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The article examines the European standards for the judicial control at the stage of pretrial investigation in criminal proceedings, with an emphasis on the compliance of the provisions of Article 303 of the Criminal Procedure Code of Ukraine with the standards of the European Court of Human Rights. In the conditions of reforming the Ukrainian legal system with the aim of integration into the European community, the problem of ensuring effective judicial control is extremely urgent. It is proposed under the European standards of judicial control at the stage of pre-trial investigation in criminal proceedings to consider a set of legal norms, principles and guarantees enshrined in the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms and precedent practice of the European Court of Human Rights, which ensure an effective, fair and legal judicial review and control over the actions, decisions or inaction of pre-trial investigation bodies for the purpose of protecting the rights and freedoms of a person. Groups of European standards in criminal proceedings are highlighted: firstly, standards relating to the legality of detention and detention, secondly, standards relating to the reasonableness of suspicion, thirdly, standards of effectiveness of pre-trial investigation, fourthly, standards of access to justice in criminal proceedings. It has been established that part of the standard of access to justice is the standard of effectiveness of judicial control. It has been proven that the standard of effectiveness of judicial control at the stage of pre-trial investigation is, in our opinion, an important element of access to justice, as it ensures: protection of the rights of individuals at the stage of pre-trial investigation in criminal proceedings, transparency and accountability of the process, prevention of human rights violations, appeal of procedural decisions. It was concluded that although Article 303 of the Criminal Procedure Code of Ukraine provides tools for judicial control, the existing mechanisms do not always meet European standards due to problems of access to justice and speed of trial. The need to implement international standards is to ensure effective protection of the rights and freedoms of citizens and to strengthen trust in the judicial system of Ukraine. The work emphasizes that further adaptation of national legislation to European requirements will contribute to increasing the effectiveness of judicial control at the pre-trial investigation stage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Implementation of the State policy in the activities of the Customs Service is carried out through the system of law enforcement, human rights and judicial authorities. Counteraction to violations of customs legislation is entrusted to the customs authorities of Ukraine. The activities of the Customs Service are associated with the need to obtain information on the security of the state border, on persons crossing the border, and on the items being transported, which is provided by the Security Service of Ukraine. The state law enforcement policy is implemented not only through the activities of law enforcement agencies, but also through the system of human rights bodies of state power. These include the institution of the Ukrainian Parliament Commissioner for Human Rights, as w ell as the bar and notary. The specificity of law enforcement agencies is the combination of law enforcement functions with organizational, managerial, control and inspection functions. The Customs Service plays a central role in preventing and detecting offenses related to the movement of goods across the customs border of Ukraine. The State Customs Service of Ukraine is a central executive body that ensures the state customs policy, organizes the functioning of the customs system, manages the area of management entrusted to it, and is responsible for its condition and development. The Customs Service is accompanied by military border guard units, which ensures the effectiveness of its tasks in preventing and detecting smuggling and customs offenses. Criminal legislation is evolving to increase liability and recognize smuggling as a criminal offense, taking into account the value of goods moved across the customs border of Ukraine. The type of the transported goods determines the qualification of the offense. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing upon documents from the British National Archives, this article investigates how and why the British government formulated its response to the Khmer Rouge dictatorship in Cambodia. This regime was responsible for some of the worst mass killings in the twentieth century; indeed, in April 1978, President Jimmy Carter referred to it as the “worst violator of human rights in the world today.”11 Statement by Jimmy Carter, President of the United States, on Cambodia, 21 April 1978, UK The National Archives (hereafter TNA), FCO 58/1406. The British have been portrayed, not least by themselves, as championing the international opposition to human rights abuses in Democratic Kampuchea. The fact that Britain was the first country publicly to condemn the violation of human rights by raising the issue at the United Nations Commission on Human Rights (UNCHR) in 1978 cannot be denied.22 In his April 1978 speech Jimmy Carter also acknowledged the British initiative in raising the matter at the UNHRC. However, a closer examination of the British reaction to the activities of the Khmer Rouge demonstrates the importance of considerations of Realpolitik both internally and externally. At the same time, this article highlights the fact that British responses were also shaped by other contextual factors, especially the important role played by the British public in pressurizing their government to act as the situation worsened in Democratic Kampuchea. Ultimately, the Vietnamese invasion brought the importance of Cold War geopolitics back to the fore. It was not until December 1979 that the British formally withdrew recognition of the Democratic Kampuchea, but by then the Khmer Rouge were out of power.Statement by Jimmy Carter, President of the United States, on Cambodia, 21 April 1978, UK The National Archives (hereafter TNA), FCO 58/1406.In his April 1978 speech Jimmy Carter also acknowledged the British initiative in raising the matter at the UNHRC. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is an internationally accepted discourse on ‘Female Genital Mutilation’ which understands it as a human rights violation, a major health concern, and an extreme form of gendered violence. Since the 1980s, African women, postcolonial feminists and anthropologists have critiqued this discourse as ethnocentric and racist. We examine the genealogy of the hegemonic anti-FGM discourse, identify alternative perspectives and analyse the extent to which they were integrated, co-opted, disregarded or silenced. This genealogy draws upon a comprehensive review of the literature critiquing the dominant discourse on FGM, supplemented through analyses of British Colonial Office correspondence, documents from the (Parliamentary) ‘Committee for the Protection of Coloured Women in the Crown Colonies’, Church Missionary Society periodicals, debates in the UK Houses of Parliament, and UN (including WHO) reports and meeting minutes. Alternative perspectives on female circumcision and critiques of the dominant narrative have been formulated throughout the history of the anti-FGM campaign. However, they have been silenced through various silencing mechanisms, and thus not permeated the hegemonic discourse. Outrage and backlash continue as silencing mechanisms around two contentious topics that embody colonial double standards: medicalised female circumcision and adult women’s right to choose female circumcision. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the intersection of sport and public administration, focusing on the impact of athlete activism on government systems. It highlights how athletes have influenced social and political issues, such as voting access, law enforcement accountability, and gender equity. The text also delves into the relationship between sport and societal values, as well as the challenges and benefits of large sports stadiums for communities. Additionally, it discusses the concept of sportswashing, where countries use sports investments to divert attention from human rights abuses. [Extracted from the article]

