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The article talks about the history of the border oriental and remembrance day. It mentions about the history of the liberation movement in Friuli Venezia Giulia on the initiative of the protagonists of the Italian Cln of Trieste including Ercole Miani. It mentions principal of the memorial day is having brought to the attention of many the history of the eastern border.

The article discusses the putative role that African American slaves played in causing the American Civil War, with a particular focus on the Underground Railroad's role in this regard. The geographic elements related to American slavery and the concept of freedom for African Americans, including the opportunity for liberty north of the Mason-Dixon Line, are discussed. The article compares the American Northern States and Southern States, including Southern elites' perspective on the U.S. Congress' power to legislate against slavery.

The four French newsreels companies touched on cautiously and relatively late with the Suez Crisis. Initially they contented themselves with mentioning diplomatic moves, maintained that Britain had seized the initiative and that France was merely giving it support to guarantee the liberty of navigation. Only Actualités françaises, considered a semi-official magazine because the state owned 60% of the capital, adopted a warlike stance. The approach changed with the Israeli offensive in the Sinai, not knowing how the French government would react, the newsreels put the emphasis on other on-going problems, notably the Hungarian revolution and its crackdown by the Soviet army. Pathé, lest bellicose of the newsreels, kept silent on the topic for a month and, after the retreat of the English and French troops, screened a few images without commentary. Gaumont wavered between enthusiasm for the French intervention in Egypt and approval of the withdrawal. Éclair, a small company that needed public monetary assistance and Actualités françaises backed the operation up to the end. In 1956 television sets were rare in France, only newsreels offered visual information. According to the cinema they used to visit, spectators had a fairly different idea of the Suez affair but it was always clear that France had fought for liberty and that it was not responsible for a forced depart. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 1930s, there were two glaring questions confronting the princely state of Hyderabad's Administration: the question of sovereignty (or the political future of the Hyderabad) and the problem of civil liberties. This article explores the complex socio-political conditions in the early decades of the twentieth century that gave rise to the formation of dynamic civil-society institutions in the princely state of Hyderabad. In particular, it asks how and why the discourse of civil liberties was taken up by these institutions and assesses the response of the Hyderabad Administration with respect to safeguarding civil liberties for its subjects. What the historical record reveals is that the early decades of the twentieth century in Hyderabad became a battleground between the Hyderabad Administration and the burgeoning public sphere that the Administration could not control nor manage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on formerly enslaved children at the turn of the twentieth century, exploring their contributions to discourses about childhood, labor, and stigma in Senegal's colonial towns. Drawing on records for over 1,600 so-called 'liberated minors', children who entered state guardianship after official recognition of their liberation from slavery, and on a variety of other sources, the article investigates both broad trends and individual experiences of work, mistreatment, conflict, and — sometimes — defiance. I argue that while many liberated minors seemed to accept their circumstances, others complained, disobeyed, or ran away, thereby challenging lingering stigmas and highlighting ways the state fell short of the anti-slavery and humane ideals touted by some officials. Attentive, insofar as records allow, to the actions and perspectives of liberated minors, the article contributes to the growing literature on the history of children and youth in Africa and to scholarship on post-emancipation societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay examines a subset of Reconstruction-era cases decided in Southern appellate courts that dealt with the legacies of slavery. Drawing on suits that either described emancipation as legal death or considered black civil rights, it argues that judges placed freedpeople into a distinct legal category – the former slave – in order to preserve the antebellum legal status quo. Opinions differentiated free-born citizens from those who acquired rights after emancipation, and marked freedpeople with stains of their previous servitude, which limited their potential for the equal enjoyment of newly acquired civil rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the immediate years after the fall of the Fascist regime from 1943 through the end of World War II. It asks: What did the Italians make of Fascism and its role in the country's history as they witnessed the demise of the regime? How should we assess the nature of their anti-Fascist reactions at the time? Does the post-war conflation of Resistance and Liberation with anti-Fascism adequately represent their experience? Drawing on personal diaries written during 1943-1945, the article specifically examines three key temporal moments: the downfall of Mussolini on 25 July 1943, the armistice of 8 September 1943 and Italy's proclamation of war against Germany on 13 October 1943. The article's ultimate goal is to bring out the meanings that emerge out of the lifeworld of ordinary citizens in interaction with official narratives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Narratives of Irish decolonization often take up local (rather than global) arguments focused on the liberation of Ireland, instead of looking to the participation of Irish people in decolonization efforts internationally. This paper argues that the Irish diaspora, whose population has extended into all corners of the Earth, has a key role to play in decolonization not simply because of the history of anti-colonialism in Ireland and its role as a test site for British colonialism, but specifically because of the need to extend sentiments about national liberation to the nations whose oppression the diaspora has become entrenched in. Through examining on historical examples of Irish roles in the colonization of Canada, the United States, and Australia, this paper explores some of the ways that the desire to contribute to the liberation of Ireland within the Irish diaspora has often become linked to participation in colonization. In so doing, it argues that the Irish nation cannot become decolonized by liberating its own land alone; it must become a force for anti-colonialism by rejecting participation in colonial occupation wherever the Irish find themselves. Drawing attention to opportunities for advancing allieships between the diaspora and other nations struggling against colonialism, the author puts forth a call to action for decolonizing the Irish. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is often assumed that 'Hayekian' or 'neoliberal' influences lay behind Conservative attacks on socialism in 1945 and subsequent calls to 'set the people free' in 1950 and 1951. This assumption has had consequences for our understanding of late-1940s Conservatism and for wider interpretations of post-war politics. Heeding recent calls to reconnect the inter-war and post-war parties and to pay closer attention to how opponents and contexts generate arguments, this article revisits senior Conservatives' rhetoric between 1945 and 1951 to break the link between neoliberal influence and freedom rhetoric. First, it argues that the rhetoric of 1945 was derived from a distinctly Conservative lineage of interwar argument and reflected strategies developed before the publication of F. A. Hayek's 'The Road to Serfdom'. Second, it demonstrates that senior Conservatives' emancipatory rhetoric in opposition after 1945 was neither a simple continuation of these themes nor primarily a response to the public's growing antipathy towards rationing and controls. Rather, such rhetoric was a complex response to Britain's immediate economic difficulties and the political challenges presented by austerity. Finally, the article sheds new light on the strategy that governed the party's campaigns in 1950 and 1951. Churchill and others' calls to 'set the people free' stemmed from a belief that the rhetorical opportunity lay in reconciling liberty with security. In that sense, the leadership had moved beyond begrudging compromises with the 'Attleean settlement' and was instead attempting to define a new identity within the parameters of the welfare state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Being based on oral interviews, archival records and much of the published literature on the topic as well as press reports, this article analyses the political effects of the General Contract Workers Strike of 1971-72 on Owambo contract workers. It shows how, through the workers' political consciousness and organizational potential, the strike was successful in the struggle against the colonial contract labour system. The first part of the article provides a brief outline of how the workers developed their campaign from a growing sense of discontentment with the oppressive contract system. It explores the various factors that led to the strike, and examines the court hearings, Owambo unrest, and the public floggings that ensued. The second part traces the role of the Owambo 'traditional' authorities in the public floggings which had an enormous impact on the state of politics in Owambo. The article maintains that while Owambo headmen had authority over contract workers their position lacked legitimacy. When the Owambo kingships came under colonial control, chiefs and headmen found their authority profoundly changed, and allied themselves with colonial officials. They used public floggings to consolidate their power, claiming that they were an old 'tribal' custom based on traditional forms of discipline and punishment. The final section outlines the key debates surrounding the public floggings and the aftermath of the strike. The analysis shows that although the strike did not end the poor working conditions and workers were still separated from their families, it laid the foundations for the struggle for the underlying political aim: independence from colonial South Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay focuses on the northeastern borderlands of the Central African Republic (CAR), an area that though formally part of a state is mostly left to its own devices. It has no single sovereign, but many people participate in the sovereign prerogative of enacting violence in such a way as to claim a right to determine how to live. These dynamics are particularly visible in the area's