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Stalin's era in Soviet history is one of the darkest. Nevertheless, despite numerous historical research, nonfiction and fiction, movies, and museum exhibitions exposing and discussing Stalin's atrocities, a sizable portion of the Russian population is neutral at best and respectful at worst of Stalin's leadership and personality. This article examines the "dark side" of Russian memories of Stalinism. According to our analysis of pro-Stalin content on TikTok, there are five major themes that users discuss in their pro-Stalin tiktoks: (1) Stalin as a leader in the victory of the Great Patriotic War, (2) a critique of contemporary culture's commemoration of victims of Stalinist repression, (3) a critique of the present, (4) the Stalin regime's achievements in economics and politics, and (5) admiration of Stalin's personality, focusing on his appearance and aesthetics. Furthermore, we hypothesize that social media's design and technological infrastructure can significantly influence which and how memory narratives are broadcast. In particular, "Stalin as a celebrity" is a framework largely overlooked by the researchers due to their focus on different media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reveals how the official patterns of commemorating the Soviet historical past in Russia match its local projections. Based on interviews with experts from 27 regions and some other field materials, the article maps the diversity of commemorative agendas across Russia. Focusing on the violent aspects of Soviet history, it outlines current configurations of the usable past important for local identity and notably used by regional authorities and other mnemonic actors over time. These repertoires of the usable past depend on the cultural infrastructure that was formed over time, but also on the efforts of mnemonic actors, who promote specific memories. This article argues that although regional approaches to commemorating the historical past are evidently dominated by the official federal narrative, local visions of common history are far from being uniform. The aspects that are downplayed or silenced at the federal level might be indispensable to regional and local identities. Expert interviews suggest that collisions between the narratives circulating at different levels typically do not escalate to open conflicts. The commemorative projects supported by regional authorities tend to conform to the federal-level framing, which is flexible enough to tolerate some local peculiarities. However, in many regions there are also non-state mnemonic actors who promote a commemorative agenda that deviates from the official state discourse. While being short of resources for developing memory hardware, they affect public discussions raising awareness about the downplayed aspects of the local past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of College of Sharia & Islamic Studies is the property of Qatar University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The present paper examines the problematic issues of countering the criminal subculture in the conditions of the penitentiary system of Kazakhstan. Currently, the administration of these institutions, various state bodies, and numerous public organisations are engaged in the rehabilitation of prisoners. Through joint efforts, it was possible to stop the wide spread of criminal ideology in places of detention. At the same time, a detailed study of the current situation shows that the criminal subculture, primarily the phenomenon of "code-bound thieves", still plays a certain role there, since it was formed over many decades of Soviet and post-Soviet history. In modern conditions, this phenomenon has been significantly transformed, but nevertheless, it seeks to strengthen its influence in the penitentiary system of Kazakhstan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes Russian etiquette expressions (greetings, invitations, consents, apologies, thanks, etc.) used in Russian television series of recent decades. For the first time the factual material of three films is considered in detail: “Liquidation” (2007), “Alexander Garden” (2005) and “Black Wolves” (2017). It is shown that screenwriters and directors allow the use of modern (latest) lexical units in films showing the history of the Soviet Union in the 1920s–1950s. These are expressions like Проехали! and idioms like Интересное кино! Such an anachronism is explained, in particular, by the genre properties of films: they combine the features of action films, detective stories and melodramas. Although these facts are a violation of historical reality, they can be justified by the desire to bring the situations of recent history closer to the modern viewer. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On February 28th, shortly after the Russian invasion of Ukraine on February 24th, Twitter announced the expansion of its labelling policy for "Russia state-affiliated media", in order to address disinformation in favour of the Russian government.. While this 'soft' approach does not include the removal of content, it entails issues for freedom of expression and information. This article investigates the consequences of this labelling policy for the range and impact of accounts labelled "Russia state-affiliated media" during the Ukrainian war. Using an iterative detection method, a total of 90 accounts of both media outlets and individual journalists with this label were identified. The analysis of these accounts' information and timeline, as well as the comparison of the impact of their tweets before and after February 28th with an ARIMA model, strongly suggests, that this policy, despite its limited scope, could have contributed to a reduction in the impact of the sampled tweets, among other concurrent events. These results provide empirical evidence to guide critical reflection on this content moderation policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This is a transcript of a dialogue between faculty and students at the University of Wisconsin-Madison and the renowned "new leftist" Chinese intellectual, Wang Hui. The immediate theme of the discussion concerned the two major socialist revolutions of the twentieth century, namely the Russian and Chinese revolutions. Wang Hui's recent work asks how these revolutions and their associated processes problematize typically Eurocentric assumptions about "modernity." Relatedly, there has been a recent tendency to subsume the Soviet Union and Mao's China under the history of capitalism. Such revisionist readings of the Russian and Chinese Revolutions echo earlier Marxist arguments about "actually existing" socialism being a form of state capitalism. The various discussants develop different positions on this issue, but they in general affirm the idea that the socialist revolutions partially succeeded in creating an alternative to capitalism, and this legacy continues to be meaningful to our social imagination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the accessibility of archival materials in Russia related to the Cold War and the liberation struggle in Southern Africa. The Russian State Archive of the Modern History and the Foreign Policy Archive of the Russian Federation house important documents on Moscow's relations with South Africa and political organizations in that country. The article also mentions the publication of a comprehensive collection of archive documents on Russia-Africa ties and a book on the history of Soviet Union's relations with South Africa. The author disagrees with some interpretations in these works and highlights the importance of a joint Russian-South African project on historical memory about solidarity in the fight against Apartheid. [Extracted from the article]

This paper examines the history of the Soviet human acclimatization project in the North and Siberia, which spanned from medical experiments in Stalin's forced labor camps to the subsequent wave of industrialization in the region. The author argues that human acclimatization in the North was a settler colonial science project aimed at facilitating Russian administrators and engineers in asserting control over the territory and its resources, while creating a new homogeneous 'indigenous population' in Siberia and the North. This envisioned population, referred to as Homo Polaris by the author, was intended to emerge through a two-way transformation: the adaptation of Indigenous peoples into Soviet ideologies and practices, and the acclimatization of settlers coming from the European part of the country to the Arctic environment. Although the administrators and medical doctors were unable to achieve this biopolitical objective, the complexities and dialogues surrounding these transformations shed light on the late Soviet settler-colonial ideologies and their impact on social life in Siberia from the 1950s to the 1980s. The research is based on a comprehensive analysis of both published and archival works by scholars involved in the project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Literature on technological decline and related concepts is growing. We aim to advance theorizations of the dynamics of technological decline by mobilizing the concept of sociotechnical configuration and a metaphor of its "unraveling." We take as a case study the declined Soviet computer series Ural. Ural was once among the top three most used computers in the former Soviet Union, but went into decline and got lost even before the dissolution of the country. We find that technological decline is not a trivial process, it is not guaranteed to be gradual but can feature sudden shifts. These shifts can be drops of production and loss of knowledge, as well as efforts to push back. Policy could make use of ongoing processes of decline and try to replicate the effect of the decline of Ural via cessation of access to materials and competences and delegitimation of the technology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 1930s, as Joseph Stalin's regime in the Soviet Union adopted policies of mass repression that resulted in the deaths of millions of people, many members of the Communist Party USA (CPUSA) were eager to write in praise of Stalin. Eventually, as the magnitude of the death toll under Stalin surged ever higher, some CPUSA members abandoned the