Stigma has been pointed out as a barrier to mental healthcare in sub-Saharan Africa. Among the manifestations of stigma, the use of physical restraints is condemned as a form of violation of basic human rights. Research on this phenomenon is limited in West Africa and more particularly in Burkina Faso. This study explores the phenomenon of stigma of individuals experiencing mental disorders in Bobo-Dioulasso (Burkina Faso). As part of 8 months of socio-anthropological fieldwork, we interviewed 94 informants (7 focus groups and 25 individual interviews) to document exclusionary practices, their perceptions, and justifications. Exclusionary practices can be divided in five subgroups: ignoring, physically and sexually abusing, abandoning, banning, and restraining. Some practices were linked to a lack of financial and material resources, while others were justified by an inferior moral status. We observed differences in the type of exclusion experienced between men and women. Restrictive, abusive, and exclusionary measures are common in Bobo-Dioulasso. These practices can either be understood as part of families' adaptative strategies when dealing with chronic conditions, as part of security measures in the case of patients with aggressive behaviors, or as part of punitive measures when transgressions are committed. We conclude the article by addressing the tensions between local and global meanings of stigma. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Amid a crisis of political representation, Chile ran an institutional experiment. After a month of riots, lootings and human rights violations, in November 2019, the Chilean Parliament proposed the creation of a fully elected convention with the one objective of writing a new Constitution. The 155 members were elected in October 2020 and 62% of them were non-professional politicians but environmental activists, members of indigenous communities or feminist leaders. Inspired by the ideas of representative claim proposed by Saward and performativity coined by Butler, we analysed their inauguration speeches to observe how they attempted to constitute themselves as political representatives. We found that they relied upon four types of speech appeal in their political claims-making. We refer to these as the Agonistic (whereby the claim-maker purported to speak for "us" as opposed to "them"); the Climactic (whereby the claim-maker offered themselves as an embodiment of a historical coming of age for a particular group); the Biographical (the claim-maker focuses upon their personal qualities of identity with empathy towards a group); and the Trustee (whereby, adhering to more conventional rhetoric of representation, a claim-maker sets out their qualification to acknowledge and look after the interests and values of a particular group). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Across the world, an increasing number of states or state representatives have offered apologies for human rights violations, particularly since the 1990s. There is debate, however, on how valuable such gestures are and what impact they have. To address this, we examined what the perspectives of victim community members and the general public are in this regard, in different parts of the world. We focused on the apologies for the El Mozote massacre in El Salvador, the Jeju 4.3 events in the Republic of Korea, and Bloody Sunday in the United Kingdom, whereby we conducted 127 in-depth interviews with members of victim communities and the general public in these countries. Using thematic analysis, we found across these three countries that participants from the victim group and the general public saw the apology as a meaningful event because it acknowledges the suffering of the victims and breaks the silence about past atrocities. This suggests that apologies may answer to a broadly shared need for recognition. Nevertheless, the apologies were also regarded as limited in terms of their overall role in reconciliation processes and the further changes that they generate. The article concludes by discussing this ambivalence, present in both the apology literature as among our participants' responses across the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Human rights are inalienable rights we each possess by virtue of being human. The Atlantic provinces in Canada are the least studied with respect to understanding how much their cities and towns fulfill constitutional and quasi-constitutional human rights obligations in their land use bylaws. This paper aims to answer this question: what are the critical human rights challenges confronting zoning bylaws of Atlantic Canadian cities? Using a mixed methods approach, the study concludes that despite some potential violations of human rights in the region, Atlantic Canadian municipalities are advancing positively on the human rights front, with a number of encouraging developments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper engages with the routine normalisation of mass violations of human rights at the EU–Belarusian border. The direct and indirect victimisation of the racialised 'other' on the Eastern border of the Union is a direct extension of the EU-sponsored war on the racialised passport-poor in the Mediterranean. Together, the two form one clear and coherent picture of flagrant mass rights abuse. This EU law approach has claimed more than 27,000 lives over the last eight years and left more than 120,000 innocent people captured and imprisoned, or enslaved and sold for ransom by the criminal proxies enlisted by the EU and its Member States. This dramatic situation has not arisen by chance. An array of legal techniques is deployed by the EU, specifically by FRONTEX, the European Commission and, albeit incidentally and to a lesser extent, the European Court of Justice—to make sure that the full brunt of the denial of the right to life and other vital rights of non-citizens is never presented as a violation of EU law. We call these legal techniques 'EU lawlessness law'. Focusing on the situation at the EU–Belarusian border allows us to zoom in on the bespoke lawlessness solutions crafted and deployed there by the EU and its Member States. The gross violations of the law are rhetorically justified by the alleged instrumentalisation of migrants by the dictatorial Belarusian regime. Paradoxically, the latter emerges as a de facto partner of the EU and its Member States, in torturing numerous people in complete disregard of any of the legal guarantees that the Union professes to provide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is dedicated to the analysis of a new category of rights, which legal specialists refer to as the fourth generation of rights. This is directly related to the rapid development of new technologies and significant changes in legal relations that have emerged at present, as well as the emergence of new forms of business activities and certain information asymmetry, and the sharp increase in online life, which increasingly requires legal regulation. These factors influence the increase and intensification of challenges for both international and national law. The article analyzes the possible risks associated with the violation of such important values as freedom of expression, justice, and the rule of law, leading to the threat of human rights violations in the information space and the inability to protect them due to the lack of legal certainty and the absence of legal frameworks. Therefore, the author provides certain options for resolving the issue of protecting digital human rights. The article explores digital human rights and the specifics of their restriction in the context of contemporary legal challenges. Given society’s increasing dependence on information technologies, the protection of digital rights is becoming a crucial aspect of ensuring citizens’ fundamental freedoms. The main international legal documents regulating digital rights, such as the European Convention on Human Rights, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, are examined. Special attention is given to the conditions for derogating digital rights during emergencies, particularly in the context of the Russian Federation’s military aggression against Ukraine. The main forms of digital rights violations are analyzed, including Internet access restrictions, censorship, privacy breaches, disinformation, and propaganda. The article emphasizes the necessity of adhering to the principles of legality, necessity, proportionality, and temporariness when restricting digital rights to ensure a balance between national security and the preservation of fundamental human rights. An authorial definition of the term “digital rights” is provided. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is devoted to the analysis of the institute of control in international law as one of the elements for attributing the behaviour of a separatist entity or other anti-governmental organisation to the state in the process of bringing the latter to international legal responsibility for internationally wrongful acts, primarily massive human rights violations. The author emphasises the growing importance of the issue of control in the context of modern armed conflicts, where ‘proxy’ forces are increasingly used, acting formally independently but in fact controlled by states. This raises new challenges for international law, especially in the area of human rights protection, including during armed conflicts, and State responsibility. The article examines the provisions of some international instruments relating to the responsibility of States for internationally wrongful acts, and in particular those provisions which provide for attribution of conduct of individuals or groups of individuals acting ‘at the direction’, or ‘under the direction’, or ‘under the control’ of the State. The article discusses three main concepts of control, namely: strict control, effective control and general control. The authors analyse in detail the history of the emergence and development of each concept, as well as explain the main differences between them, and reveal their strengths and weaknesses. It is argued that strict control requires complete dependence of the organisation on the state, while effective control allows for autonomy of the organisation, but requires a certain influence of the state on its actions. Overall control emphasises the importance of structured interaction between the state and the group. The authors provide examples of the application of these concepts in the practice of international justice bodies, including the International Court of Justice, the European