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Richard Hakluyt’s early compilations offer compelling case studies of the ideological effects of textual form. Hakluyt the editor understood the relationship between the publication of navigational documents and nationalism. The structure of the compilation itself provides a mechanism for asserting the increasingly national ambitions and imagined preeminence of early modern England. The compilation’s seemingly compendious and authoritative reports about a wider world offered rhetorical support to particular political interests. Its orientation to knowledge is evident not only in the compiled narratives themselves, but also in the structuring and prefacing: on the page, the New World becomes eminently knowable and domesticable, despite its supposed difference and savagery. The essay demonstrates that this characterization of the New World is not simply a matter of content; rather, through their arrangements of contributing materials and textual accoutrements, compilations such as Hakluyt’s were able to stitch together the imagined possibility of English global ascendancy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the historical significance of Jang Gwon's activities in the sport promotion carried out by Korea's YMCA. At its birth, the Korean YMCA's sport promotion was closely linked with the Korean nationalist movement under Japanese colonial rule, and this link was most evident around 1920, when Jang Gwon worked as a judo master. Citing the Sokol movement in Czechoslovakia, Jang Gwon took initiatives to enlighten Korean people's consciousness and popularize sports, including judo and basketball, across the country through the Korean YMCA's sport promotion. In particular, Jang Gwon introduced modern judo--formally known as Gangdogwan (Kodokan judo), initiated by Jigoro Kano--in Korea and took initiatives to establish the Korean Basketball Association and the Korean Basketball Referee Association. Through the Korean YMCA's sport promotion, Jang Gwon motivated the Korean people to aspire to liberation and independence from Japanese colonial rule. Moreover, amid the prevailing social climate, in which physical activities were discouraged due to the influence of Neo-Confucianism, he provided a paradigm shift that called for "sport for all," which enabled the modernization of sports and physical education in Korea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay explores the predicament of subaltern self-racializing in terms of European political and scientific modernity by tracing attempts to reconsider and appropriate the "Mediterranean race" concept on behalf of new and underrecognized nationalisms. The essay develops a perspective that brings together the least obvious global "coauthors" of the counternarrative of the "Mediterranean race"—such as Russian Zionism, turn-of-the-century Italian nationalism, and W. E. B. Du Bois's "Negritude" nationalism—which were equally engaged in self-racializing and claiming the status of archetypal Europeanness. Jewish self-racializing, in particular, which is usually interpreted as a response to racial anti-Semitism or as an expression of self-hatred, is treated here as a paradigmatic case of subaltern nationalism and subaltern science. Ultimately, the essay explores the hybridizing potential and politics of comparison embedded in the "Mediterranean race" counternarrative that continue to inspire historical and cultural revisionism today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With their hallucinatory juxtapositions of medieval English iconography, imperial‐era public statuary, and indicators of contemporary urban unrest, Gilbert and George's monumental 1980 Pictures marked what many initial critics perceived as an unsettlingly political turn in the duo's work – even, some alleged, a gesture of identification with Britain's neo‐fascist right. In fact, this essay argues, much of Gilbert and George's preceding work, including their collages of Edwardian‐era picture postcards, and their canonical performances of The Singing Sculpture, was similarly oriented toward questions of national identity and belonging in a manner more philosophical than propagandistic. At a moment marked by an ascendant if internally contested effort by the political right to reconceptualize 'Britishness' for a postcolonial age, the artists used their self‐appointed roles as 'living sculptures' to emphasize the discontinuities, contradictions, and instabilities inherent to the construct of British identity, stoking an emerging set of anxieties regarding the street‐level legibility of political partisanship in a highly polarized London. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the contribution of a prominent Polish historian of ideas, the late professor Andrzej Walicki (1930–2020) to the field of nation studies, with a view to (re)introducing his work and ideas to the broader Anglophone scholarly audience. Based on new (or otherwise hitherto not widely discussed) material, some of which has not been published in English, the paper examines Walicki's theoretical ideas on the origins and development of nations. The example of the Polish 'democracy of the gentry', presented by Walicki as an early example of civic nationalism in Europe is explored in some detail. Finally, the paper traces an outline of Andrzej Walicki's theoretical framework of nation formation, highlighting key aspects of his work in the field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The vast body of inquiry into nationalism has traditionally seen Europe as a main center for the emergence of nationalism, but scholars of "national indifference" have countered with the idea that nationalism may not matter