movement. Most, however, continued to pay homage to Stalin. The archives of the Soviet-dominated Communist International (Comintern) in Moscow hold materials pertaining to a contingent of "prominent Americans (non-Communists) who would write effective brochures explaining and defending the peace policy of the Soviet Union"—a contingent assembled by the CPUSA's Moscow representative, Nat Ross. This article examines the publications of these individuals, including those of preeminent activists Corliss Lamont and Reverend Harry F. Ward, and also of leftwing anti-Communists such as Eugene Lyons and Harry Lang—whom the party conspiratorially labeled "Gangsters of the Pen"—to explore the longer history of the Soviet Union's anti-Western propaganda campaigns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The conflict that arose between Soviet Armenia and Soviet Azerbaijan over Nagorno-Karabakh in 1988 festered throughout the final years of the Soviet Union and sparked a major war between the newly independent Armenia and Azerbaijan in 1992–1994. Most accounts of this period have suggested that the administration of George H. W. Bush took a largely hands-off approach to the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, but this article shows that in fact the Bush administration pursued a much more active policy that reflected support for the Soviet Union and then Russia, a strong domestic Armenian-American lobby, and regional priorities, as well as a growing awareness of the West's failure to stem violence in Yugoslavia. The Bush administration was hoping to prevent all-out war between Armenia and Azerbaijan, but after the war began, the administration did what it could to try to limit and halt the violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The emergence of industrial capitalism in the 19th century undoubtedly changed production processes in factories, and mass production theories and practices emerged for the first time in human history. Pioneers, namely Taylor and Ford, had revolutionary factory production and management innovations under industrial capitalism. However, the basic rights of workers, along with those of large factories, have been largely neglected. Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Gramsci began to formulate theories and practices of workers' emancipation based on the mass production of industrial capitalism. As the two most important socialist countries on Earth, the Soviet Union and China have practiced emancipatory policies at the factory level based on the Marxist ideal. Through a triangular comparison model, this article examines whether the Soviet Union and China have achieved their ideals of worker emancipation. This article proposes a theory of workers' emancipation, mainly based on the Marxist ideal, while Soviet and Chinese practices are compared horizontally. In the end, the article concludes that both the ideals of the Soviets and Chinese on workers' emancipation have not been fully achieved despite both having some contributions to worker emancipation; the failure of achieving the emancipatory ideal rendered both countries' claims on emancipation as mere 'illusions.' [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses three books that explore Africa-Soviet relations and the Soviet Union's support for African liberation movements against Western imperialism. "Arrested Development" examines the Soviet Union's efforts to disrupt economic links between Ghana, Guinea, and Mali and the West, promoting socialist principles. "Cold War Liberation" focuses on Soviet policy towards anticolonial movements in Lusophone Africa, emphasizing African agency in the collapse of the Portuguese Empire. "Russia in World History" challenges portrayals of Russia as an outlier and argues that its imperial experience is part of European empire. The article also explores various perspectives on imperialism and resistance, highlighting the rejection of the idea that empires can prosper at the expense of others and the environment. It examines the role of religion in feminism as a response to imperialism, compares Soviet Kazakhstan and British Kenya, and discusses the anti-imperial stances of Anna Politkovskaya and Arundhati Roy. The text provides a comparative historical model and contributes to understanding Africa-Soviet relations, empire, and imperialism. [Extracted from the article]

Russia's annexation of Crimea occurred after twenty years of relative peace and the apex (and failure) of pro-Russian sentiments within Crimea. Annexation is surprising for Putin's willingness to pursue such risky actions, but also because it required elite support within Crimea. This article uses process tracing to test ethnonationalism in explaining support for Russia's annexation against a rival explanation focusing on the role of criminality and crime (financial-criminal incentive structure). By exposing how and which elites defected in Crimea, the article demonstrates that elite breakage and realignments occurred within a financial-criminal incentive structure to motivate engagement in annexation. In turn, this article discusses its broader implications for understanding Russia's full-scale war against