Court of Human Rights, and the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, highlighting the difference in approaches to assessing control and responsibility of states. These examples demonstrate the difficulty of proving a certain level of control, which affects the resolution of disputes in international courts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is aimed at solving the scientific task of studying the problematic issues arising in connection with the implementation of the institute of appealing against a notice of suspicion in pretrial criminal proceedings. It is noted that with a view to ensuring human rights and freedoms in criminal proceedings, the provisions of criminal procedure legislation enshrine the right of a suspect to appeal against a notice of suspicion. However, the lack of clear legal regulation of the substantive and criminal procedural grounds for such an appeal leads to a violation of the principles of reasonableness of time limits and application of due process of law to a person. The author establishes that among the substantive grounds for appeal, the provisions on the completeness of the content of the suspicion, the correctness of the criminal law qualification should be distinguished, and among the criminal procedural grounds – the proper subject, compliance with the deadlines, availability of sufficient evidence, explanation of the suspect’s rights, and compliance with the procedure for serving a notice of suspicion. It is noted that in the context of determining the level of violation of human rights and freedoms, the criterion of ‘materiality/ insignificance’ should influence the establishment of grounds for appealing against a notice of suspicion to ensure the requirement of general fairness of criminal proceedings. The author emphasizes that the problem of regulatory regulation of appealing against a notice of suspicion is the uncertainty of the procedural time limit after which a relevant complaint may be filed if the prosecution parties notify a new suspicion or change the original notice of suspicion. It is found that the implementation of a notice of suspicion covers several stages, and therefore is considered through the prism of a combination of a procedural decision and the execution of a procedural action. It is stated that the inaction of an investigator, coroner, or prosecutor, which is manifested in the failure to serve a notice of suspicion, is subject to a separate appeal in terms of failure to serve a written notice of suspicion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates how human rights considerations are increasingly shaping tort law by focusing on the gradual expansion of the duty of care in business and human rights cases. For decades, victims have attempted to hold parent companies to account for extraterritorial human rights abuses committed by their foreign subsidiaries. Recently, the Supreme Court ruled that UK courts have jurisdiction over such business and human rights cases. These cases are not only jurisdictional. They also contributed to developing the duty of care case law on parental liability. But how much can human rights considerations stretch the boundaries of tort law? The article analyses the case of climate change litigation to assess whether a further development in tort law jurisprudence would be necessary to hold corporations accountable for their contribution to climate change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the underlying and immediate triggers of Nigeria's EndSARS protest and their interconnectedness. Leveraging Braun and Clark's reflexive thematic analysis of interviews with 11 participants along with the ethnographic approach, the authors constructed a broader theme termed 'EndSARS – An Umbrella'. They identify three primary themes (youth unemployment, endemic public sector corruption/poor police welfare and poverty) as the root causes of the EndSARS protest. In addition, they single out one theme (police – perennial human rights abuse) as the immediate cause. They contend that these prevalent socio-economic challenges, commonly experienced among the participants in their study, intersect and serve as pivotal catalysts for mobilization within the context of the EndSARS protest. These distinctive yet challenging characteristics play a central role in broadening the composition of the protesters, resulting in their quest for government accountability and a better Nigeria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Domestic violence is a significant cause of human suffering and a violation of fundamental human rights. It represents one of the most prevalent forms of violence globally. The Penal Code of the Republic of Kosovo classifies domestic violence as a distinct criminal offense. This classification encompasses physical, psychological, economic, and sexual violence within familial relationships. This study aims to explore individuals' perceptions and knowledge of domestic violence. It also seeks to identify the causes, effects, and barriers faced by victims in reporting such incidents in Kosovo. A structured survey was conducted with 900 randomly selected participants from various regions of Kosovo. This survey was complemented by secondary data analysis. The secondary data included legislation on domestic violence protection, reports from international organizations, and academic literature. The mixed-methods approach facilitated a comprehensive assessment of the occurrence of domestic violence. The sample consisted of 900 individuals, ensuring diverse representation from urban and rural areas. Findings indicate that genetic predisposition is perceived as the primary cause of domestic violence, with 53% of respondents agreeing. Common effects experienced by victims include physical injury and depression, both reported by 34% of participants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research aims to compile data on the challenges faced by women in prison and the available legal remedies for their plight. To guarantee women prisoners' protection and provide a non-custodial degree of punishment, the Bangkok Rules was established in 2010 by the United Nations General Assembly. Overcrowding, inadequate sanitation and cleanliness, poor nutrition, a lack of education, violence, and the hazards of pregnancy and child care are merely some of the physical and mental difficulties that women confront in prisons in India. Women are safeguarded against exploitation and granted access to essentials by a multitude of laws, regulations, and standards. In reaction to human rights violations against such convicts, the Indian judiciary has vigorously interpreted Articles 19, 21, 22, 37, and 39 A of the Indian constitution. What options does a woman have when "caretakers" are turned into abusers? Their predicament is exacerbated by the prevailing state of prisons, gender bias, abuse while incarcerated, harsh treatment of children, inadequacy of fundamental human rights, and restricted availability of prison resources. The research envisages the pressing need for improvements by addressing women's rights, challenges, and variables in prison. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Covid pandemic reaction has made manifest a hidden hatred of theory on the part of the consensual elite, specifically the ability of anyone to make a theory that would tie together loose strands of thought and make sense out of an apparently chaotic world. This article examines how the Manifeste exposes how certain concepts dear to the political Left (such as solidarity and mass movements) were complicit in the human rights abuses which began in 2020, while also pointing out the concepts that have endured as powerful tools in the struggle, but which the anonymous author/s of the Manifeste did not assign to any one thinker (biopolitics, deconstruction, the metaphysics of ‘cool’, etc.). The Manifeste conspires with the silent texts of French theory from Foucault, Deleuze and Derrida to Rancière and Agamben, and along the way offers a new hermeneutical practice. This new way of reading seeks a commonality of experience, a privileging of the wink over the ‘nudge’. The Manifeste asks us to find common cause with others who know how to read what is happening, to break with hierarchical institutions and prefabricated identities; in short it asks us to love theory again. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is devoted to some problematic issues of prosecution for enforced disappearance. It is noted that the analysis of reports on criminal offenses posted on the website of the Office of the Prosecutor General, which contain information on the number of registered facts of crimes under Art. 146-1 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine, showed the dynamics that during the first one and a half years of this article, no criminal proceedings were registered. In the following years, the number of recorded cases of enforced disappearances began to increase, and a significant jump occurred at the beginning of the full-scale invasion of the Russian Federation into Ukraine. However, today's rates of registration of such crimes are significantly lower compared to 2022. Official statistics on crimes under Art. 146-1 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine probably does not reflect the real situation, since the detection and recording of such cases are complicated due to wartime and the occupation of the relevant territories of Ukraine. It has been studied that the term «enforced disappearance» was first used by non-governmental organizations in Latin America in the 1960s and is a literal translation of the Spanish phrase «disaparacion forzada», which reveals the concept of enforced disappearance as a brutal violation of human rights and a crime committed directly or indirectly with the support state authorities in order to eliminate political opponents. It was analyzed that the composition of enforced disappearance, provided for in Part 1 of Art. 146-1 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine, is formal and material, and Part 2 of this Art. - formal on the objective side. The author concluded that the criminalization of enforced disappearance in our country was necessary to counteract this particularly serious violation of human rights, since other provisions of the current criminal legislation do not reflect the complex nature of the damage that enforced disappearance causes (or may cause in the future). In addition, the specific legal nature of the investigated criminal offense makes it possible to distinguish it from similar crimes. In particular, this includes the presence of its special subject and such a mandatory feature as the subsequent refusal to recognize the fact of the arrest, detention or deprivation of liberty of a person in any other form or concealment of information about the fate or location of this person. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Online disinformation is a constant on social media platforms, particularly flourishing in times of elections. While sometimes harmless, it can lead to very serious human rights violations, including the right to political participation. The recent Online Safety Act in the United Kingdom and the EU Digital Services Act promise to make the online space safe by addressing harmful online content. This article explores the extent to which the OSA and DSA protect the right to political participation when addressing online disinformation. By comparing the two instruments, the article argues that they fall short in effectively protecting the two main components of Article 25 ICCPR, the right to vote and the right to stand for election, when threatened by online disinformation. In particular, it shows that the existing provisions are often vague and general with excessive deference to online platforms, urging strong enforcement and a more prominent role for regulators. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is a critical analysis of the anti-homosexuality legislation in Uganda, a state in East Africa. It primarily uses Plato’s political philosophy as expressed in Aristophanes’ speech in the Symposium. Using the Aristophanic viewpoint, the study derived six analytical concepts that structure its findings, discussion and conclusion. These are: the origin and fall of man; all sexual orientations are valid whether lesbian, homosexual or heterosexual; sexual cravings are natural phenomena whether lesbian, homosexual or heterosexual; law encumbers natural feelings of love and should not be used to prohibit any aspect of sexual orientation; homosexual (man-man) relations generate greater political benefits than the rest; scientific knowledge can be used to justify Aristophanes mythological explanations of sexual orientation. These concepts have been transformed into analytical questions in the study regarding the morality, naturality and legality of homosexuality in Uganda. This has led to several conclusions: All sexual orientations are valid whether lesbian, homosexual or heterosexual; Sexual cravings are natural phenomena whether lesbian, homosexual or heterosexual; and Law encumbers natural feelings of love and should not be used to prohibit any aspect of sexual orientation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nigeria is witnessing a mass emigration of its active labor force to more advanced economies, just like other developing countries. Approximately half of licensed medical doctors in Nigeria have emigrated, contributing to a widening doctors-to-patients ratio. In response to this concerning trend, in 2023, a legislator introduced a bill to restrain doctors from leaving Nigeria upon completing their studies by withholding their full license for five years. The public, including health professionals, criticized the bill. This study investigates the public discourse on the bill by extracting and analyzing responses published in newspaper articles, blogs, tweets, and LinkedIn posts. The analysis revealed that, while a few politicians supported the bill, the general populace opposed it due to perceived inconsistencies, a lack of focus on the core causes of migration, allegations of political elite's hypocrisy, concerns about human rights violations and unemployment. By conducting this research, this article sheds light on the complexities of public opinion surrounding the proposed legislation, providing valuable insights into the multifaceted challenges associated with addressing the medical brain drain in Nigeria. The article contributes to the ongoing debate on the migratory trends of highly skilled workers from developing countries to advanced economies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Domestic violence is widely recognised as a global issue and a fundamental human rights violation. Internationally, it is often addressed through human rights frameworks that emphasise victim-centered interventions. In the United States, a distinct policy trajectory focused on criminalisation has developed. Drawing from untapped sources, including 1977–1978 congressional debates, this study reveals the emergence of an “epidemic discourse” on domestic violence. This discourse, guided by the epidemic metaphor, depicted domestic violence as a contagious social problem transmitted by children mimicking spousal violence. The metaphor gained traction in Congressional debates by aligning with statistics, magnifying the issue's scale. However, it inadvertently shifted attention from victim support to preventive and punitive strategies aimed at isolating perpetrators while maintaining, through the notion of risk factors, individual responsibility for a woman having become a victim. Notably, the U.S. has since exported many of its punitive policies globally, influencing other nations’ approaches to domestic violence. The findings underscore the subtle yet significant role metaphors can play in policymaking and in shaping public perceptions of emerging social problems. This analysis, with its focus on unsuccessful legislative bills and debates, enhances our understanding of discursive processes that shape social problem construction, leading to unforeseen dynamics within policymaking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyses logic as an element of legal reasoning and its application in the process of drafting legal documents. Mastering the art of drafting legal documents is an invaluable skill in the professional legal activity of representatives of various legal professions, which can ensure their comprehensibility and clarity, and accordingly, the proper protection of rights. An integral part of this skill is logic as an element of legal reasoning, the correctness of its application. Representatives of various legal professions, whose work is related to legal norms and the drafting of legal documents, refer to elementary rules of logic. Legal reasoning related to the interpretation of normative legal acts and their application to cases, during the evaluation of evidence and making final decisions, which are reflected in legal documentation, is an important means of achieving the rule of law. Due to the special legal thinking, lawyers get the ability to consider any thing from a concrete and not an abstract point of view. Every successful lawyer must be well versed in the laws of formal and informal logic, the rules of operating concepts, judgments, and inferences. Logic is the science of how we should reason if our goal is to discover truth. Neglecting the laws of formal logic in the process of drafting legal documents (identity, contradiction, excluded third party and sufficient grounds) leads to errors. The lack of necessary skills can manifest itself in the composition of the text of legal documents in the form of errors, which, in turn, can cause serious consequences in the form of violations of human rights and freedoms and, as a result, the principle of the rule of law. Knowledge of formal and informal logic, the peculiarities of its application, will contribute to the development of the skills of correct and effective legal reasoning, which will master the art of drafting legal documents -- an invaluable skill in the professional legal activity of representatives of various legal professions, which is the unconditional foundation of the observance of human rights and freedoms in our state, as well as implementation of the rule of law principle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is devoted to the analysis of the provisions of international human rights law and international humanitarian law regarding the protection of the right to property, in particular the permitted limitations of this right, the relevant practice of international human rights courts and international criminal tribunals, the connection between the institution of derogation and the law of armed conflicts, as well as problematic issues of the protection of the right to property damaged during the russian-Ukrainian armed conflict. The author considers the provisions of some international treaties, which provide for the protection of the right to own property in peacetime, as well as the case-law