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Although John Brown has been labelled in many ways, historians have not explored his connection with filibustering. This essay considers John Brown's raid on Harpers Ferry within that context, focusing specific attention on how Republicans turned Brown into a filibuster by comparing his actions to William Walker and Narciso López. In the immediate aftermath of Brown's raid on Harpers Ferry, Republicans faced the charge that they had inspired Brown by their alleged embrace of abolitionism. Republicans countered this by linking Brown to filibustering, arguing that Democrats had only recently championed William Walker. Brown's expedition was unlawful, Republicans argued, but it was no different than Walker's invasion of Nicaragua or López's forays into Cuba. By making this argument, Republicans shifted the blame for Harpers Ferry upon Democrats. In distancing themselves from Brown, however, Republicans demonstrated that they were far from radicals who were secretly bent on subverting the institution of slavery. Indeed, their argument that John Brown was a filibuster helped Republicans legitimize themselves as defenders of law and order, men who firmly rejected the use of armed violence and who would work to make sure that men were prosecuted for leading armed rebellions, whether in the United States or abroad. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article thinks through a practice-as-research exploration of facilitating active listening to the testimonies of female victims/survivors in Colombia, bridging a theoretical gap between applied theatre and performance studies by extending understanding of theatre's impact in contexts of transitional justice beyond visibility to an affective register. Rebuilding relationalities torn by war requires collective healing to overcome widespread trauma, disconnection and apathy. By moving-with recorded testimonial performances, sharing visceral responses via Zoom, witnesses feel more implicated in histories of violence. Fomenting shared response-ability in this way – through listening from the body – offers a form of resistance to the normalisation of violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Horses were vital to the military activities and social identities of the late medieval aristocracy. However, the process by which warhorses were broken and trained is poorly studied, in part because of a perceived lack of equestrian literature from Western Europe. This article uses the hippiatric tradition of horse care manuals as sources for training and behavioural control; analysing techniques that used pain and fear as well as magic and devotion to render a horse subservient. Medieval horsemanship reflected complex ideas of nobility, bellicosity and submission; using violence and bodily subjectification to turn a 'wild' foal into an elite warhorse that was recognisable by its gentility and politesse as well as its fierceness and bravery. As well as adding to our knowledge of medieval military provisioning and culture, this paper also contributes to a more nuanced picture of the lived experiences of animals in the Middle Ages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2014 Êzîdî Genocide caused a rupture in the social fabric of the Iraqi religious Êzîdî minority. A search for meaning in the aftermath of violence has caused a group of Şingalî poets to reconstruct memories of the past through their narration in Arabic prose poetry. A narrative analysis has been used on a selection of poems written and interviews conducted with five poets. I investigate their trauma process through adopting the theory of a cultural trauma, viewing 'trauma' from a social constructivist point of view, in an attempt to advance and challenge trauma theory and position the importance of representation in empowering lost voices. Through reconstructing the past in the present, the poets narrate counter-histories which give access to untold experiences which lie outside the narration of a singular event, but instead comprise of stories of the everyday in which violence is embedded. In recounting these memories, the poets serve to historicize their suffering while rebuilding the foundation of the collective and relating themselves to wider communities fostering attachments, solidarity and a critical vision for the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a relatively brief, not very lethal, but meticulously documented guerrilla war in Ireland there is an opportunity to reflect on who historians choose to listen to when writing about violence. Across 1920–21 thousands of inquests captured the voices of the men, women and sometimes children who were the first to describe and define the act of killing in this conflict, but who very quickly fell out of the historical record after that point. This article considers the contribution these bystanders can make to a history of violence, and some of the challenges their evidence presents. By witnessing death were they an integral part of how killing was meant to be understood? Are they fundamental to an understanding of how terror worked, and did they, by their presence, by the way they spoke of what they saw, contribute to why so few deaths were needed for the message to be understood in the Irish context? Ultimately, these witnesses also raise questions about the reactions they prompted then as well as now. Is it easier to hear of killing from a combatant than from a child, and are there consequences for the history of violence in the making of that choice? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how strategies of silence intersect with politics and predicaments of visibility. Contributing to historical and anthropological scholarship that asks how histories of violence shape individuals' subjective navigation of silence, it suggests that the everyday work of silence needs to be understood within historical configurations of articulation in which (in)visibility takes an important place. Situating narratives of people living with HIV in Aceh, Indonesia, within recent local and national histories of violence, it shows how their strategies of silence and (in)visibility unfold within a bureaucratic urge of transparency and a social climate of anxiety about appearances. Extending anthropological insights on silence as an often powerful presence in social life by highlighting the dynamic of the (un)spoken and (in)visible, its central argument is that silence, speech and visibility can be fruitfully analyzed on a continuum of articulation and non-articulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the history of the 1873 Easter Sunday Colfax Massacre in Colfax, Louisiana. Topics include its place within post-American Civil War Reconstruction, the state's fraudulent 1872 elections, and the Republican Party's justification to utilize violence against citizens.