much at all as a motive for most people. The concept of national indifference calls into question the power of nationalism as a motive for action and the mass appeal of nationalism. Studies of national indifference have constructed an alternative non-national narrative, but face particular challenges accounting for major themes and episodes of discrimination and violence. At its core, national indifference paradoxically both rejects and accepts binary notions of identity and incorporates binary assumptions about motives. It is tempting to resolve the contest between parallel accounts of pervasive, powerful nationalism and national indifference by choosing a victor, but this contrast between models shows the fluidity and dynamism of nationalism. The debate between the now classic accounts of nationalism and the alternative of national indifference points to the importance of often overlooked variables: frames and sense of time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses nationalism among Mexicans and Mexican Americans in Texas from 1910 through 1940, including in regard to their sense of belonging, citizenship and the depiction of nationalism within literature. An overview of Mexican and Mexican Americans' sense of ethnic and national identity is provided. An overview of the impact that Mexico's Revolution of 1910 through 1920 had on the Mexican government's attempt to modernize the country into a nation-state is also provided.

In this article, the co-editors introduce key themes and contributions of this special issue of Radical Americas, particularly as they pertain to the 50th anniversary of Chile's Popular Unity revolution (1970-3) and the more recent estallido social (social uprising), which began in Santiago de Chile in October 2019. They underline the historical context for contemporary events, arguing the need to recognise the influence, memory and significance of the past in the present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is based on the argument that the Carniolan sausage (kranjska klobasa) played an important role in the formation and development of Slovenian national awareness in the period between the Spring of Nations and the end of World War I. The Carniolan sausage was an integral part of a unified field of exchanges which enabled the collective recognition of the members of the nation. The article then discusses its place in 'banal nationalism' – the daily nationalism that slips from our attention and daily reminds people of their nationality. As a banal national symbol, highlighting national differences and significance, the Carniolan sausage was a constant reminder of the nation. In the last part, the article analyses its role in 'nationalism from below', or everyday nationhood – the reproduction of nationhood by ordinary people in everyday life. The Carniolan sausage demonstrates that nationalism is not merely the result of a political programme or ideology, but primarily a network or collection of people, objects, practices, places, institutions, ideologies, technologies, ideas, symbols etc. which define the subjectivity of the people, and form their actions and imagination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies on nationalism have rarely given importance to the role played by the monarchy. In the Spanish case, studies have principally underlined its negative impact at the beginning of the twentieth century. This article aims to approach the origins of this political and cultural junction between the crown and the phenomenon of nationalism in Spain. A process that took place during the reign of Queen Isabel II (1833–68) and that followed very similar times and formulas to its neighbouring countries. It is first discuss the challenge that the monarchy faced in resignifying and relocating itself politically and symbolically in the nineteenth century. On this path, the crown found in the nation a perfect partner. However, liberalism also used the historical legitimacy of the monarchy to construct a nationalist discourse where monarchical identity was a structuring and undeniable piece of the national essence. Then, the author studies two typologies of strategies undertaken by them to convey their idea of nation, to mobilize people and to engender national loyalty: royal travel and images of the monarchy – both literal and figurative – used by the state. A comparative perspective with different European cases is always follow, particularly with Queen Victoria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This essay, while focusing on contemporary Lithuania, raises issues that are of perennial import to the academic study of the humanities in modern nation states, particularly the 'national' disciplines of history, language, and literature. There is a constant tension between the scholar's desire for the freedom of academic inquiry, and the desire of state, which often pays the scholar's wages, that the scholar produce research that is 'useful', especially findings that can be used to legitimize a particular political course of action. In this way, the Law on the creation of the Historical Institute of Latvia in 1936 stated that the purpose of this new research institution was to study and explain historical phenomena in the 'spirit of nationalism and truth' ('nacionālisma un patiesības garā') – in that order of precedence. This directive reflected the politics of the authoritarian regime of Kārlis Ulmanis at the time. Similarly today, is not uncommon for the various state funding bodies and central research councils to earmark significant resources for research programs conforming to the political agendas of the parties currently in control of the relevant ministries. This problem is by no means exclusive to Lithuania, or even the Baltic states. But, as the authors here ask, using Lithuania as an illustrative example, what is the cost of subordinating the freedom of scholarly inquiry in the humanities to a narrow, politicized view of what the product of research should be? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The West Indies Federation, like the Confederación Antillana from the nineteenth century, was structured by a tension between the dream of a future Pan-Caribbean nation and the prospect of a sovereign archipelagic political body that would exceed the scope of the nation-state. Because of this tension, even if the vocabulary of "Caribbean nationalism" appears to determine debates about the drive to anticolonial sovereignty embedded in the project of federation, veritably "un-national" forms also abound in discourses around both federation projects. This essay highlights discursive forms pertaining to the West Indies Federation that often "pass" for nationalism while exceeding its bounds, arguing that these forms, ranging between an attachment to empire and the critique of empire, resist assimilation into nationalist frameworks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article charts the role of Finnur Jónsson's Historia Ecclesiastica Islandiæ in the development and display of proto-nationalist ideas in eighteenth-century Iceland through the formation of a national identity based on an idealized past. The research presents an analysis of how contemporary ideas about science, freedom and the North came to be projected onto Iceland, a country that found itself in a state of dependency within the Danish realm, in order to constitute its identity within and across the boundaries of that realm. The study outlines the changing environment in which this could happen, the methods used to guarantee its acceptance, and the overwhelming acclaim the work received internationally, anchoring a positive image of Iceland for the next century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we will refer to the historical vicissitudes of the Greek national character since the 19th century signposting two main versions: an antinomic but no less unified national character characterized by internal contrasts vis-à-vis the alleged uni-dimensional canon of western rationality, on the one hand, and a clash of national habitus into two opposite national identities - two modal characters - on the other. Further on, we shall discuss the role of national symbols such as the flag and parades as emotional constituents of nationalism as political religion conferring fragile legitimacy to the state as long as their meaning is under negotiation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Grounded Nationalisms provides its readers with a clear, cogent, and comprehensive theory for understanding nationalism in its many evolving forms. Maleševič presents us with a flexible yet durable nationalism; a nationalism that can and does assume multiple forms precisely because it is grounded in its more stable organisations, ideologies, and interactions. His is a theory for the mechanics of nationalism, its machinery – the processes and practices, ideas and structures that drive nationalism and churn out nations in different bespoke forms. It is a toolkit that gives us an elastic, shape-shifting nationalism. The same forms – organisations, ideologies, and interactions – can be and are used to produce different national content. The durability of these mechanical forms gives rise to, and indeed explains, the elasticity of its nationalism's shifting empirical content. There are no new nationalisms, Maleševič pointedly reminds us, only old ones reinvented and creatively adapted to new circumstances. But: this thing we made, can it be unmade? What are the limits of nationalism's elasticity? How far can it be stretched, conceptually, structurally, ideationally, and temporally before it ceases to be something we can convincingly call 'nationalism'? Perhaps the only weakness of Maleševič's approach is that it has no weakness – no weakness built into the model for predicting nationalism's demise, no escape hatch for jettisoning nationalism, no flaw in the system for unravelling nationalism. In developing such a compelling theory for nationalism s strength, Maleševič has inadvertently revealed his theory's weakness: Grounded Nationalisms have no exit strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What does the New Right want from international relations? In this article, we argue that the philosophy of the New Right is not reducible to a negation of internationalism. The New Right coalesce around a conceptualisation of the international driven by analytics and critiques of specific subjects, norms and practices, that should be treated as a distinct international theoretical offering. We refer to this vision as Reactionary Internationalism. This article examines and locates this vision within the intellectual history of nationalism and internationalism by drawing on poststructuralist approaches to intellectual history and drawing evidence from a discourse analysis of recent Lega, Front National, Brexit, and Trump campaigns. We find that, rather than advocating for the end of internationalism, the New Right seeks to reconstitute its normative architecture on the basis of inequality among identities. This entails dismantling liberal economic and rights-based norms and reframing them around transactionalism and power grounded on identity. Reactionary Internationalism emerges as a distinct philosophy that identifies a hegemonic normative bind and advocates its unravelling so as to liberate subjects understood as defined by their birth-cultural identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article assesses the role of British colonial education in Condominium Sudan in shaping the mindsets of Sudan's first generation of Islamists between 1946 and 1956. Drawing on post-colonial theorists such as Nandy and Bhabha, it contends that the experiences of the pioneers of Sudan's Islamic movement at institutions such as Gordon Memorial College and Hantoub Secondary School moulded their understandings of both 'modernity' and 'tradition'. As a result of their colonial education, Islamists deployed discourses concerning both 'progress' and 'cultural authenticity' that bore remarkable parallels with colonial essentialism, even as they announced a decisive break with the colonial past. Much like the conventional nationalists, they used the space created by the colonial educational institutions to establish an ideological community that transcended the narrow ethnic and regional divides previously fostered by the British. At the same time, Islamists and colonialists alike shared a contempt for Marxists and 'deculturated' effendis, and Muslim Brothers' aspirations to escape the 'English jahiliyya', however counter-intuitive this may seem, bore similarities with the worldviews of colonial officials concerned with preventing what they saw to be the excessive impact of urbanization and modern education on Sudan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on a comparison between Jewish and Sahrawi nationalism, the article introduces James Scott's theorization of state-evading and state-making societies to the study of Zionist state formation. Given the state-evading features of Jewish Diaspora life (physical dispersion, segmentary kinship, acephalous social structure), the article argues that Zionism might best be compared to the state-making projects of other state-evading communities (including Kurdish, Berber, and Sahrawi nationalism). As an example for this comparative research agenda, the article explores the case of Sahrawi nationalism: While POLISARIO, the national liberation movement of Western Sahara, was consciously modelled after Third World insurgencies in Algeria and Palestine, the Sahrawi proto-state (the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic) applies a model of state-driven nation-building that corresponds closely to the statism (mamlakhtiyut) of the Zionist state-in-the-making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper considers the rise of the violent nationalist movements in the Ottoman Empire and questions the violent basis of these nationalisms. In the first place, the paper points out Western Europe as the source of modern nationalism and emphasizes its initial appearance as a result of a long-lasting dynamics of conflicts and reconciliations amongst social, political and economic groups in Europe. In many other parts of the world, modern nationalism appeared as part of Europeanization and modernization usually carried out by a certain west European educated elite. In most of those places, modern nationalism was quite alien to the social, political, and economic structures and practices. However, as the particular case under scrutiny here demonstrates, modern nationalism gained ground in non-western world by the widespread authoritarian and often-violent pressures applied upon the people by violent paramilitary and/or guerilla groups formed and led by the Western-oriented elite. This peculiar emergence of modern nationalism would certainly create problems in the long run in terms of constructing a well-structured nation-state and a widely shared national consensus. The paper's main focus is the insurgent nationalist movements in the Balkans and the Ottoman counter-insurgency, which developed a similar mindset in their struggle against each other, which would contribute to the problematic emergence of nation-states and the continuous unrest in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In interwar Germany, internationalism and nationalism coexisted in a public sphere that often transcended national borders. This seeming contradiction helps explain the mindset of an era, which simultaneously recognized interconnectedness while privileging national identity. Historians' interest in internationalism has primarily focused on liberal and cooperative actors and on some selected examples demonstrating the dark sides of internationalism. Fewer historians, however, have analyzed the ambiguities and contradictions of liberal internationalism and the perseverance of the national as a frame of reference in internationalist discourses. Ernst Jäckh, best known as the founder of the Deutsche Hochschule für Politik , perhaps best represented this collision of values while simultaneously being one of the biggest proponents of such a view. Jäckh's internationalism permeated all his endeavors and served the goal of reintegrating Germany in the international community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Successive wars and the establishment of a border between the kingdom of Burma and British India in the nineteenth century challenged Burmese conceptions of sovereignty and political space. This essay investigates how European, and more specifically Anglo-American, notions of race, nation, and consular protection to nationals, progressively informed the Burmese concepts of 'categories of people' (lumyo) and 'subject' (kyun). First, I present the semantic evolution of these concepts in the 1820s–1830s, following the annexation of the western Burmese province of Arakan by British India in 1824. Then, I argue that the Burmese concept of lumyo was progressively associated with the European concept of 'nations' in the 1850s–1860s, following the annexation of Lower Burma in 1852. Finally, I