of the European Court of Human Rights related to the violation of the right of applicants to own their property in accordance with Protocol No. 1 to the Convention on the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms in connection with an international armed conflict or a situation of occupation. The author also analyzes the provisions of some sources of international humanitarian law regarding property as an object that must be protected during armed conflicts, in particular in occupied territories, and also provides examples of cases of international criminal tribunals, in whose decisions the destruction of property was recognized as a component of crimes against humanity. The author examines the question of the relationship between the sources of international human rights law and international humanitarian law in the context of the protection of the right to peaceful possession of property. The peculiarities of the institution of derogation in the context of the right to property in the conditions of an international armed conflict are analyzed. Ukraine's derogation from its obligations under international human rights treaties, including the right to peaceful possession of property, in the conditions of russian armed aggression, is studied. In addition, in the context of the armed conflict between Ukraine and russia, the objects of property rights and the interested subjects of the right to property, which is violated or limited as a result of military operation, are singled out, and the collective dimension of the right to property, which was damaged during the russian-Ukrainian armed conflict, was investigated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: The stigma associated with mental health disorders (MHDs) results in delayed help-seeking, limited access to health services, suboptimal treatment, poor treatment outcomes, and an increased risk of human rights violations. This scoping review summarizes qualitative research on the lived experiences of different stakeholders regarding strategies and interventions to combat stigma for people with MHDs. Methods: This study was a six-step scoping review using the Arksey and O'Malley framework. A comprehensive search of the following electronic databases was conducted to identify relevant records: PubMed, Scopus, Web of Science (WoS) and Google Scholar, as well as a manual search of the reference lists. All steps, including screening of eligible studies, data extraction, and analysis, were performed independently by multiple reviewers, with disagreements resolved by discussion. The data were synthesized based on the for-content synthesis guidelines. Results: A total of 25 studies were included in this review of the 32,976 initial identified citations. The included studies were from all countries (low, middle, and high income), stigmatized disorders (e.g., schizophrenia, bipolar disorder, etc.) and target populations (e.g., people with MHDs and their families, health care providers, the general community, and students and school members). The thematic synthesis revealed six types of interventions and strategies and 17 themes related to reducing stigma in patients on MHDs. Strategies and interventions were classified by patient (self-stigma), family (family stigma), healthcare professionals' stigma, workplace stigma, public/societal stigma, and structural type of stigma (institutional stigma). Conclusions: This review contributes new evidence that should be considered in future interventions and policies to reduce stigma against MHDs. Multilevel and multistakeholder strategies and interventions are needed to reduce the stigmatization of MHDs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is devoted to the study of the legal regulation of the asylum granting and ensuring of the refugees’ rights in the European Union. Within the framework of the article, the legal basis of the Common European Asylum System functioning, the creation of which is laid down in the constituent treaties of the European Union, is investigated. In particular, it is determined that the purpose of such a common system is to establish unified standards for determining the criteria for admissibility of applications for asylum or international protection, a similar procedure for considering such applications and the grounds for refusing or suspending the status of a refugee or a person seeking temporary protection, as well as determining the state, responsible for providing asylum, uniform standards for ensuring the rights of refugees, as well as common principles of cooperation between the Member States and partner states that are not members of the Union. The key provisions of the Directive on qualification criteria, on the procedure for granting asylum and international protection, on the conditions of reception and rights of refugees, as well as the Dublin Regulation and the Eurodac Regulation were analyzed. The authors put an emphasis on the fact that because of the full-scale invasion and emergence of the war on the territory of Ukraine, significant changes were made to the process and procedures for granting refugee status and providing asylum within the framework of the legislation of the European Union. The latest Pact on Migration and Asylum was analyzed, especially regarding changes in ensuring border security, quick and effective procedures for considering and obtaining the status of a refugee or a person seeking international protection, solidarity and responsibility among countries that are obliged to provide asylum, as well as strengthening international cooperation in the field of migration. The authors express their support for those concerns regarding alleged violations that may occur after the entry into force of the Pact, in connection with the threat of violations of fundamental human rights. It was concluded that ensuring dignity and respect for human rights is a priority, considering that refugees are recognized as persons who have already suffered violations and were forced to leave their homes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines theoretical and legal issues related to the need to introduce the institution of the Commissioner for Environmental Rights in Ukraine. In order to clarify this issue, the legislation of Ukraine and international legal acts, the provisions of which relate to environmental human rights, are analyzed. In addition, the authors researched the foreign experience of various models of the implementation of the position of the environmental ombudsman – the USA, Great Britain, Austria and the Republic of the Philippines. Taking into account the increase in factors influencing the state of the environment, the issue of protecting violated human environmental rights is becoming increasingly important. It is especially important to ensure the protection of environmental rights in the period of martial law in connection with the mass of their violation by the aggressor state. The issue of the relationship between the environment and human rights is considered. The article proposes the introduction of the position of the Commissioner for Environmental Rights in Ukraine with the definition of his main tasks, in particular: the implementation of the state environmental policy and strategies for the sustainable development of regions in the field of environmental protection, the implementation of monitoring in order to detect violations of environmental human rights, the initiation of the investigation of committed violations in the absence of a statement from other individuals or legal entities about offenses, taking measures to prevent violations of environmental human rights, conducting educational and educational events for individuals and legal entities. Additionally, the grounds for the presence of regional representatives of the Environmental Ombudsman have been established. Attention is drawn to achieving the goal of sustainable and green economic development, taking into account climate goals, as well as protection of legal foundations, including environmental and social components. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Rohingya, a Muslim minority living mainly in the northern Rakhine state of Myanmar, are considered illegal immigrants from Bangladesh, despite the fact that they have settled in Myanmar for hundreds of years. Myanmar recognized 135 ethnic groups under the 1982 Citizenship Act which excludes the Rohingya as an ethnic group in Myanmar and they became stateless. Myanmar Security Forces have committed grave violation of human rights against Rohingya. The latest attack in 2017 was more heinous than in 1978, 1992, and 2012. As of June 2018, The Rohingya refugee in Bangladesh was portrayed as a protracted refugee situation. In many protracted refugee situations, a durable solution such as local integration, resettlement and voluntary repatriations needed to be implemented to end the prolonged displacement. The aim of this paper is to discuss the most feasible durable solutions to be implemented to repatriate Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The scientific article explored various aspects of limitations on human rights and freedoms, including their classification, mechanisms, and application features. The article highlighted the distinction between direct restrictions on rights and limitations on their implementation, as well as voluntary and compulsory limitations. The main principle of the study was to ensure a balance between the protection of individual rights and the state’s need to ensure security and order. Various types of