This article examines Anglo-American colonization in nineteenth-century Texas and the construction of its historical memory, highlighting the interwoven roles of kinship, women's labor, and gendered ideology. Building upon social, economic, and cultural roots in the U.S. Southeast, settler colonialism in Texas was a multi-generational project structured heavily by kinship. Anglo-Texan women served as active colonial agents through their productive and reproductive labor, which bound them firmly to more overt forms of colonial violence by men and the emerging state. In the face of Native resistance, Anglo-Texans highlighted Indigenous acts of violence against White women and families in order to invert responsibility for colonial violence and to justify the dispossession and destruction of Native peoples. Beginning as early as the 1830s, direct Anglo participants, including many influential women, wrote the first histories of Texas colonization, interpreting that process and its violence from within the deeply gendered and personal framework of kinship. Their efforts have marked both popular memory and historical scholarship to the present day. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the tourism industry is oriented towards creating attractive images of destinations, histories of violence and suffering have increasingly been incorporated into tourism offers and are often actively promoted by states and tourism organisations. A growing body of scholarship has focused on how difficult pasts have been represented and have analysed the driving factors behind the rise of such heritage. Commercial tourism offers such as guided city tours have however largely been overlooked as arenas for communicating difficult pasts. This article provides an in-depth examination of memory work of commercial guides, focusing on the example of Russian-language tour guiding in Ukraine's capital Kyiv. Drawing on participant observations of 20 guided city tours and interviews with 18 tour guides, the article identifies a wide range of narrative strategies that guides adopt to navigate pasts that have been subject to memory conflicts. During tours, guides adjust how much they say, what evidence they provide, what aspects of the past they present as relevant as well as their manner of speaking. These conflict avoidance strategies are part of a pragmatic approach to memory that deserves greater attention in the study of difficult pasts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the history of the U.S.-Mexican border in the Rio Grande Valley region of Texas and Mexico from the mid 18th century through the early 21st century. An overview of the social conditions of the borderlands in the Rio Grande Valley region, including in regard to the violence on both sides of the border and the transformation of ranches to agricultural land in Texas, is provided.

The decade before the First World War saw a heightened level of social and political conflicts throughout Germany and Austria-Hungary. Strikes in pre-1914 central Europe have largely been examined as part of the development of the workers' movement, but much less often from the perspective of the employers and government elites. Their strategies to counteract "strike terrorism" included hiring replacement workers through private strikebreaking agents, who provided a variety of services such as recruitment, transportation, housing, and providing "willing workers" with weapons for their self-defense. The discourses around "strike terrorism," and the repressive strategies to counter it, are a lens through which we can look afresh at some of the most crucial issues in the history of central European empires in the prewar years, namely the structure of violence embedded in social conflicts, migration, growing political antagonism, and fears surrounding social democracy. This article analyzes the public debate around the protection of "willing workers" as well as concrete episodes of antilabor violence in a transnational framework. It offers a reassessment of social conflicts in the period following the 1905 social mobilizations in central Europe, and it explores the circulation of antilabor measures between Germany and Austria-Hungary, their radicalizing impact, and their connections with labor migration patterns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the uncertain early 2000s when violence between Muslims and Christians racked the Malukan islands on Indonesia's eastern edge, a handful of Protestant ministers waged an iconoclastic attack on a museum collection dedicated to Seram Island's ancestral headhunting culture and centred upon statues and portraits of mythical war captains. I track the heterogeneous sites and incidents that came together in the attack, including the animation of the museum's headhunter collection, as the past exceeded the ways in which it had been previously engaged and managed materially, existentially, and in its effects. Drawing on understandings of assemblage, archive, and cinematic animation, I explore the regime of secrecy and revelation that constituted the driving force behind the museum's continually expanding collection, was embedded in the complex of buildings and artifacts of which the museum forms a part, and entailed in its aesthetic and museographic practices. Taken together, they intimate how escalation, in this ethnographic example, was an always present potentiality – one that became disclosed when headhunting's secrets burst into the world with devastating consequences. What enabled these events, among other factors, was the materiality of the collection and the matter of scale or, more precisely, the visibility of scale such that it is deemed capable of attracting the gaze – directing attention within the spiralling inter-religious violence and turmoil to the headhunter statues and portraits of the museum, triggering a 'crisis of faith' in its director, and leaving torn canvases and broken statues in its wake. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, the growing interest in the study of trauma associated with violent behaviour in ancient populations has generated a wealth of information that currently allows us to understand the different dynamics of violence in the ancient world. However, the presence of trauma in the bioarchaeological record does not necessarily imply the presence of violence and viceversa, its etiology being complex and sometimes impossible to determine. The intent of this article is to provide an overview of the different mechanisms that could cause trauma and offers some of the best practices for differential diagnosis of these injuries to human bone and dental structures. We are confident that this review will contribute to the understanding of the most recent methods, approaches and interpretations of traumatic injuries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In several Latin American countries, social violence has risen to warlike levels. Nevertheless, little attention has been paid to the extent of social violence and the new (informal) forms of governance generated by the so-called violent nonstate actors (VNSAs). Where a state’s forces fail to provide for the physical protection and social security of its citizens, some areas are governed by a mix of formal (vertical) and informal (horizontal) forms of governance, mixing state and nonstate actors. In these socially bounded spaces, nonstate actors produce and distribute public goods similarly as the state does. In this article, we explore how hybrid governance has appeared in the South American region, considering the operation of two regional VNSAs, the Primeiro Comando da Capital (PCC) in Brazil and the Bandas Criminales (BACRIM) in Colombia. We show that such VNSAs are significant agents for security governance, as they challenge preconceived notions of state authority (legitimacy). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1959 the Portuguese consul in Dar es Salaam received a written request for the collective return of Makonde migrants to northern Mozambique. This request was then made in person by leaders of mutual help associations to the administrator of the small town of Mueda, opening an incident that would culminate in the infamous massacre of 16 June 1960. The origins of that event have been buried both by the Portuguese will to deny the violence and by the heroic narrative propagated by the national liberation movement. This article delves into the records that colonial intelligence amassed around the rise of subversion in the Makonde precinct. Its objective is to produce a more complex rendering of the trajectory that led from the request itself to violent repression. Intelligence reports produced in the heat of events offer an opportunity to open up the narrative of the Mueda event, to look at it not as the starting point of a teleology of national liberation but as a moment of uncertainty and possibility generated by tentative plans for a federation of independent east African states and by the racial tensions inherent in the transition to Tanganyikan independence, and influenced in its unfolding by individual initiative, ambition, leadership conflicts, adventurism, cowardice and chance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pinker's 2018 work Enlightenment Now maintains his earlier commitment to Norbert Elias' sanguine reading of post-Enlightenment human history. It replicates the problems that historians identified with his 2011 work, The Better Angels of Our Nature. Moving past Pinker's theory does not, however, necessitate a rejection of theoretical or meta-historical approaches to the history of violence. Other recent works concerned with the history of violence offer rival theoretical positions and insights that are central to their success as works of history. Pushing past Pinker's claim that Elias' work is 'the only theory left standing' for historians of violence, this article demonstrates how theory has been used successfully by other historians. It interrogates the characteristic theoretical claims and concerns of four major approaches: new imperial history, comparative genocide studies, histories of war and society, and the history of gendered violence, and negates Pinker's claim that no other theoretical tradition is appropriate for the study of the history of violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Victimisation of women is encountered in all countries across the world, it damages the mental and physical health of women. During pregnancy and the postpartum period, women are at a greater risk of experiencing violence from an intimate partner. The aim of this study was to explore childbirth outcomes in a Swedish population of women reporting a history of violence including domestic violence during pregnancy.Methods: A longitudinal cohort design was used. In total, 1939 pregnant women ≥18 years were recruited to answer two questionnaires, both questionnaires were administered in the early and late stages of their pregnancy. The available dataset included birth records of 1694 mothers who gave birth between June 2012 and April 2014. Statistical analyses included descriptive statistics, T-test and bivariate logistic regression.Results: Of 1694 mothers 38.7% (n = 656) reported a history of violence and 2% (n = 34) also experienced domestic violence during pregnancy. Women who were single, living apart from their partner, unemployed, smoked and faced financial distress were at a higher risk of experiencing violence (p = 0.001). They also had significant low scores on the SOC-scale and high EDS-scores ≥13 (p = 0.001) when compared to women without a history of violence (p = 0.001). Having a history of violence increased the woman's risk of undergoing a caesarean section (OR 1.33, 95% CI 1.02-1.70). A history of emotional abuse also significantly increased the risk of having a caesarean section irrespective of whether it was a planned or an emergency caesarean section (OR 1.50, 95% CI 1.09-2.06). Infants born to a mother who reported a history of violence, were at significant risk of being born premature < 37 weeks of gestation compared to infants born by mothers with no history of violence (p = 0,049).Conclusions: A history of violence and/or exclusively a history of emotional abuse has a negative impact on childbirth outcomes including caesarean section and premature birth. Therefore, early identification of a history of or ongoing violence is crucial to provide women with extra support which may have positive impact on her birth outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author shares his reflections about the genocide in Rwanda in the 1990s. Topics discussed include the history of 1990s violence against Rwandans which was defined by the genocide crimes against the Tutsi people, the mass violence against the Hutu civilians which illustrated the struggle for state control and power, and the importance of transitional justice in the aftermath of the mass violence and genocide in Rwanda.