Ukraine and the politics of conflict, nationalism, and the wider former Soviet Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article critically examines reports of North Korean involvement in the Russia-Ukraine war, focusing on the presence of soldiers, workers, and munitions in the Donbas region. The author argues that while the dispatch of North Korean soldiers is unlikely, the presence of workers and munitions is more plausible. The article discusses the challenges faced by Russia in its war effort and the potential for alliances with North Korea. It also highlights the lack of a treaty between Russia and North Korea for the dispatch of soldiers. The article provides a nuanced analysis of the reports and their feasibility. Additionally, it discusses the potential involvement of North Korea in the reconstruction of the Donbas region, including the deployment of construction workers and the sale of munitions to Russia. The article mentions the risks and potential consequences of these actions, including international backlash and tensions with China. It also briefly mentions South Korea's involvement in arming Poland, which indirectly affects the supply of weapons to Ukraine. [Extracted from the article]

This article examines the changing security dynamics in Northern Europe, specifically focusing on Finland and Sweden's decision to apply for membership in NATO. The shift in public opinion in both countries was influenced by Russia's aggressive actions, such as the annexation of Crimea and military intervention in Ukraine. The text emphasizes the importance of NATO membership in enhancing regional security and deterring potential Russian aggression. It also highlights the need for NATO to analyze Russia's hybrid warfare methods and establish airspace dominance in Northern Europe. Finland and Sweden's membership in NATO will contribute to countering Russia in the Baltic and Arctic regions, but it is important to consider Russia's non-military and asymmetrical means of influence. Multinational cooperation within NATO is crucial for countering Russia effectively. [Extracted from the article]

Oil has had a great impact on the formation of modern social structure due to its impact on industry, transportation, logistics and military. For a long time, the use of oil in industrial and military fields has been of great importance for the economic stability of countries as well as for their defense policies. For this reason, states had to create oil policies. Accessing this energy source is of strategic importance, especially in oil-poor countries where access to oil is difficult. In this article, the changing conjuncture after World War I, Japan's interest in Caucasus oil fields in the parallel period with the establishment of the Soviet Union will be discussed. Japan supported White Army during Russian Civil War, did not have officially any diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union. Even if official diplomatic relations were not concluded, Japan has shown great interest in the oil potential of Caucasus, especially in Grozny and Baku. The concession that Japan was trying to obtain within the scope of its oil policy, the initiatives aimed at this, and its relationship with the Great Powers that obtained concessions in the region will be discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the dominant morality to which wealthy Russians adhered in their vision of how society should be organized and the role they see for themselves. The interviews with, and observations of, eighty Russian multi-millionaires and billionaires, their spouses, and their children, on which the article is based, were conducted from 2008 to 2017, a time when Russia's rich were most settled in their positions. The interview analysis highlights the role of Soviet history and shows how it is integrated into, and harmonizes with, contemporary upper-class Russians' notions of meritocracy. The author argues that drawing on international sociological research considerably advances our understanding of how Russian elites ideologically construe and morally legitimize the concentration of money and power in their own hands and how they model themselves as "good" in their actions and "deserving" of their fortunes. Conversely, the article suggests that these new findings on Russian elites (in particular, their references to their superior genes and their unwavering preference for private capital as a means to develop society—if necessary, to the detriment of democracy) offer great insights into, and have the potential to complement, established scholarship on Western elites (who emphasize hard work but tend to gloss over biology). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article recounts a diplomatic exchange in December 1989 where a Soviet official humorously referred to the Brezhnev Doctrine as a "Christmas gift" to the United States, prompting reflection on the doctrine's historical significance and its impact on subsequent US foreign policy decisions. This exchange occurred amidst the end of the Cold War, marked by a notable shift in US-Soviet relations and significant events such as the peaceful transitions in Eastern Europe and the US.