limitations that may arise in times of war or emergency were analyzed in detail, taking into account their legality, proportionality, and justification. Restrictions on human rights are only temporary in nature. Human rights can be limited only if this is directly provided for by the Constitution of Ukraine and does not contradict the norms of international law. Only in this case, restrictions can be considered legitimate and legal. It is also necessary to say that from the point of view of practical application, the problem of the relationship between private rights and state activity is particularly important for constitutional law: on the one hand, the state, and on the other, a person. We mean that the state is created by people for themselves, in order to protect their rights, but again, the state arises as a response to the inability of human society to live without it, without its power and limitations, the state becomes, as it were, the highest manifestation of social organization and order, the only guarantor of security, stability and development. To date, the issue of restrictions on human and citizen rights in the rule of law by state authorities has become the most urgent. The main facts of violation of human and citizen rights are violations by the state, as well as violations by individuals. The legislation of Ukraine stipulates that the rights and freedoms of a person and a citizen can be limited only to the extent that it is necessary for the security of the state, the population and the defense of the country. Therefore, the establishment of certain prohibitions caused by the specified legal regime should be of an exclusively temporary nature. The article also discussed the classification of human rights based on their content and the possibility of limitation, providing a basis for further research in this area. Thus, important aspects of restricting human and citizen rights were revealed, contributing to an understanding of their essence and scope. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indonesia is essentially pluralistic and multicultural. As a diverse country, Indonesia has the largest number of Muslim adherents in the world. The country commits itself on religious tolerance, democratic transformation, and the promotion of human rights. However, many Indonesians face religious discrimination. Laws, policies, and practices contrary to international human rights continue, and the State has been failing to protect its citizens from religious intolerance and violence. Concentration of power, wealth in the hand of oligarchy has caused state terrorism and capital violence. People's initiatives to solve their own daily lives can be easily crushed. This paper chooses the case of Gafatar to show how state apparatus executed Three Ministerial Decrees as the legal justification of violence to its citizens, besides The Indonesian Council of Religious Scholars banned the Millah Abraham's teaching, and until today, The Government has not revised it. Indonesia's commitment to human dignity and harmony is questioned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies the international determinants of extrajudicial police killings in Latin America. Human rights violations by security forces are a problem that has plagued Latin American countries, despite broad democratization efforts in the region. Addressing the problem requires a better understanding of the processes that underlie it. Although existing literature has explored the determinants of police repression in Latin America through country-specific studies, there has been a lack of cross-national analyses. In this article we use original data on human rights violations by security forces in Latin America between 1998 and 2018 to argue that, beyond domestic factors, foreign aid provided by the United States in the War on Drugs era has influenced police repression both by encouraging heavy-handed policies and by driving a substitution dynamic between violations by different security forces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cross‐border illegal wildlife trade (IWT) poses significant social, political and economic threats. Despite a 2013 recommendation from the Secretariat of the Convention on the International Trade of Endangered Species to incorporate a human rights perspective in counter‐IWT initiatives, our analysis of official documents spanning 2013–2022 reveals a lack of explicit implementation by international bodies. During the same period, global human rights organisations have given limited attention to the connections between IWT and human rights violations. In this article, we explore how integrating a human rights perspective can enhance the international legal framework and domestic measures against IWT. We conclude that to successfully implement counter‐IWT legislation, a shift in mindset is needed. A human rights approach is not just desirable, but rather necessary, in the interpretation, application and revision of policy interventions, for laws against IWT to be truly effective and equitable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current research sought to identify the role of artificial intelligence as an actor in the Palestinian issue after the events of October 7, 2023. The research relied on the descriptive method to study the effectiveness and impact of artificial intelligence in the Palestinian issue. The research attempted to determine the reactions of artificial intelligence applications and tools, based on the electronic interview tool with Chat GPT 4, Gemini and Copilot. The results of the research revealed the role of artificial intelligence as a military actor through the Israeli army’s use of artificial intelligence-based systems to determine the targets of its air strikes on Gaza and determine its defense priorities, in addition to the use of artificial intelligence techniques to monitor, track and trace the Palestinians, which often results in human rights violations such as recognition techniques. Faces used in military barriers. The role of artificial intelligence as an international actor has also become clear, as Israel's use of artificial intelligence-enhanced weapons has raised ethical questions about the technology's ability to facilitate violence and human rights violations. The results of the research demonstrated the role of artificial intelligence as a social actor (a supportive actor in solidarity with the Palestinian cause - a mobilizing actor that polarizes public opinion) through the use of deep fake technology and the spread of fake materials on social networking sites. The role of artificial intelligence as a cognitive actor has also become clear, as the impact of the use of artificial intelligence in generating misleading content and the transparency of the content management process enhanced by artificial intelligence, which threatens Palestinian content, and which has now been adopted by the Meta, LinkedIn, and TikTok platforms. Based on what the research results revealed regarding the actors of artificial intelligence (military, international, social, and cognitive actors), we conclude that artificial intelligence is a material actor in the events of the 2023 Gaza War, while the Israeli army is the real moral actor behind the crimes of this war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do states and their agents abuse citizens? Traditional explanations focus on contentious politics, the presence of institutions, and international pressures. Despite this, accounts dissecting the state and its agents in this context of abuse remain largely theoretic in nature. This article offers a breakthrough for within-the-state accounts of human rights abuses by focusing on state leaders and their relationship to broader government institutions and function. We posit that personalist leaders have fundamentally different relationship with institutions that foster human rights respect, arguing that leaders relying on their own merits and qualities are less likely to either activate or manipulate institutions of accountability for human rights abuses. Using data from 1991 to 2019, we show that the presence of leaders legitimizing themselves within personalist framing can worsen human rights conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how states mobilise ideologies of the rule of law to legitimise, facilitate and obscure human rights violations, especially in the context of citizenship and migration. There is a global pattern of states using ostensibly legal means to undermine citizenship status of vulnerable minorities. In several national contexts, the invocation of the rule of law and the use of legal identity documents are interlocked. States have relied on the regimes of documentary citizenship as the legal face of citizenship deprivation. This article studies India's north-eastern state of Assam – one of the most striking instances of this pattern – where bureaucratic practices of citizenship adjudication have threatened the citizenship status of more than 3 million people. It shows that despite being centred around them, the administrators of documentary citizenship routinely disregard identity documents in their everyday functioning. It argues that India's ethnicised politics towards immigration constitutes contradictory attitudes towards identity documents. Officials imagine legal identity documents as legitimate and viable, and simultaneously compromised due to administrative corruption and complicity. This documentary doublethink engenders grave instability of citizenship status. The article illuminates