uncover developments in the 1870s, when British consular protection extended to several freshly categorised 'nations', such as Shan, Karenni, and Kachin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines responses to the 1897 Bazar de la Charité fire, in which 125 people, mostly upper-class women, were killed. Observers used the Catholic doctrine of vicarious suffering to give meaning and purpose to the women's painful deaths. I focus particularly on Christian feminist Marie Maugeret's analysis of the event. Framing her interpretation of the fire in terms of her belief that society was imbalanced due to men's tyranny over women, Maugeret argued that the women's deaths offered France a chance for redemption through the dual action of Catholicism and feminism. During the Dreyfus affair, Maugeret modified her theories of women's redemptive pain to incorporate antidreyfusard men's suffering, adding nationalism to Catholicism and feminism as a redemptive force. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the German Nazi regime's alliance with nationalist and anti-imperialist movements from the developing countries during World War II. An overview of German Nazis' solidarity with national liberation movements of Arabs and Indians against the British empire, including Indian anti-colonialist leader Subhas Chandra Bose's relations with German authoritarian dictator Adolf Hitler, is provided.

Perhaps the first thing to note about a forum on the subject of 1919 in Asia is how awkwardly the spatial frame of "Asia" maps onto the international history of that moment. To be sure, the postwar international conjuncture, which I have elsewhere called the "Wilsonian Moment," had a revolutionary impact across Asia, perhaps more so than in any other world region outside of Europe. As the three preceding essays in this forum note, that year was a waypoint, and sometimes a launching pad, for a rush of novel or renewed revolutionary discourses, connections, and mobilizations in China, India, and Korea, as it was in other parts of Asia and of the world. These were all propelled by the accumulated material and ideological transformations of the years of war, transformation that imbued the moment with revolutionary potential and gave contemporaries a sense that the international order, its power structures and its norms of legitimacy, were uniquely malleable, amenable to concerted action. Indeed, 1919 was a moment in which the very idea of "Asia"—its spaces, the identities they attached to, and the solidarities that ran across and beyond it—was reimagined in ways that at once stitched it together and rent it apart. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Chinese Mexicans' voice during Mexican Sinophobia has largely been lost in the current historiography as most historians rely heavily upon English and Spanish sources. This paper seeks to counter this problem by using myriad accounts reported by the Chinese to centralize the Chinese perspective in the historical narrative of Chinese Mexicans. Overall, this paper indicates that whether in Mexico or in China, the Chinese actively resisted Mexican Sinophobia, while simultaneously forming a strong transpacific relationship that connected both of these nations during a crucial period of national identity formation. Therefore, the Chinese in Mexico, far from being invisible and secluded from the world, participated in the global process of nation-building -- of both China and Mexico -- during the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. While at times the Chinese resistance failed to substantially improve the lives of the Chinese in Mexico, many times their effort engendered impressive results, highlighting the power and agency that the Chinese wielded. As a study and synthesis of national identity formation, transnationalism, and the Mexican facet of the Chinese global diaspora, this research links the triangular relationship of Mexico, China, and the United States in the growing historiography of the Pacific World. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Argument: Eugenics and race played significant roles in Ukrainian interwar nationalism, yet remain largely unstudied. The Ukrainian nationalists' understanding of the racial makeup of their imagined community was contradictory as they struggled to reconcile their desire for racial "purity" with the realities of significant variations between the populations inhabiting the enormous territories which they sought to include in their intended state project. The "turn to the right" over the 1930s placed an increased onus on race, and eugenics came to occupy an increasingly prominent place in Ukrainian radical nationalism from around 1936. In 1941, the leading Ukrainian far-right organization, the OUN had developed a project for eugenic engineering, for their aborted state, declared in L'viv on June 30, 1941. Racial conceptualizations of the Ukrainian community figured prominently well into the Cold War era, gaining a new actuality and meaning in an émigré community dispersed across several countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the relationship between memory, political violence, and identity among the Roma minorities in Kosovo. In the aftermath of the 1998–1999 conflict in Kosovo, countless Roma were forced to escape Albanian retaliation, accused of being Serb collaborators. Many had to resettle in enclaves near Fushë Kosovë on the outskirts of Kosovo's capital Prishtina, others left for Serbian-controlled northern Kosovo or to neighboring countries or to Western Europe. Through an ethnographic investigation with displaced Roma families around Prishtina and in Prizren, the article examines how the communities mobilize collective memories of the violent past to adapt to a new political situation, find their place, and navigate their present within Kosovo's social, economic, and political landscape. It shows that the past is a constant reminder of compromised loyalties toward the majority group, which in turn dictates their (non)relations. Roma voices and narratives about the violent past are not part of the dominant and official discourse; they are counter-memories, telling a story that is silenced and unrecognized by the majority. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the main theorists of economic nationalism (Romanianization) and their ideas promoting protectionism and anti-Semitism in 1930s–1940s Romania. Trying to offer a rational scientific justification for excluding foreigners, especially Jews, and increasing the role of ethnic Romanians in the economy, major scholars of economics offered solutions toward successful Romanianization. Because some of these economists were also influential politicians and public intellectuals, their investigations and blueprints for the project gained wide publicity and provided steps for achieving it rapidly and thoroughly. These economists disseminated their theoretical and empirical constructions of Romanianization in university courses, public lectures, and publications. Some were important scholars; among them, Virgil Madgearu, Mihail Manoilescu, Gheorghe N. Leon, Ion Răducanu, and D. R. Ioaniţescu, They examined Romanianization of the economy from the 1930s to the 1940s and influenced the agenda of local elites and the general public, due to their prestigious positions as politicians, public intellectuals, and professors at local universities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What happened to peoples who felt colonized in post-colonial states? After the Second World War, the formal international order of the United Nations and Cold War political alignments recognized national self-determination as a right, but only saw claims of self-determination within European empires. However, there are hidden stories of anti-colonial claims within post-colonial states, claims that operated through informal networks because they were invisible to international institutions. These networks produced a layer of international relations that took on the issue of minority nationalisms. Through the travelogues and visa difficulties of nationalist claimants from Nagaland in Northeast India and Namibia in Southern Africa, this article makes visible this layer of politics. It considers the peoples for whom 1960s global decolonization did not mean national liberation, the unofficial individuals who spoke for them that were empowered by the UN's inability to do so, and the symbiotic relationship between these two sets of actors. By showing the mutual, yet unequal dependence of nationalists and their advocates, this article argues that certain nationalist claimants achieved forms of pre-independence recognition from advocacy, but that this support came with strings–strings that constrained nationalist claims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the relationship between Francoism and the Portuguese Estado Novo in the context of state control of workers' leisure time. The two Iberian Fascist dictatorships reacted to the international political isolation they were experiencing by seeking to strengthen their mutual ties during a period extending from the end of the Second World War until the mid-1950s. In the sphere of leisure, this was accomplished by means of two social tourism programmes: hosting workers from the neighbouring country in state holiday centres, and organizing trips in order to get to know the monuments and culture of the other country. These trips and vacations were used by the Franco Regime and the Estado Novo as a means of political and ideological indoctrination of workers. They were also intended to improve the perception of the national identity among the visitors, thus projecting a certain national image abroad. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a biography of Andrzej Krzywoń (1844-1911), a pastor in Międzyrzecze and Skoczów in Cieszyn Silesia, a Silesian senior, and from 1909 a Moravian-Silesian superintendent. He was one of the most important figures in the The Evangelical Church of the Augsburg Confession in the Habsburg Empire at the beginning of the 20th century. I pay special attention to his attitude towards national issues. Krzywoń came from an ethnically Polish family, he studied in Vienna and Heidelberg. After returning to Cieszyn Silesia, he became involved with the (pro)German faction, similarly to most pastors in the region. In elections for Silesian senior he even obtained the support of proponents of the Polish national movement. After being elected in 1909 as Moravian-Silesian superintendent, he abandoned political neutrality and actively combated the Polish national movement. His biography is an example of the radicalization of political moods in the Habsburg Empire. It also illustrates the attitudes of the majority of Lutheran pastors in Cieszyn Silesia. Until now, there was a false conviction among researchers that that in this region, Lutherans in general supported the Polish national movement, and the Catholics supported the German party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the dramaturgy of modern Greek playwrights, among others Vassilis Katsikonouris, Giannis Tsiros, Michalis Reppas, Thanasis Papathanasiou and Lena Kitsopoulou. It looks at how these dramatists approach the theme of "alterity" when in their dramatic productions it acquires the meaning of a different ethnic, religious, social and cultural element. It mainly reflects on the roles of the dramatic