"Ripe for Revolution: Building Socialism in the Third World" by Jeremy Friedman explores the attempts to establish socialism in developing countries during the Cold War. The book examines case studies from five countries - Indonesia, Chile, Tanzania, Angola, and Iran - and their unique approaches to socialist development. Friedman emphasizes the circulation of ideas and the influence of one country's policies on another. The book also highlights the role of race and religion in socialist discussions and the impact of the Sino-Soviet split on the global Left. Overall, "Ripe for Revolution" provides a comprehensive analysis of the challenges and failures faced by socialist experiments in the Third World. [Extracted from the article]

This article examines the Soviet court verdicts under Article 122 of the Criminal Code of the Soviet Lithuania, which tried men for homosexual relations, as historical sources. The author argues that the documents stored in the contemporary archives remain programmed according to Soviet logic. The 20 verdicts examined reveal that in practice, men in Vilnius Lenin District were mainly tried for having relations with minors or for sexual coercion rather than consensual sexual relations. The testimonies in which the convicted men's traces of subjectivity can be detected are proposed to be defined as 'post-voice'. In some cases, these 'post-voices' reveal how the 'weak' resorted to their own tactics when they found themselves in the judicial and political power field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the challenges faced by historians researching queer subcultures in Soviet Latvia. The author argues that queer memory is not widely acknowledged or discussed in Latvia, even though more than thirty years have passed since the decriminalization of male homosexuality. The article emphasizes the importance of researching the history of queer people to minimize marginalization and strengthen social identity. It also highlights the need for studies on the interaction between queer people and the Soviet state. The research presented in this issue focuses on the Baltic states and provides valuable insights into the queer history of the Soviet period. [Extracted from the article]

If Stalin's religious policy underwent radical changes after 1943, when the Moscow Patriarchate was re-established, in the context of post- war international relations and the configuration of spheres of influence, Nikita Khrushchev returns to the attitude of persecuting the Orthodox Church in the Soviet Union since year 1958, the reasons being completely different from those of Stalin. But, towards the middle of the 1960s, a change in the anti-religious attitude took shape in Khrushchevs case as well. An example in this sense are two documents from the Soviet archives, which show Khrushchevs position towards the establishment of relations between the Vatican and the Soviet Union, reflected in the instructions sent by the Soviet leader to the USSR ambassador in Cuba and the meeting with the American journalist Norman Cousins, on which occasion he the issue of the release of the Greek-Catholic archbishop Slipyi was addressed in particular. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Investigaciones Historicas is the property of Universidad de Valladolid, Facultad de Filosofia y Letras and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Stoking fear and hatred of foreign countries to serve internal needs has been a recurring pattern in Communist China. This article examines Chinese discursive treatment of the Soviet Union in 1966–1969 in textual, visual, and audio outlets. During the height of the Cultural Revolution, radical followers of Mao Zedong deliberately choreographed anti-Soviet propaganda in accordance with their evolving political agenda at home. By emphasizing the need to forestall "capitalist restoration" in China, the propagandists alleged that capitalism had already been restored in the USSR. In the face of strong inner-party objection to the terror and destruction of the Cultural Revolution, Maoist polemicists discredited and attacked their domestic foes by accusing them of disloyalty and collaboration with Soviet "revisionists" to subvert China's Communist system. The radical Maoists sought to justify the chaotic violence of the Cultural Revolution by conjuring up the threat of a Soviet invasion, hoping to refocus domestic mass struggle on alleged sympathizers of the USSR. Yet Mao's invocation of this war scare triggered a dangerous security dilemma and turned the USSR into a strategic enemy, a striking example of a self-fulfilling prophecy in world politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the phenomena of the so-called "Special Period in Time of Peace" of the 1990s and the influence that these have had on the economic, social, and political crisis of the Cuban Revolution after the outbreak of Covid-19 and the implementation of economic reforms on the island. Likewise, the optics emerged in publications by the Cuban system are presented, as well as the cultural products that reactively explain the Cuban reality. Finally, we emphasize the importance of the historical discipline to analyzes the Cuban present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Balkan states have remained susceptible to Russian influence in the 21st century due to a concurrence of contemporary and historical factors. In Serbia, such factors have contributed to the high favourability of Russia among the general