience of being placed in IVET plays a stronger role in reducing political self-efficacy and voting intentions.

Background: This paper analyses the role of, and approach to, policy referencing and borrowing in Hong Kong's recent reforms that culminated in the creation of its New Academic Structure and the Hong Kong Diploma of Secondary Education. Main argument: It argues that Hong Kong has gone further than most jurisdictions not just in responding to global influences on education reform, but in taking explicit steps to internationally benchmark its curriculum and assessment, and in involving the global community at multiple levels in the process of education policy planning and implementation. Sources of evidence and method: The paper is based on the documentary analysis of policy documents in Hong Kong, and 23 interviews with key stakeholders in the policy network, including policy-makers, practitioners and community leaders. Discussion and conclusions: While policy referencing and borrowing in the Hong Kong context can, in part, be traced to a colonial legacy, the Special Administrative Region of China demonstrates a collaborative approach to education reform involving local and international engagement that may be relevant to other systems. Its approach was informed by a measured use of policy referencing that involved "horizon scanning" of other systems' policies and practices; international benchmarking; and engaging international expertise to facilitate implementation.

From 2009 to 2011, a team from the Centre for Learning and Life Chances in Knowledge Economies and Societies carried out a mixed-methods study of young people in England and Singapore. With regard to civic attitudes, the study showed that there was a greater sense of political self-efficacy and collective (school) efficacy in Singapore than in England. In addition, the group in Singapore scored higher on future voting relative to the group in England. Further, while both political self-efficacy and collective (school) efficacy were correlated with future voting in England, only the latter was correlated in the case of Singapore. For some, the results may seem counter-intuitive. The article reflects on these results, particularly those relating to democratic outcomes.

A number of countries in Europe, including the UK, have adopted language and citizenship tests or courses as a requirement for granting citizenship to immigrants. To acquire citizenship, immigrants to the UK must pass a test on British society and culture, or demonstrate progress in the English language. For those with an insufficient command of the language, there is the option in the UK of taking an English for speakers of other languages (ESOL) with citizenship course. These language and citizenship tests and courses are seen by governments as a way of encouraging immigrants to develop the competences believed necessary for social integration. Equally, these are seen as a means for immigrants to demonstrate their willingness to integrate. However, two types of criticisms have been made against compulsory tests and language programmes. The first questions the need for these. The second focuses on whether they are a genuine contribution to preparation for citizenship or whether these, in effect, constitute a gatekeeping mechanism, or otherwise lead to social injustice; related to this is the question of whether the emphasis on language as defining of nationhood and citizenship is a move away from multiculturalism towards a policy of assimilation. In addition, there are issues relating to funding. This paper presents the results of a study of a "skills for life" ESOL course at a community college in London that is specifically intended to help immigrants seeking to qualify for British citizenship. An interview was carried out with staff involved in ESOL at the college, and a focus group discussion was conducted with a student group. The aim of the paper is to provide an account of the experiences of the students in the light of the criticisms that have made against compulsory tests and language programmes. We also examine the impact of policy changes, including funding cuts, on the college and students. Although we found the language and citizenship class to be a positive experience, we note inconsistencies and contradictions in policies and discourses around language. (Contains 3 notes.)

Where some of the papers in this volume deal with nation building in the democratizing former East European states in the wider ideological context of liberal democratic thought, this paper aims to present a view of democracy and democratization from an alternative, "Asian" perspective. South East Asian nations, such as Singapore, have attempted to articulate and practise forms of "Asian" democracy as a response to, and in rejection of, Western liberal democratic models. In these countries, there is not so much a programme of reform and liberalization, as an attempt to evolve a form of democracy suited to an "Asian" society. To this end, efforts have been made by political leaders to articulate what "Asian" values are, and Singapore will be used as an example of how a government has promoted a set of values regarded to be congruent with their form of "Asian" democracy. By examining the history texts in Singapore, and comparing the different contexts in which European and "Asian" values are embedded and used, the paper will elucidate the ways in which the nature of "Asian" values and democracy differ from that of those advocated in Europe, and the implications of this for citizenship education.

Introduction: Although there have been several phylogenetic studies on Plasmodium knowlesi (P. knowlesi), only cytochrome c oxidase subunit 1 (COX1) gene analysis has shown some geographical differentiation between the isolates of different countries.Methods: Phylogenetic analysis of locally acquired P. knowlesi infections, based on circumsporozoite, small subunit ribosomal ribonucleic acid (SSU rRNA), merozoite surface protein 1 and COX1 gene targets, was performed. The results were compared with the published sequences of regional isolates from Malaysia and Thailand.Results: Phylogenetic analysis of the circumsporozoite, SSU rRNA and merozoite surface protein 1 gene sequences for regional P. knowlesi isolates showed no obvious differentiation that could be attributed to their geographical origin. However, COX1 gene analysis showed that it was possible to differentiate between Singapore-acquired P. knowlesi infections and P. knowlesi infections from Peninsular Malaysia and Sarawak, Borneo, Malaysia.Conclusion: The ability to differentiate between locally acquired P. knowlesi infections and imported P. knowlesi infections has important utility for the monitoring of P. knowlesi malaria control programmes in Singapore. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article performs exploratory research using a mixed-methods approach (structural equation modelling and a thematic analysis of interview data) to analyse the ways in which socioeconomic disparities in voting patterns are reproduced through inequalities in education in different national contexts, and the role of self-efficacy in this process. The evidence suggests that in Germany and England students with lower socioeconomic status (SES) have lower levels of general self-efficacy, and that this is reinforced through early experiences of inequalities in the education system, such as within- or between-school selection. Low levels of general self-efficacy are then found to reduce political self-efficacy and voting intentions. In Germany and England, it is these students who enter initial vocational education and training (IVET). The experience of IVET then reinforces the distinctions in civic engagement, probably either through peer socialisation and/or curriculum differences. In Denmark, where SES has a weaker association with track placement, the experience of being placed in IVET plays a stronger role in reducing political self-efficacy and voting intentions. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]