No fewer than 15 recent books repeat the claim that Ibn Saud's militants killed or wounded 400,000–800,000 people during the Wahhabi conquest of the Arabian Peninsula between 1902 and 1925. In this paper, I uncover the origins of this disturbing statistic and challenge its validity. On the basis of primary-source data—especially the reports of British agents and observers working in the Arabian Peninsula at the time—I argue that the number of people killed and wounded during the Wahhabi conquests, while still great, has been wildly exaggerated, and I propose a more realistic casualty estimate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper considers the rise of the violent nationalist movements in the Ottoman Empire and questions the violent basis of these nationalisms. In the first place, the paper points out Western Europe as the source of modern nationalism and emphasizes its initial appearance as a result of a long-lasting dynamics of conflicts and reconciliations amongst social, political and economic groups in Europe. In many other parts of the world, modern nationalism appeared as part of Europeanization and modernization usually carried out by a certain west European educated elite. In most of those places, modern nationalism was quite alien to the social, political, and economic structures and practices. However, as the particular case under scrutiny here demonstrates, modern nationalism gained ground in non-western world by the widespread authoritarian and often-violent pressures applied upon the people by violent paramilitary and/or guerilla groups formed and led by the Western-oriented elite. This peculiar emergence of modern nationalism would certainly create problems in the long run in terms of constructing a well-structured nation-state and a widely shared national consensus. The paper's main focus is the insurgent nationalist movements in the Balkans and the Ottoman counter-insurgency, which developed a similar mindset in their struggle against each other, which would contribute to the problematic emergence of nation-states and the continuous unrest in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Germany today is experiencing the strongest upsurge of right‐wing populism since the second world war, most notably with the rise of Pegida and Alternative für Deutschland. Yet wealthy global cities like Hamburg continue to present themselves as the gatekeepers of liberal progress and cosmopolitan openness. This article argues that Hamburg's urban boosterism relies on, while simultaneously obscuring, the same structures of racial violence that embolden reactionary movements. Drawing on the work of Walter Benjamin and Allan Pred, we present an archaeology of Hamburg's landscape, uncovering some of its 'spaces of danger'—sites layered with histories of violence, many of which lie buried and forgotten. We find that these spaces, when they become visible, threaten to undermine Hamburg's cosmopolitan narrative. They must, as a result, be continually erased or downplayed in order to secure the city as an attractive site for capital investment. To illustrate this argument, we give three historical examples: Hamburg's role in the Hanseatic League during the medieval and early modern period; the city under the Nazi regime; and the recent treatment of Black African refugees. The article's main contribution is to better situate issues of historical landscape, collective memory and racialized violence within the political economy of today's global city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By the end of the seventeenth century, black trumpeters and kettledrummers were employed at many courts of the Holy Roman Empire as symbols of princely magnificence. Their legal and social position within the court hierarchy, and within German society as a whole, has been debated among historians. According to a commonly held view, black performers who had been bought on the international slave market were considered legally free and fully integrated into German society once they had completed a twoyear apprenticeship and entered court service. Membership in the Imperial Trumpeters' and Kettledrummers' Guild (requiring proof of free birth) is usually cited as evidence of their free legal status, social integration into German society, and privileged position at court. Drawing on insights from social, religious, and legal history, history of race, and music sociology, my article reevaluates the notion of the frictionless integration of black trumpeters and drummers into Germany's estate-based society by focusing on two case studies: Christian Real (fl. 1643-74) and Christian Gottlieb (fl. 1675-90). As my study of their little-known yet well-documented careers demonstrates, the social position of these black trumpeters was far more fragile than that of their white colleagues. The tension between their blackness, associated with their previous slave status, and their visible roles as court trumpeters associated with princely power sometimes led to conflict and even physical violence. Both case studies suggest that black trumpeters and drummers were more susceptible to discrimination and violence whenever they moved out of the courtly sphere in which they were privileged and protected. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Violence in schizophrenia is related to increased cortical folding. • Violence in schizophrenia is related to reduced cortical thickness. • Limited sample size calls for replication of results. Clinical studies of patients with schizophrenia and a history of violence are challenging both from an ethical and practical perspective, and the neurobiological underpinnings remain largely unknown. We here present a comprehensive account of the brain cortical characteristics associated with violence in schizophrenia. We obtained 3T MRI scans and thorough clinical characterization of schizophrenia patients with a history of violence (murder, attempted murder, criminal assault, SCZ-V, n = 11), schizophrenia patients with no history of violence (SCZ-NV, n = 17), and healthy controls (HC, n = 19). Cortical thickness, area, and folding were analyzed vertex-wise across the cortical mantle (FreeSurfer). SCZ-V had significantly increased cortical folding in the visual and orbitofrontal cortex, and reduced cortical thickness within the precentral-, parietal-, temporal-, and fusiform cortex compared to SCZ-NV, as well as widespread regional thinning and increased folding compared to HC. There were no group differences in cortical area. A major limitation is the small subject sample. If replicated, the results from this pilot study suggest cortical abnormalities in areas involved in sensory processing, emotion recognition, and reward to be of importance to the neurobiology of violence in schizophrenia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article intends to propose a basis for a reflection on how separation mechanisms, both intrapsychic and social, may, by a normal identification process, be comparable in traumatic situations to true forms of violence. According to the theories of Benedetti and Peciccia (1996), a symbiotic Self and a separate Self are continuously present, integrated development lines of the Self, even though they are never fully conscious. Conversely, in the structure of the psychotic Self, a deintegration is inferred between the symbiotic and the separate states of the Self, of which the patient is painstakingly conscious. In light of significant psychoanalytic theories relating to the anxiety of separation, we aim to interpret this symbiosis and separation through the history of Michele, a psychotic young man from a Camorrist family, who was currently hospitalized in a psychiatric facility. The article intends to investigate the separation imposed by the clan, and the even deeper one, inferred from the significant separations experienced within the family circle. Furthermore, we will also outline our therapeutic method and the use of progressive mirror drawing, a psychotherapeutic technique which can be used with patients suffering from different pathologies that compromise verbalization, such as psychosis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Global processes associated with the expansion of colonialism and the emergence of capitalist economies after 1500 were often driven by a desire to create new capital via the acquisition of land and resources, with severe implications for Indigenous peoples. These processes were highly variable, and strongly shaped by the local circumstances encountered at the periphery of European networks of commerce and trade. A number of researchers have suggested that a particularly acute phase of violence and landscape expropriation, sometimes referred to as war capitalism or terra nullius colonialism, underpinned the establishment of colonial settlements and new economic enterprises. This paper characterises processes of colonization and the establishment of capitalist industry within a discrete study area in Cape York Peninsula, northeastern Australia. In particular, we aim to examine in an holistic fashion the nature of encounters and interactions between Indigenous custodians and settler-colonists between 1860 and 1939, using a documentary archaeology approach combined with qualitative data analysis methods. We demonstrate that while violence of various forms was a routine aspect of interactions, a holistic approach to analysis of available data enables the development of a more nuanced understanding of the contours and pattern of colonialism and the nature and implications of different forms of violence for Indigenous peoples. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The decisive role violence has played in the ordering of the Third World cannot be ignored or consigned to the past. Accordingly, we argue for a more systematic and determined attention to the connections between the devastation unleashed by colonialism, imperialism, and other forms of large-scale violence in the post-independence periods. In contradistinction to situating violence in and against the Third World as a backdrop of incomplete modernization, we recognize that its proper location is in the larger dynamics of racialized and colonial international relations. The articles in this volume address these dynamics of violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The premise of this paper is the elucidation of a different ontology of global politics and order of the nineteenth century. International relations theory takes for granted a largely ahistorical state-centric ontology, which reifies a specific Eurocentric state and state-system as the embodiment of global politics. Instead, I focus on an alternative ontology of race, racial hierarchy and racial difference as significant for defining the content of an imperial global politics and order. My paper places into context the emergence of scientific racism and social Darwinism as key intellectual elements in defining a political imaginary that influenced the politics of difference and violence. What I show is that this intellectual history reveals a global order that was fundamentally racialised and that global violence was understood and practiced as race wars. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines processes of knowledge production around mass violence in 1970s Cambodia including media reportage and coeval scholarly debate, developing a conceptualisation of colonial abridgment. It assesses operations by which Cambodia as a country is violently essentialised, the occurrence of mass violence taking on metonymic grandeur that works to deny imperial legacies, entomb modern Cambodia in a hermetically sealed past and thereby maintain global order within existing racial-colonial logics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Modern colonialism carries many names. But 'horror' is not one of them. How and why is this? Why does the slaughter of the 'native', the 'Indian' and the 'slave' not register as crime or horror? This essay explores these questions though a close reading of philosopher Adriana Cavarero's Horrorism: Naming Contemporary Violence. Horrorism has become an increasingly influential source for critical international scholarship concerned with broadening the frames of violence beyond those offered by strategic and legalistic lenses. Its focus on the dismemberment of the body and discovery of a new form of ontological violence offer a fruitful avenue of inquiry for theorising the wounding and violation wrought by practices of terror and counter-terror. This essay cautions against such a supposition. A close reading of the key claims and conditions of possibility of horrorism reveals it to be constituted through the erasure of colonial violence. Tracing the lineaments of this erasure shows that horrorism functions not as a sign of newness but of Western revanchism in a time of crisis. However, this does not make horrorism redundant, for it offers valuable insights for understanding the pervasive failure to consider the horrors perpetrated by the West against non-Western others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the first novel by Mario Vargas Llosa, The Time of the Hero (1963), multiple manifestations of violence are observed that are developed with disciplinary and strategic purposes for the optimal construction of an identity in the students of the Leoncio Prado Military Academy; however, these are assimilated in a diversified way by them; above all, by the Jaguar, who already assumes an exponential aggressiveness and transfers a reckless and respectable imposition towards the other characters. For this approach to be possible, I expose some favorable qualities that are extracted mainly from theoretical proposals of Literature and Psychology to determine that negative and violent identity that would establish a new way of survival in that military universe on the part of the Jaguar. Among the concepts to develop, I will base the notions of protagonist, master, dandy, manipulator, violent, aggressor, reckless, vengeful and obsessive, which will be useful to differentiate the different modalities with which this character develops in that institution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In early Meiji, Karafuto (the Sakhalin Island) was transformed through the influx of settlers from Russia and Japan, causing a series of conflicts and violence among the residents. The Japanese historical record has framed the stories into competition with Russia over the territorial control, emphasising the place of the island in the emergence of the Meiji state. This paper contends that such framing should be the object of historical investigation. The main case studies are two homicides of commoners, which would have been easily forgotten without the larger political imperative. The lengthy interrogations of witnesses, conducted by officers from two governments, signified the interpretation of local violence into criminal offence, giving grounds for the intervention by the Russian and the Japanese authorities. Meiji Diplomacy utilised the pursuit of redress for a crime against its subjects as a way of strengthening territorial claims in the periphery. Once the border demarcation was concluded at the highest level of diplomacy, however, the murder and other crime cases lost their significance. Based on Kaitakushi manuscripts held in the prefectural Archives of Hokkaido, this article traces the impact of the national history paradigm that has affected our writing of the history of Meiji Japan's far north. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The socio-political crisis of 2010-2011 in Ivory Cost had exposed many Guéré women to various violences, which have caused them serious psychotraumatism in front of which some have shown themselves more resilient than the others. This survery wants therefore to examine wether that resilience variability is linked to the type of violence undergone. For this reason, the general hypothesis is based according to their resilience which varies depending on the type of violence unndergone. The approach used is qualitative and the data collection has been done through a non-directed conversation and a questionnaire administered to a sample of 76 Guéré women victims of violences. The collected data, treated by the ''khi carré of Pearson'' and the results obtained, show that their resilience changes depending on the type of violence undergone. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research about the Chilean military dictatorship has been heavily focused on two areas. On the one hand, repression and physical violence; and on the other hand, the events occurred in the capital city of Santiago. This has meant that issues such as the analysis of the hegemonic process of the dictatorship outside the capital are still on the preliminary phase and at a lesser extent in comparison to the investigations focused on Santiago. In the light of the foregoing, this article is to consider the hegemonic process driven by the regime of Augusto Pinochet in a regional space as the 'Greater Concepción', in Chile. Specifically, the paper will address some measures imposed by the dictatorship on its early days, with an emphasis in the study of the persuasive and disciplinary role played by the Mother's Centers, better known as CEMA Chile. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The past medical history (PMH) of Andrew Jackson (1767-1845) reflects one of the emblematic nicknames in Americana, "Old Hickory." As a 14-year-old Rebel volunteer in the Revolutionary War, he survived a blow from a British saber and smallpox that he contacted in a prison camp epidemic. In 1806, Jackson challenged a rival who had made the mistake of maligning his beloved wife Rachel. He deliberately allowed his opponent to shoot him in the chest, and then killed him when he took his turn. A gunshot shattered his arm in an 1813 street fight that involved Thomas Hart Benton, who later became his ally in the United States Senate during his presidency. His PMH would not include a duel in 1787, where both parties shot and somehow missed; an escape from a party of Indians in 1791; a shootout in 1796 with the future governor of Tennessee; and in 1833 and 1835, the first two assassination attempts on a United States President. Wracked from a lifetime of maladies and wounds, he sought relief through heavy doses of nostrums laced with heavy metals and self-phlebotomy. He likely hastened his own death. The PMH gives perspective on a patient's present condition. In Jackson's case, it reveals traits that allowed him to survive and thrive in a dangerous age. His belligerence, fiery temper, and intransigence were qualities that led to success in war against the British and the Native American tribes of the southern United States, and in a political career that climaxed as the seventh United States President. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the plague of 1630, which struck Northern Italy particularly hard, the erosion of social norms and hierarchies led to an outbreak of homicidal violence in the city and province of Bologna. In particular, urban nobility resumed practices of vendetta and revenge as politics that had lain dormant for some decades; while in the countryside, the heightened stresses of endemic rural poverty led to homicides over resources such as land, food, and employment. This article examines that outbreak of violence in the context of natural disaster, employing a selection of seventy-seven homicide trials prosecuted by the Tribunale del Torrone, the criminal court of Bologna, in 1632. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is a fact that 21st Century arrived in the middle of crises which demand our reflections and work to solve them. Human mobilization processes have reached unsuspected levels. Violence is still a strong factor present in international relationships. Cross-border economic crises have shown the darkest side of globalization: crossborder corruption. Tourism is facing these problems permanently. But it also nourishes from contemporary developments: fastest transportation systems, instantaneity of communications that make information flowing each and everywhere, becoming a so usual phenomenon that we do not consider it any estrange process. Tourism implies facing the "others". If we understand tourism positively, if we focus on it as an ally and not an enemy, if those visiting different cultures respect them, and they receive him/her with interest and curiosity, tourism can become a very important tool for the construction of peace and mutual comprehension. If it is the opposite, tourism can open the door for real and intense difficulties. Is tourism a tool to multiculturalism, the construction of common spaces, a road to peace? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the relationships between space, ethnic identity and anti-state violence in twentieth century London. It will do so by comparing the Spitalfields violence of 1906 and the Brixton unrest of 1981. The association of physical metropolitan space with 'difference' in the Edwardian East End and post-consensus South London, and how this 'othering' was influenced both by the state and the anti-migrant far right will be analysed. The paper will then dissect relationships between the police and working class Jewish and Caribbean communities, and how these deteriorating relationships exploded into extreme violence in 1906 and 1981. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses anthropology of the Neolithic world. It states that the narrative of a peaceful Neolithic existence began to be questioned on the basis of two kinds of evidence, such as fatal and healed traumas caused by violent interpersonal conflict, and mentions that Enclosed settlements, with their origins in southeastern Europe, became an important feature in the layout of Neolithic settlements across Europe. It notes history of Oreškovica-Selište.