how the rule of law – like the documentary regimes it sustains – is Janus-faced by producing and obscuring precarious citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the long duration of posttransitional authoritarian discourses of "national security" in Uruguay, in the five decades since the coup that led to a State terrorist regime. We posit that the current deployment of Cold war era discourses justifying state terrorism constitute foundational master tools that enable modern-day military and alt-right autocrats to conceal human rights violations and appropriate the liberal human rights discourse for illiberal political ends. Authoritarians of this new type use these resignified democratic discourses to perpetuate their power, gain influence, and legitimize their repressive illiberal practices. The article uses three public debates relating to the military's illicit actions in the dictatorship and their involvement in contemporary politics via the new military political party, Cabildo Abierto, to show how these authoritarian tools are deployed in political discourse. We analyze a corpus of texts from recent judicial documents with military "confessions," official withholding of secret archives, and law proposals presented in Congress. Our findings show that dictatorship-era discourses of "national security" are employed by contemporary military and right-wing political actors for the purpose of sustaining their power. We reveal continuities in dictatorship era discourse practices and strategies that contribute to the emergence of new autocratic social actors who enter the political sphere to capture state resources and protect their group interests. Our findings contribute to the exploration of discursive uses of the past in the present resulting in increased political polarization and autocratic tendencies in contemporary Uruguay. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The musical Allegiance was inspired by the childhood of actor-activist George Takei, a Japanese American whose family was incarcerated by the United States government in 'war relocation camps' during World War II. Performed in both New York and London, the play is a rare popular depiction of Japanese detention – a chapter of American history that is simultaneously present and hidden in U.S. public imagination. The musical underscores the realities of racial discrimination that rendered Japanese Americans vulnerable to rights abuses and asks whether a citizen must prove one's loyalty. Thinking through the 'absent presence' of Japanese American incarceration by viewing performances such as Allegiance is a vital step for acknowledging the precariousness of American citizenship and for preventing human rights abuses in the future. Today, this play serves as a cautionary tale for the United States as anti-Asian hatred spikes and citizenship stripping among naturalized American citizens increases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Corporate involvement in atrocity crimes refers to instances in which businesses are linked to the commission of genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, or other gross human rights violations. This article traces four trends in the regulation of this phenomenon, from the 1600 s to the present. I argue that the persuasive trend of no regulation of this type of corporate wrongdoing has seen three countertrends: international criminal justice, civil society labelling corporate involvement in atrocity crimes as something worth engaging with, and institutionalization of norms. This article describes and analyses these trends, uncovering some recurring patterns that emerge in efforts towards preventing, ending, or limiting corporate involvement in atrocity crimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The idea of the world as a global village has brought about various transnational problems. One of these problems is the transition of forced marriages into the modern form of slavery. Forced marriage continues to be a violation of human rights specifically in the context of modern slavery, usually existing during armed conflicts. Such a violation is linked to modern slavery as it constitutes slavery-like practices, including abuse, sexual assault, rape, domestic violence, and so on. In literature and practice, forced marriages in times of armed conflicts are usually labelled as personal problems requiring personal solutions. Factors such as financial crisis, threats to honour, and family protection lead to forced marriages in conflict zones. Such factors have been overlooked, resulting in the absence of legislation across the globe to prohibit forced marriages during conflicts. Consequently, international laws need to be on the same page in the categorization of forced marriages as modern slavery by considering it a specified form of human rights violation. Inconsistent labelling in this regard has produced ambiguity in resolving the issue through practical mechanisms. Severe violations of human rights continue to occur due to the absence of an explicit prohibition of forced marriage in armed conflicts, as highlighted through multiple case studies in this research. A preventive solution is required to hinder the practice that is feasible through the codification of the prevention mechanisms under International Law (IL) and International Humanitarian Law (IHL). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses jurisdictional issues when cases related to arbitral awards of the Court of Arbitration for Sport end up before the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR). By focusing on the ECtHR's Third Chamber judgment in the Semenya case, it discusses how the unique governance structure of sports governing bodies, as the benchmark for such disputes, has distorted the traditional jurisdictional paradigms of the ECtHR, posing challenges for the Court in addressing potential human rights violations in the realm of sports. This article argues that human rights claims arising from sports activities form a new class of human rights litigation stemming from the activities of private actors with a strong public character. Such dynamics grant the ECtHR a central role as the ultimate arbiter in protecting human rights within the realm of sports and require it to subject the sports proceedings to a comprehensive review both on procedural and substantive grounds, even with relation to athletes residing outside the territory of Council of Europe member States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Human rights groups of all sizes and specializations gather evidence of human rights violations. Those with sufficient resources commonly use dedicated databases to manage the intricate web of sources, events, and analyses that build a strong case. However, developing databases for the needs of each organization remains a challenge. Effective database design requires a data model, which functions as a blueprint for how the data is structured and related. A most basic example of what a data model can specify is that a human rights violation is committed by at least one perpetrator, and that the perpetrator's attributes, such as name or date of birth, should be recorded. A data model that is shared and generic reduces the need to reinvent the wheel since its design can be reused for several databases. In the information systems field, such shared models are called ontologies. Despite the critical nature of the matter, no ontology for human rights violations documentation exists. The present note, therefore, will present the design of the first ontology of this kind. It was developed in association with the human rights group HURIDOCS, which specializes in information management. The requirements elicitation included unstructured interviews with HURIDOCS, document analysis of human rights manuals, and a survey with practitioners. The resulting ontology, named OntoRights, is freely available online with an open license. The evaluation of OntoRights suggests that OntoRights could be highly useful for case databases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Transnational Human Rights Violations (THRV) are infringements of individual rights that originate outside the jurisdiction in which they take effect. Ranging from violent and criminal forms of transnational repression through to coercion against targets' family members abroad, digital surveillance, and legal intimidation, THRVs today generate widespread and systemic constraints on the exercise of human rights in jurisdictions around the world. At present, however, targets of THRVs typically find few avenues through which to raise complaints, receive assistance or pursue redress. This article proposes a new domestic institutional mechanism to directly address this situation. It first examines the mutually reinforcing, additive effects of transnational surveillance, coercion and censorship in the digital era. Next, it identifies relevant human rights standards showing state responsibilities to monitor and counter THRVs within their jurisdiction, and the growing recognition of additive, systemic effects of THRVs on broad populations. The third section examines policy responses in the United States, Australia, United Kingdom, and international organizations, noting that none has adequately addressed the contemporary nature and scope of THRVs as international standards require. The final section argues that to meet their obligations, states should establish Transnational Rights Protection Offices (TRPOs) to provide a clear contact point for targets to raise complaints and receive support; monitor and report on the situation of THRVs taking effect within the state's jurisdiction; advise and inform government departments on THRV issues; and develop evidence-based policy recommendations. We conclude by laying out the rationale for its institutional status within National Human Rights Institutions (NHRIs). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over 3.2 million civilians have been internally displaced in Myanmar due to human rights violations against civilians and indiscriminate attacks perpetrated by the Myanmar military since the coup on 1 February 2021. This situation compelled to flee the Myanmar people both within the country and to neighbouring countries such as India, Thailand, and Malaysia in search of safety and protection. India, as one of Myanmar's neighbouring countries, has received more than 78,731 refugees from Myanmar as of 2023. The investigation draws upon media and governmental reports published from February 2021 onwards. The findings show that the Indian government directed Mizoram and Manipur's state governments to prevent Myanmar's refugees from entering their territories. Nevertheless, the Mizoram State government adopted a welcoming stance towards Myanmar refugees by providing essential support, including food, blankets, education, and healthcare, through collaboration with local NGOs and communities. In contrast, the Manipur State government adopted a more restrictive approach by identifying, arresting, and repatriating Myanmar refugees, aligning with the central government's initial stance. This situation has led Myanmar refugees in Manipur State to live with constant fear of eviction and face the potential for forced repatriation to Myanmar. These contrasting responses reflect the complex interplay of local, national, and international factors shaping India's refugee policy and practice. This analysis underscores the need for a more comprehensive and consistent national approach to refugee issues, while also considering the unique local contexts of border states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Undocumented immigrants are one of the main issues faced by many countries, especially developed countries. Globally, various studies have been done related to this issue; however, in Pakistan, researchers are less inclined to investigate this phenomenon through mixed angles. This study aimed to investigate the specific barrier to undocumented Afghan immigrants accessing social services in the host community of Peshawar, Pakistan, and to examine the coping mechanism they used for overwhelming. Within this broad area, four key elements of undocumented immigrants were examined: the healthcare system, education system, livelihood, and human rights status. This study used mixed (qualitative and quantitative) research methodologies by purposely selecting samples and collecting data through interviews and surveys. Qualitative data were analyzed thematically, and quantitative data were analyzed using SPSS, and MS Office software. The result revealed that undocumented Afghan immigrants faced various challenges in access to social services, such as legal status and documentation void, communication barriers, fear of authority and deportation, and socio-cultural values. They had inadequacies in service provision, such as challenges in the healthcare system, including overcrowded clinics, long waiting hours, and limited access to healthcare services, lack of access to the education system, including restricted access to education, crowded classrooms, an increase in student–teacher ratio, an increase in informal education like madrasas; challenges in livelihood, including informal jobs, an increase in unemployment, a low wage, less job security, and human rights violations. The study also determines that rights are available in frameworks, but undocumented immigrants don't have access to them in reality. In addition, discrimination based on status while accessing social services was found. To overwhelming the situation, they developed remarkable resilience and coping strategies. Addressing the multifaceted challenges faced by Afghan undocumented immigrants requires collaborative efforts from policymakers and service providers, emphasizing the need for inclusive and rights-based interventions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT Research highlights the long‐term collective effects of mass human rights violations (MHRVs) on survivors’ wellbeing. This multi‐method, multi‐context paper combines the social identity approach (SIA), transitional and social justice theories and human rights‐conceptualised wellbeing to propose a human rights understanding of trauma responses and experiences in the context of MHRVs. In Study 1, ethnographic research in four locations in Kosova, 5 years post war indicates that lack of perceived conflict‐related and social justice is experienced as a key contributor to survivors’ individual and collective wellbeing. In Study 2, 61 semi‐structured interviews with MHRVs survivors from post‐war Kosova, post‐conflict Northern Ireland and post‐dictatorship Albania two to three decades post conflict also show that such justice experiences inform wellbeing. These studies illustrate the importance of expanding the SIA to health and trauma theories by taking account of a human rights‐conceptualised wellbeing as well as adopting a holistic analysis of justice perception. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2022 Beijing Winter Olympics took place when American public opinion about China was already predominantly negative as media reports had a lot of highlights of human rights violations happening in China. Besides, earlier, the global image of China was undermined by the COVID-19 pandemic. In this study, we explored whether American public opinion about the Olympics and China can be influenced by images of the Olympics shared in the media. Findings from the 2 × 2 between-subject experimental design suggest that the opinions about the Olympics can be predicted by people's beliefs about China's role in the global pandemic. In addition to that, our findings suggest that pre-existing opinions and feelings held by most of the population can mitigate the effects of visual primes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the context of neoliberalism and increasing globalization, technocratization, and scientification of mental health care, people suffering from socio-politico-economic problems ranging from poverty to structural violence are often transmogrified into "patients" with mental health problems to be "treated" with psychopharmaceuticals and individualized psychological therapies. Drawing from three socio-political issues India witnessed in the past 3 years, concerning three marginalized sections, namely, farmers, LGBTQIA+ people, and migrant workers, I illustrate the silence of mainstream mental health disciplines in India on sheer instances of structural violence and social suffering. Deflection of attention from human rights violations by mainstream mental health systems raises critical questions about the ethics and politics of mental health disciplines. The social, political, and material contexts that are central to lived experiences are almost always unaccounted in mental health academia, research, and practice. Engaging people with lived experiences advances equity by breaking down power dynamics, establishing collaborative decision-making, and improving equitable outcomes. Thus, knowledge production in mental health becomes irrelevant to political action and transformative policies that are crucial for positive mental health outcomes. By ignoring and thus implicitly sanctioning discriminatory, exploitive neoliberal architecture, mental health systems maintain the very upstream factors that cultivate and sustain mental distress. In this way, mainstream mental health practice in India fails to undertake world-making , raising deeper questions in public mental health ethics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The surge in visibility of human rights abuses within the seafood supply chain has propelled scrutiny into the sustainability of global fisheries, leading to heightened interest in the social performance of seafood companies and questioning the obligations of States in upholding human rights under international law. This review aims to bring clarity on where responsibility for ensuring compliance with human rights law lies within the context of the fishing industry. It provides a comprehensive analysis of international legal provisions related to the human rights of fishers, derived from both treaty law and State practice. To effectively address human rights and labor abuses, a transformative approach that prioritizes the wellbeing of workers over profit is needed, involving the implementation of participatory strategies, empowering workers and the cultivation of shared responsibility. Despite the proactive role played by the private sector in developing global standards, the review uncovers inherent limitations in relying solely on certifications for comprehensive human rights protection. The study concludes that international human right law unequivocally applies to fishers, with States primarily responsible for enforcement. As enforcement remains a challenge in the maritime context, particularly on the high seas, the burden for solutions should rest on a collaborative effort within the international arena to ensure a sustainable and ethical future for global seafood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]