public, despite government leadership attempts to balance between these sentiments and relationships with the West. To best understand these trends, one of the most compelling examples is the role of the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) and the Serbian Orthodox Church in serving as forces to strengthen the shared history of these two nations. Since the fall of the Soviet Union, the ROC has served as a vital partner to Putin and to the Russian government in justifying their ideologies, along with the strong transnational presence of the ROC as a soft power. Accordingly, the role of religious institutions as public diplomacy actors is exceedingly important to understand in today’s global setting. For states like Serbia, this presents a setup whereby Russian positions may be shared or reinforced through religious channels. It is, therefore, crucial for scholars, political analysts and public policy makers to better understand the link between religion and public diplomacy, and to formulate policies and programmes that specifically consider activities disseminated by religious institutions [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of the research paper is to analyze Czech and Slovak historical sources on the Holodomor in Soviet Ukraine in 1932-1933. The research also examines Czech and Slovak historiography from the perspective of this issue to clarify the results of historians' work and to identify problems, specifics, and trends in the study of the topic. The scientific novelty of the study lies in the fact that, for the first time, an analysis of potential primary sources of Czech and Slovak provenance for the study of the Ukrainian Holodomor is performed. Furthermore, Czechoslovak (socalled interwar) and Czech and Slovak historiography from the turn of the 20th -- 21st centuries have not yet been researched in terms of interpreting the nature and character of the Soviet Famine in the USSR in the early 1930's, with a particular focus on the Holodomor in Ukraine. In the former Czechoslovak area and after 1990, neither Czech nor Slovak historians utilized the potential of gathered material from the interwar period (archival, press, radio, travel notes, etc.). No monothematic monograph on the Soviet Famine or the Holodomor in Ukraine in 1932-1933 has been published. This problem is presented only in the form of chapters in general works on the history of Stalinism or Soviet history in general. There is practically no translated literature, mainly by Ukrainian authors. This situation is caused by the fact that in the second half of the 20th century in Czechoslovakia, and after 1990 in both the Czech Republic and Slovakia, no scientific school of Ukrainian studies was established. Currently, it is only beginning to develop. A recent trend is the effort to «revive» the work of the Czech historian and Sovietologist Jan Slavík, research materials of Czechoslovak press and diplomatic provenance, the publications of Czechoslovak intellectuals who visited or traveled in the USSR in the 1920's and 1930's, and the fate of the Volhynian Czechs in Soviet Ukraine during Stalinism. Czech and Slovak historians still have a lot of work to do in this area. At the same time, there is an obvious demand from the Czech and Slovak public for longhidden and distorted aspects of Ukrainian history, including the Holodomor and other Ukrainian themes of the 20th century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article I discuss the links between homophobic discourses and the history of non-normative sex-gender subjects in Soviet Estonia. How was homosexuality seen and handled publicly during the Soviet period? What was the relationship between official discourse and non-normative sex-gender subjects? By working through a selection of archival materials on criminal investigations under the Pederasty Article of the Soviet Estonian Criminal Code and analysing the period's sexual health discourse I outline an official discourse about nonnormative sex-gender subjects in Soviet Estonia. I also analyse the manifestations of this official discourse in historical sources. In addition to the official discourse, the archival and ethnographic sources allow me to trace some of the experiences that differed and dissented from the repressive ideologies set by legal, medical, and social regulations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Russkaa Starina is the property of Cherkas Global University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Information Library Magazine 'INFOLIB' is the property of National Library of Uzbekistan named after Alisher Navoi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

National security represents a fundamental pillar of the rule of law, which has gone through a long path throughout history and has undergone a series of geopolitical and economic changes. After gaining independence in 1991, the Republic of Moldova gradually developed its institutions in the field of national security to ensure the protection of its interests and state sovereignty. Following the dissolution of the Soviet Union, during the postindependence transition period, the Republic of Moldova faced significant challenges related to its national security system, including political instability, external pressures, ethnic and territorial conflicts. In this context, the creation and consolidation of institutions in the field of security has been and continues to be an important step for the Republic of Moldova in maintaining state