characters within the multiculturalist environment as it manifested in Greek society in the 1990s and at the beginning of the twenty-first century. The notion of "different" is also examined by drawing on political views of racist and nationalistic ideologies that emerge in the dramatic situations. The dramaturgical analysis is also comparatively combined with the way theatre reviewers and the audiences have received the productions, since the plays' various interpretations by contemporary directors is considered of the utmost importance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article revisits the course of events of Monfalcone (shipyard) workers counter-exodus, sifting a time period spanning from 1946 to early 50's. After exposing factual circumstances, the main aspects of this event are considered, focussing on the arrival of Monfalcone shipyard workers into Tito's Yugoslavia, with particular reference to the realities of Fiume and Pola. Together with the cases of Monfalconesi, the course is shapedof some other Italian communists who migrated to Yugoslavia with goodwill, in order to actively participate in the construction of a socialist country society. In June 1948 the Cominform resolution splitted the Communist movement. As did the large majority of Italian communists, the uttermost part of Monfalcone workers stood in favour of the document from the Informbiro. They faced the repression by the Udba, Tito's political police; they were arrested and sentenced to serve into Tito camps, especially in GoliOtok. Finally the article deals with the Monfalconesi comeback to Italy, where they suffered, as defeated, the consequences of their choice, with regards both to nationalist and reactionary right forces, and to communist party former comrades, who, after a while, understood their discontent and allowed them to resumetheir political activities in the Pci. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to explore the Irish migrants' political experience within the geographical confines of the West Riding of Yorkshire during several key election campaigns during the period 1879-86. The focus will be on the constitutional, or moral force, philosophy of Irish nationalism in its diasporic/external context. The central aim is to explore how Irish migrants engaged in political activism in the pursuit of legislative independence for the homeland under the banner of Irish Home Rule. Attention will focus on specific parliamentary election contests where Irish Home Rule became the dominant platform. This will be achieved through an analysis of the Home Rule Confederation & Irish National Leagues of Great Britain and its activities as a political "fifth column" operating in the industrial heartlands of Yorkshire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The generally accepted story is that British militant suffragists performed an unexpected and abrupt move away from the feminist movement and towards a fiercely jingoistic nationalist campaign once the war began in 1914. Yet, given the nature of exchanges between Irish and British militant feminists, Irish feminists should not have been surprised by this turn from gender solidarity to English nationalism. In this article, I argue that Irish-British militant feminist entanglements worked to expose the powerful role that English nationalism played in suffrage politics at a time when nearly all the focus was on the disruptive influence of Irish nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although Christianity was a new and small religion in Korea at the time, in 1945-48 Christian politicians and church leaders were prominent in establishing an independent South Korea as the Cold War began. Kang In-cheol and others argue that this was because Christians were prejudiced against communists and acted out of self-interest, and they hold them complicit in the subsequent Korean War. We shall argue that many Christian leaders were willing to work with communists to preserve the unity of the nation but their experience convinced them that communist aims were incompatible with religious freedom and with their own vision of a democratic nation founded on Christian principles. Our argument contributes not only to an understanding of Korean nationalism, but also to the broader literature on the roles of Christianity in democratisation. It reveals the significant influence of Christian actors at this critical juncture in Korean and world history, the impact of which is still being felt today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article challenges the myth that Indian nationalism was a major cause of the Rebellion or Uprising of 1857, arguing rather that nationalism was its ultimate result. But it goes much further, demonstrating that this unsuccessful Uprising of 1857 generated a new consciousness, as it taught Indians about the need to learn to protect and represent themselves better. While the East India Company (EIC) swiftly regained control and transferred sovereignty to the British Crown on 1 November 1858, tightening the noose of colonial subjugation for almost another century, the article argues that significant loss of trust in the feudal lords in 1857 opened the door to a new form of consciousness about the need for more competence in self-rule. The analysis suggests, therefore, that a combination of declining medieval feudalism and growth of modern nationalism in India, guided in due course by better equipped elite members of the middle classes, began to germinate as a largely hidden, unintended consequence of the failure of the 1857 Revolt, a phenomenon noted, but underrated, by historical scholarship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers how history and film intersect with gender and ethnicity in Ryan’s Daughter.Taking feminist geopolitics as its theoretical framework, this article examines how gender informs the past as depicted in this film and at the time of its release through the feminisation of space, including through the tourist gaze it elicits. Central to geopolitics is cartography, employed to plot the location of resources, bringing boundaries into existence and often assisting with the strategic planning of invasions.This article analyses Ryan’s Daughter through a feminist geopolitical lens in order to explore how films act as maps, both in their guise of ideological tools and as cognitive schemata to orientate action, and inso doing illuminates its narrative and visual geopolitical gendering of Ireland, both in 1970 and through its construction of 1916. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper proposes rethinking nationalism as a political ideology and force in Africa outside the boundaries of the postcolonial African state. It argues against national histories and for histories of the construction of African nationalisms. In analysing the anti‐colonial basis of nationalism globally, it argues that the basis for African nationalism is similar to and not distinct from dominant nationalist processes elsewhere. The paper analyses the problematic historiography of African nationalism, arguing that the focus on political outcomes – the independent nation‐state – has distorted and distracted from a necessary historical focus on process, best understood as involving competing and contested nationalisms before and after national independence. Having identified a wave of recent literature that analyses such competing nationalisms across the continent, the paper sets out a research agenda for systematic historical analysis of African nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The paper examines perceptions and self-perceptions of national identities in 19th century Balkans using the history of the merchant family of Rombi or Робев as a case study. According to Greek and Bulgarian historians the family appeared to be of Greek-Wlach or Bulgarian origin. Preliminary research, mainly based on the family archive preserved in the National Library in Sofia, shows changing attitudes in terms of ethnic identity. Despite their Greek education certain members of the family identified themselves as Bulgarians and support the Bulgarian independent movement against the Greeks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The scholarly wars between British and German academics in World War I are to be seen in the context of a more general odium philologicum which can be traced back to the growth of nationalism in the nineteenth century. The century proved an unsettled period in international relations, with tensions between various European powers affecting competing scholarly programmes, including the establishment of archaeological schools and institutes in Athens and Rome. Thus, before 1914 there is a history of inter-state dynamics which saw a continuing realignment of forces among the scholars of different nations. The chapter goes on to consider the contrasting wartime experiences of scholars and students at Cambridge and Oxford, including Francis Cornford, James Duff Duff, Cyril Bailey, E. R. Dodds, Gilbert Murray, and Alfred Zimmern. Murray explored the parallels between the War and the Peloponnesian War, while other notable classicists, including Arthur Hunt, John Beazley, Frank Adcock, and Dillwyn Knox, deployed their considerable intellectual skills for the War Office Cryptanalytic Bureau or Room 40 at the Admiralty. The views of three American scholars, Paul Shorey, Herbert Weir Smyth, and Basil Gildersleeve, serve to further highlight a wide range of opinions and responses to Germany and the War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contextualizes the dissonant modernist musical language Harry Somers employed for Louis Riel in relation to the internationalist avant-garde of the mid-twentieth century, with its complex political ramifications, and considers the suitability of the opera's resultant musical-aesthetic challenge to listeners as a reflection of the conflictual and dissident elements of its subject. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Carolina Corps straddled the liminal boundaries of military-civil society in the highly racialized eighteenthcentury British Caribbean. Although former slaves, the men of the Corps were nonetheless crucial to the defense of the region. This gave the men opportunities and legal standing that was unattainable to most other blacks in the British West Indies. The Carolina Corps leveraged their position to ensure they achieved the greatest possible level of social advancement. In addition, these black troops helped to change the racial perceptions of many white commanders, laying the groundwork for the later expansion of black units within the British Caribbean. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent attempts to analyze the outcome of the 2016 Brexit referendum have prompted a renewed interest in the history of fascism, nationalism and right‐wing Euroscepticism in British politics. By considering the ideology and political experiences of two key figures in the post‐war movement, this article examines the distinctive and diverging approaches of extreme right‐wing parties to the European issue in the decades after the Second World War. It further presents an explanation for why, despite their forthright engagement with the issue of European integration, extreme right parties remained a marginal voice in the debate leading up to Britain’s entry into Europe in 1975. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]