In northeast Congo, from c. 1890–1940, ritually-empowered militias of Bali Leopard-men, or anioto, killed people on behalf of local leaders to secure access to land, resources, and people and to keep rivals and subjects in check. Belgian colonial authorities portrayed the actions of anioto as an irrational disturbance, ignoring their political relevance. The contextualized study of colonial-era conflicts based on court hearings, in association with anthropological, historical, and material sources, gives insight into emic perspectives. As militias controlled by different leaders, they reflected human adaptability in dealing with social ills, performed judicial functions, and provided therapeutic relief through violence. Originating in the precolonial era, anioto adapted to various strategic needs throughout history. A study of different manifestations of anioto reveals the creative and amalgamating nature of institutional dynamism in northeast Congo. Better knowledge of this institutional history, based on studying conflicts from the past, may enrich our deeper understanding of the dynamics of conflicts in the present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Information on the Global and transnational history, networks and violence, a conference that was held at the University of Zurich in Zurich, Switzerland on January 30, 2018 is presented. Topics discussed include transnational history of Switzerland, historiography of the country, social elite of Rome, Italy and cultural history over there.

Headhunting has a long and well-documented history in China, but most people are today unaware of this practice, first recorded in Shang oracle bones and regularly mentioned in ancient Chinese texts until the Han dynasty. This ignorance is because headhunting subsequently came to be seen as a barbaric practice and knowledge concerning its long history was destroyed: this was achieved by inventing a new character, guo 聝, which means “to cut the ear of a dead enemy combatant” and using this to replace (and thus confuse meanings with) an older character guo 馘, which refers specifically to headhunting. Ancient texts in which headhunting practices are documented have been misunderstood and misrepresented by imperial era scholars to prevent anyone from seeing that ancient China was a headhunting culture. This study shows how dominant cultural norms can impact on the way in which texts are read. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article re-examines the significance of descriptions of violence (violentia) in eleventh-century ecclesiastical charters from northwestern France. Previous historiography has tended to assume, or argue explicitly, that the language of violentia was connected to the absence or weakness of contemporary legal institutions. This article suggests, instead, that such language acquired shape and meaning within the framework of those very courts. It demonstrates that violentia reflects processes of bringing legal claims to court-holders, and that the meaning of violentia was inextricably connected to how the jurisdiction of those court-holders was understood. It then argues that violentia was used as a form of legal argument in express juxtaposition to land claims whereby litigants attempted to fix a court's attention on violentia to the exclusion of wider normative issues centred on right in land. The article then considers why this might have been the case, and suggests that profound changes in how eleventh-century individuals conceptualised property rights created serious problems in courts which violentia as a form of argument sought to avoid. This article therefore offers not only a new way of reading eleventh-century ecclesiastical charters, but offers a new paradigm for thinking about why violence develops as a legal concept in the central middle ages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rapidly growing historiography on the aftermath of the Holocaust in Poland has focused primarily on post-war anti-Semitism. Scholars have traditionally concentrated on the post-war death, community destruction and emigration of Holocaust survivors rather than their attempts to return to their former homes. This article explores who these survivors were and what their return was like. Using the medium-sized industrial town of Kalisz in western Poland as a case study, the article argues that the composition of survivors' communities and the difficulty of adapting to the new economic reality, together with the already well-researched anti-Jewish violence, played a significant role in preventing a revival of Jewish communal life in provincial Poland in the immediate aftermath of the Second World War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the act of lynching as a method of vigilante justice and argues that the slippery of nature of “lynching” as a term is best understood in this context. It is the fact that lynching is a method of vigilante justice that has allowed it to be justified across different regions, and for differing contexts to gain support and positive portrayal in the American imaginary. The article reaches this conclusion through an analysis of lynching narratives across time, space, and forms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The proportions of individuals involved in intergroup coalitional conflict, measured by war group size (W), conflict casualties (C), and overall group conflict deaths (G), have declined with respect to growing populations, implying that states are less violent than smallscale societies. We argue that these trends are better explained by scaling laws shared by both past and contemporary societies regardless of social organization, where group population (P) directly determines W and indirectly determines C and G. W is shown to be a power law function of P with scaling exponent X [demographic conflict investment (DCI)]. C is shown to be a power lawfunction ofW with scaling exponent Y [conflict lethality (CL)]. G is shown to be a power law function of P with scaling exponent Z [group conflict mortality (GCM)]. Results show that, while W/P and G/P decrease as expected with increasing P, C/W increases with growing W. Small-scale societies show higher but more variance in DCI and CL than contemporary states. We find no significant differences in DCI or CL between small-scale societies and contemporary states undergoing drafts or conflict, after accounting for variance and scale. We calculate relative measures of DCI and CL applicable to all societies that can be tracked over time for one or multiple actors. In light of the recent global emergence of populist, nationalist, and sectarian violence, our comparison-focused approach to DCI and CL will enable better models and analysis of the landscapes of violence in the 21st century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]