sovereignty and democracy. Throughout its history, the Republic of Moldova has joined international organizations, which is an integral part of efforts to strengthen national security and promote the democratic values of the rule of law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines Russia's cultural expansionism that extends beyond the military invasion in Ukraine since 2014. In the first part, I trace Russia's systematic efforts to seize and manipulate Ukrainian heritage, often under the guise of protection. I also touch on the role of museums in this expansion, where they are used to preserve collections through coercive acquisition and to promote a Russian-centric narrative. The second part of the article delves into the historical relationships between Russia and Ukraine, especially in the context of the Soviet era's museum infrastructure. Overall, the text calls for new concepts and international efforts to critique Russia's actions and protect Ukrainian culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Authoritarian Laughter: Political Humor and Soviet Dystopia in Lithuania" by Neringa Klumbyt is a historical ethnography that explores the role of humor in Soviet-occupied Lithuania through the lens of the popular satire magazine, Brooni. The book delves into questions of freedom, opposition, censorship, and political intimacy, tracing the magazine's life from 1956 to 1998. Klumbyt's research is grounded in extensive archival research and interviews with journalists and artists who worked for the magazine. The book reveals the banality of Soviet power and the complex lives of the artists and editors who navigated the boundaries of what was allowed to be laughed at and ridiculed. It also examines the experience of power through the lens of political intimacy, highlighting the personal relationships cultivated by the magazine's editors with high-ranking Communist Party officials. The book challenges the perceived universality of the Soviet experience and offers insights into the effectiveness of opposition to authoritarianism. [Extracted from the article]

The article focuses on the historical interpretations of Yevgeny Tarle, a Soviet historian, specifically examining his changing views on Napoleon amidst the political turbulence of the early Soviet period. Topics covered include Tarle's initial reputation as a scholar, his struggles during the cultural revolution, and the impact of political shifts on his interpretations of Napoleon, highlighting the challenges historians faced in navigating ideological changes.

Copyright of Tarih İncelemeleri Dergisi is the property of Tarih Incelemeleri Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Applebaum goes into great detail about how Poland and Hungary became illiberal, one-party states. A major point in the book, which Applebaum attributes to the behavioral economist Karen Stenner,[2] gleaned from a personal interview she had with her in 2019, is a stunning realization for transatlantic democrats and also a wake-up call in terms of what democracy is up against now. Notes 1 See, e.g., Applebaum, "A Warning from Europe"; Goldberg, I Suicide of the West i ; Gessen, I Surviving Autocracy i ; Nichols, I Our Own Worst Enemy i ; Sykes, I How the Right Lost Its Mind i . 2 Applebaum's interview with Karen Stenner, July 19, 2019. A number of books and articles have been published recently that address the contemporary authoritarian threat to liberal democracy.[1] All of them, to one degree or another, have illuminated some particular aspect of the primary political issue of our time. [Extracted from the article]

The Russo-Ukrainian War marks a significant moment in the post-1945 history of Europe when a new European war has begun that will shape relations with Russia for a long time to come. This war is not a regional war but is a product of the divergent and seemingly irreconcilable paths of the Russian Federation and Ukraine that go back to the collapse of the USSR while the critical juncture was the Iraq war, which set the terms for the current collapse in normative internationalism. The question of military support – its extent and duration – for Ukraine has major implications for the future of Europe. The moral and political challenges for Europe should not be confused with the interests of US foreign policy, which is using Ukraine for purposes that have little to do with what Europe should be concerned with, namely justice and peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The mid-1950s saw the relationship between China and Indonesia evolve from one of mutual hostility to one of fraternity as a trend of détente emerged out of the Geneva (1954) and the Bandung (1955) conferences. This article explores why and how the two newly independent nations applied art diplomacy to reduce their ideological differences and facilitate their commercial and political rapprochements for the sake of Asian solidarity. Through contextualizing a series of art activities between the two nations, especially China's reproduction of President Sukarno's private collection of paintings and Chairman Mao Zedong's gifts of Chinese ink paintings to President Sukarno, this article argues that interactions in the name of art exemplify how China shaped its modern profile as an independent and industrialized power. It will also show how China deviated from its diplomacy of 'Leaning to One Side', formulated in the late 1940s, towards the 'Peaceful United Front' of the mid-1950s. More broadly, art relations between China and Indonesia reflect intensive cultural exchanges between the newly independent, yet ideologically clashing, nations of the Third World in the postwar period and offer a multifaceted history of the Cold War beyond the binary paradigm of the two superpowers of the United States and the Soviet Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since a proper understanding of the respective claims and sensitivities of Russians and Ukrainians, also towards the terms of a possible peace agreement, requires a certain awareness of the Soviet Union's ambiguous approach towards the different ethnic groups in that multi-ethnic state, the article starts with a succinct account of the history of the Soviet Union and its demise. The 'legal' status quo, more particularly legal standards and practice concerning minority rights and language rights in both Ukraine and Russia, is also covered. The second sub-chapter will then provide an overview of the international legal framework regarding minority (language) rights, starting from the overarching principles, over the main legally binding standards to soft law standards. Thirdly, a brief overall evaluation of the status quo in Ukraine and Russia regarding minority(language) rights in terms of the international legal framework, allows to identify parameters that can be used during the peace negotiations, more particularly benchmarks about what can be reasonably expected from the respective governments. The latter may be particularly useful in relation to some of the claims of the Russian government. The fourth sub-chapter delves into the most sensitive matter of minority language rights in Ukraine, and particularly the position and rights of the Russian minority, while also briefly sketching the situation of minority language rights in Russia. By way of conclusion, recommendations for the peace negotiations are offered, which build on the guiding principle of a proportionate balance between the wish to promote the national language on the one hand and a suitable (proportionate) protection of languages of minorities (with neighboring kin-states) on the other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article introduces the special issue 'Socialist Entrepreneurs? Business Histories of the GDR and Yugoslavia'. It starts with a review of the growing literature on the history of business organisation in the Global East, or the Second World in the Cold War. It then argues that mainstream business history struggles to incorporate the findings of this emerging body of work, relying as it does on the traditional view of the Soviet-style firm as primarily a production function. We show that a more nuanced view, exploring a greater variety of experiences in the USSR and beyond it, has now developed, through the use of fresh archival evidence and the combination of business history with other historical and disciplinary approaches. Focusing on the GDR and Yugoslavia, the seven contributions in this special issue showcase new directions in the field and demonstrate how we gain innovative perspectives by taking business history 'eastwards'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"In the Labyrinth of the KGB" by Olga Bertelsen is a book that examines the lives of the intelligentsia in Soviet Ukraine during the 1960s and 1970s. The author argues that the Committee for State Security (KGB) failed in its attempts to suppress the diverse intellectual community of Kharkiv and instead unintentionally fostered deeper connections among writers and within a broader transnational community. The book challenges a Russo-centric view of Soviet history and highlights the sustained repression faced by various national, ethnic, and cultural groups in the Soviet Union. While the book provides valuable insights into Soviet Kharkiv during this period, it has some limitations in its analysis and engagement with existing scholarship. Nonetheless, it is recommended for those interested in the history of Soviet Ukraine, the post-Stalin intelligentsia, or the domestic operations of the KGB. [Extracted from the article]

During the Cold War, the United States and the Soviet Union implemented multiple arms control treaties that depended on National Technical Means (NTM) for verification. Since NTM included covert satellite reconnaissance systems that gathered a sizeable portion of American intelligence on the USSR, the US government kept the details about its NTM ambiguous. Consequently, US diplomats had to negotiate a verification framework dependant on NTM without compromising sensitive space-based intelligence capabilities. This article uses newly declassified documents to explore how Washington and Moscow navigated the boundaries of secrecy concerning space reconnaissance to create a robust arms control verification regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to the opinion of many scholars in Soviet Union and Russia, period of the end of 1920s. to the 1930s. was the most contradictory and tragic in the history of Soviet State. A great place in it takes process, named after repressions, which were held for different reasons and had different slogans. The most tragic of them is persecution based on nationality, which, in its essence, went completely against the claims of Soviet authorities regarding equality among nations. Repercussions of that drama have reached to present day, and besides, still have an influence on politics and ethnic questions in modern Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]