contests over armed conservation, my ethnographic and historical topic here. These sovereign claims take the form of denunciation: rallying people to take extreme measures against another whose egregious acts threaten fundamental values. In northeastern CAR, the value frequently fought for through denunciation is negative liberty—freedom from molestation for those who carve space for themselves by denouncing. In addition to excavating denunciation as a dynamics of sovereignty, this paper shows that the values motivating sovereign struggles can include not just autonomy—whether devoted to a principle of order or anarchy, as others have explored—but can also be devoted to creating exceptions for those who denounce, such that they are able to participate in projects and access terrains that extend beyond their place of residence without having to consistently abide by others' rules. Denunciation is thus a dynamics of sovereign claim-making that can shape and mobilize solidarities that are in flux, rather than those calcified by the violent, exceptional decision of a unitary sovereign. Denunciation foregrounds relational and processual aspects of sovereignty and in so doing invites new comparisons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how Christians who had been deprived of the direct sponsorship of the state articulated their claims for political and religious freedom. I examine four cases from the fifth and sixth century in the Eastern Roman Empire and Sasanian Iran. Here I argue that Scriptural models provided an important reservoir of political ideas that could be used by clerics to undermine state authority, whether to underscore the conditional nature of Roman claims to authority or to deny an equality of religious freedom to non-Christian co-citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper assesses to what extent the neo-Republican accounts of Quentin Skinner and Philip Pettit adequately capture the nature of political liberty at Rome by focusing on Cicero's analysis of the libera res publica. Cicero's analysis in De Republica suggests that the rule of law and a modest menu of individual citizens' rights guard against citizens being controlled by a master's arbitrary will, thereby ensuring the status of non-domination that constitutes freedom according to the neo-Republican view. He also shows the difficulty of anchoring an argument for citizens' full political participation in the value of non-domination. While Cicero believed such full participation (by elite citizens) was essential for a libera res publica, he, like other elite Romans, argued for participation on the basis of liberty conceived as the space to contend for and enhance one's social status. The sufficiency of the rule of law and citizens' rights for securing a status of non-domination taken together with their insufficiency for ensuring a libera res publica suggests that neo-Republican accounts of liberty do not fully capture the idea as articulated in Cicero's Republicanism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper proposes an intellectual history of the idea that the later Roman empire and, subsequently, the whole of Byzantium were less 'free' in comparison to the Roman Republic. Anxiety over diminished freedom recurred throughout Roman history, but only a few specific expressions of it were enshrined in modern thought as the basis on which to divide history into periods. The theorists of the Enlightenment, moreover, invented an unfree Byzantium for their own political purposes and not by examining the facts about its political culture. The second part of the paper proposes that the Byzantines valorized a model of positive freedom as legal-institutional protection against arbitrary oppressive power, including against both barbarian domination and domestic abuses. In contrast to modern thought, which tends to see the imperial position as the chief threat to liberty, the Byzantines viewed it as its bulwark. Yet they too had remedies for oppressive emperors, suggesting that the otherwise well-attested invocations of freedom were not a mere rhetorical trope for them but an actionable cultural norm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper follows the text of Leviticus 25:10 in the Hebrew Bible and in selected works of the exegetical tradition of both Rabbinic Judaism and Western Christianity, in order to provide a lens through which to assess the use of a biblical text which was instrumental during the early modern period in formulating ideas about the Republic and its use in the modern liberal state. The main argument of the paper is that over time the meaning of the text shifted from the socio-economic to the salvific to the political, depending on the context in which it was read. Further, all the authors cited here approached the text as an authoritative normative text, and did not look at the text as a textual artefact. While the move to re-introduce Jewish Sources into the debate in political theory is to be welcomed, it is argued that the results would be improved by balanced reading strategies and by interaction with critical academic biblical scholarship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Providing an introduction to this special issue on the ancient notions of liberty and its modern perspectives, this essay contains, first, some reflections about the relation between the fields of ancient history and contemporary political theory. Building on the comments of the final roundtable with Kinch Hoekstra and Quentin Skinner, it then makes an attempt at extrapolating some theoretical understandings of liberty from a wide range of geographical and historical contexts covered in the contributions. Moving away from a strictly classical Graeco-Roman focus, these include investigations from the second millennium BCE polities in the Levant to the Byzantine empire in the fifth-century CE. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores and reevaluates the place of Plato in the history of liberty. In the first half, reevaluating the view that he invents a concept of 'positive liberty' in the Republic, I argue for two claims: (1) that he does not do so, insofar as this is not the way that virtuous psychological self-mastery in the Republic is understood, and (2) that the Republic works primarily with the inverse concept of slavery, relying on entrenched Greek ideas about the badness of the status of being a slave and the actions and dispositions associated with it. Turning in the second half to seek Platonic innovation not in the domain of 'positive liberty' but in reflection on liberty as a political value, understood as the liberty of action of citizens within the laws, I argue for two further claims: (3) that as such a political value, liberty is limited and reshaped in both the Republic and the Laws to be compatible with obedience to rule / willingness to be ruled, ideally willing obedience; and (4) that for this limited and reshaped value to be secured, such obedience must be manifested not only in regard to a constitution's laws, but also to the magistrates who hold office within it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the story behind a ciphered letter sent from two brothers, Johnston Jones in North Carolina to Iredell Jones in South Carolina, both members of the Ku Klux Klan during Reconstruction. The letter and a few accompanying documents generated by fellow members of the Klan suggest that the Klan was not exclusively an organic and isolated movement. Rather, conservative white southern elites, connected by ties of Confederate service and family, engaged in a clandestine campaign of organizing against the interracial politics of Reconstruction. Recalibrating our conception of the extent to which the Ku Klux Klan was coordinated provides a more accurate understanding of the ways white supremacist vigilante violence was used to shut down interracial political opportunities after emancipation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

British abolitionist literature, much like abolitionist politics generally, struggled to imagine a post-emancipationist world in which freed Africans and former white slave owners could co-exist peacefully within the British Empire. In this essay, I will explore how Peter Newby’s The Wrongs of Almoona (1788) and William Hutchinson’s The Princess of Zanfara (1789) sought to resolve this racial tension by imagining freed African men reconciling with their white counterparts. Specifically, I will argue that to that end, these writers appropriate the conventions of “she-tragedy,” a dramatic genre that not only focuses on the plight of a female victim but also on rapprochement between male characters. However, this attempt to infuse “masculine” values of nobility, restraint, and egalitarian fraternity into abolitionist literature can provide only a partial response to anxieties over emancipation, since this racial rapprochement depends on first excising the presence of the African woman from the plantation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses representative life stories that reflect the experiences of people who participated in the Namibian liberation struggle, as well as one narrative that reflects the traumatic effect of the brutal murder of her mother witnessed by a five year old girl. The stories detail the vicious nature of settler colonialism in South West Africa and the motive that drove youths to abscond from school to join SWAPO camps in neighbouring countries. Two of the male authored texts focus on the political dimensions of the struggle, with minimal personal details; the two accounts penned by women who obtained secondary and tertiary education in exile and underwent military training foreground the personal dimension that is understated in the male accounts. The human side of war, suffering and discrimination is captured in all the accounts, in differing degrees. The strong Christian beliefs of the selected authors are a striking feature in most of the life stories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of IBEROAMERICANA. América Latina - España - Portugal is the property of Vervuert Verlag and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This text explores the return of the Free French to metropolitan territory in 1944-45. The intense emotions provoked by rediscovering the soil of France and their compatriots were succeeded by more mixed and even bittersweet feelings. Very soon, dreams dreamed far away and for many years met the reality of a country deeply wounded by the defeat of 1940 and by the Occupation. The takeover of administrative and political power, and the beginnings of the purges, provoked clashes with the Allies and even more with the metropolitan Resistance, which were essentially quarrels of legitimacy. The violence of the fight for the Liberation mercilessly took its toll. Each and every person who had survived the conflict found the resumption of a personal and intimate life more difficult than expected. Finally, some of the hopes for renovation that had been developed throughout the war began to waver. This led to a frustration tinged with bitterness on which contrasting memories took root. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The liberation movement Frelimo assumed control of Mozambique from Portugal in 1975. Frelimo brought to power its own photographs, and after 1975, it faced having to date and caption this image of independence. Frelimo also had grand image-making ambitions. In order to achieve these visions, Frelimo required the assistance of practitioners, like José Cabral, whose careers as photographers preceded but were not a creation of independence. In the case of Cabral, he first worked as a film technician before transferring to press photography. Following his dismissal from the press, he worked as a photography instructor. Cabral’s own aesthetic understandings of photography complicated his professional trajectory. He elected to photograph subjects the public considered taboo. Mozambique’s press apparatus regularly deemed his pictures unpublishable. Despite these responses, he continued to photograph. Ultimately, Cabral produced an image of a future that Frelimo silenced and left untitled through the more recognised practice of press photography. In this period, many of his photographed subjects were not in a position either to picture themselves or to view their daily lives through photographs. This article considers the ways in which Mozambique’s history required recasting and reworking after independence. I locate the life and work of Cabral at the edge of Frelimo’s nationalist image-making project, and I consider the terms and conditions under which his photographs came into and escaped the public’s view. In so doing, I seek to understand the aesthetic formulations of history that Cabral cultivated while working through the strictures Frelimo imposed on photography. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the end of the Kosovo War in 1999 and the "liberation" of the territory from Serbian forces, narratives about the "freedom struggle" have been crafted and defended both in Kosovo and abroad. The transmission of these memories forms part of a broader effort to create a "national" history of Kosovo and constitute an "Albanian imagined community". This article scrutinizes the memories of the "liberation" produced by Albanian-speaking migrants who were active on behalf of their homeland in Switzerland. It explores the construction of masculinities within narratives collected via oral history interviews. In line with the literature on "nation" and gender in Kosovo, this research acknowledges the presence of two main forms of masculinity: the "heroic fighter" and the "pacifist". However, it also demonstrates the crystallization of the "entrepreneur", an alternative type who integrates the transnational "neoliberal" discourses and proposes a more positive image of "Albanian men" in Switzerland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines justifications for and understandings of serfdom in the early modern Holy Roman Empire. It does this with particular reference to the Wildfang dispute between 1650 and 1669. In this conflict, the Elector Palatine reactivated an old privilege that allowed him to make the subjects of neighbouring rulers his serfs. Under the leadership of the Elector of Mainz, the neighbouring princes protested against these encroachments with tracts and longer pamphlets, diplomatic efforts, and ultimately through warfare. Between the German Peasants’ Wars of the sixteenth and the ‘peasant liberation’ in the nineteenth century, the Wildfang dispute was the only occasion on which a form of serfdom became a matter of wide public debate in the Holy Roman Empire, thus allowing to reconstruct commonly held but rarely recorded views of this institution. Narratives about its origins were a key element in early modern discourses of serfdom, because they allowed to underline the institution’s long tradition while demarcating it from ancient slavery. Concerning the territorial dimension of serfdom, the dispute touched upon such questions as how a person’s residence determined its liberty and who could be considered a stranger, revealing the idiosyncrasies of territorial rule in the fractured landscape of the Old Reich. Moreover, to underline their claims, both advocates and opponents of serfdom used the language of freedom. Attempts to define freedom as a quality of political bodies, Christian souls, as a distant state of nature or as a category of Roman law aimed at deflecting arguments based on the language of liberty. In spite of a shared language and argumentative repertoire, the article reveals a discrepancy between abstract academic discussions of serfdom and the more pragmatic and malleable arguments made by officials and peasants on the ground. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Varia História is the property of Varia Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Liliesleaf was purchased in 1961 by the South African Communist Party and it functioned as a nerve centre for the liberation movements and key leaders of that era. The significance of Liliesleaf is that this was a place where the transition into a new form of struggle, namely armed struggle occurred, making an icon of that struggle for freedom. Liliesleaf marks a seminal shift in South Africa's liberation struggle history. On 11 July 1963 the police raided Liliesleaf. Their rolling up of Rivonia in turn culminated in the Rivonia Trial. For the apartheid government this was a coup. For the liberation movement, it represented a blow. Many theories abound as to how the police identified Liliesleaf. This paper presents new information about these complex and myriad historical events. The paper shows that the raid was the culmination of a much longer term investigation by various state agencies and not only the Security Branch of the South African Police. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This account departs from the focus and consensus on the centrality of song in pungwes for mass mobilisation during Zimbabwe's war for independence. It traces the less commented upon dystopian continuities between the usage of pungwe during the liberation war and the gukurahundi (1982-1987). It suggests that music is a mnemonic device through which experience is narrated, facilitating the storage, transfer and remembering of memory. It uses the song "Mai VaDhikondo" to position gukurahundi pungwes as sites of state-sanctioned mass violence against ethnic minorities. The song's reception and symbolism has morphed from the 1980s when it was composed for and sang by the Fifth Brigade and introduced to gukurahundi victims, to being recorded for public broadcast and becoming a hit with people who were oblivious and or indifferent to its gukurahundi usage in the mid-1990s, to the spirited 2012 campaign that stopped its remixing and rebroadcasting. The 2012 uproar lifted the veil of silence that shrouded public discussion about the Fifth Brigade's gukurahundi conduct. The history and reception of the song curates the memory of the gukurahundi. As a song that remains from the killing fields, "Mai VaDhikondo" embalms time and history as an unintended and undesignated requiem. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses slavery and emancipation in the Caribbean Region during the 18th century. Topics include the declaration by Haitian president, Jean-Pierre Boyer in 1822 that all of Dominican Republic territory will be part of Haiti, ending slavery and consolidating Dominican independence from Spain, a commitment by Dominican popular politics to defend emancipation from both external and domestic threats, and the reestablishment of slavery after general emancipation.

This article analyzes the representation of December 1961 in two Goan short stories: the Portuguese-language "Rucmá, a mulherzinha de Salém" by Maria Elsa da Rocha and the Konkani-language "Guerra" by Sheela Kolambkar. I argue that these two stories avail themselves of the suggestive potential of the genre to represent Liberation not as a clean break in the socio-historical development of the territory, as it appears predominantly in the English-language literature of the territory, but as a discontinuity, which, in the wake of colonialism, left behind a tangle of undefined hopes, obscure fears and unsettled issues. Both "Rucmá" and "Guerra" represent the period prior to the Indian military action as a chronotope of uncertainty, which Liberation deepens rather than resolves. Writing post-1961, in a climate of growing tension during the democratization of Goa, the authors seem to advocate for social unity based on a recognition on the part of the two principal religious communities of Goa of a certain conformism in relation to colonial rule. In conclusion, I pose the question of whether this appeal to unity has a conservative function. The proposition underlying the article is that an internal literary comparatism, which juxtaposes the various languages of Goa, might shed light on attitudes concerning the main social facts and historical events in the territory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Contemporary French fictional accounts of the Spanish Civil War are scarce and, besides the dominant case of Malraux's L'Espoir, largely restricted to the far right and warnings against Republican 'disorder'. Drieu la Rochelle and Robert Brasillach use the war as an epilogue to their novels, in which the uprooted French intellectual finds commitment and sacrifice. In the post-Liberation period, Sartre's Les Chemins de la liberté explores a similar role for Spain in his protagonist's development. Louis Guilloux's depiction of Spanish refugees in Le Jeu de patience constitutes a rare record of the Spanish Republican diaspora in France. His particular focus on the militant Pablo underpins not merely the historical panorama in all its complexity, but also the frailty of memory and the difficulties and ambiguities of narration - all contained in the many meanings of the novel's title. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT Based on ethnographic research conducted between 2009 and 2014, this article examines the discourse of freedom ('itsaraphāp ) among motorcycle taxi drivers in Bangkok and the practices, both emancipatory and oppressive, that it supports and makes possible. I explore its central role in their self-construction as successful migrants, entrepreneurial subjects, and autonomous urban dwellers, as well as its relations to capitalist restructuring and precarity in post-crisis Thailand. I show how freedom offers a way for precarious workers-such as the drivers-to consciously make sense of and make do with political-economic, social, and conceptual shifts taking place around them. In this sense, this article explores the construction of consent in contemporary Thailand without falling in the trap of assigning false consciousness to the drivers or of framing them as subjugated subjects. Rather, I locate the effectiveness of 'itsaraphāp discourse precisely in its ability to connect preexisting forms of exploitation, personal desires, and aspirations with a restructuring of the relations between capital and labor in contemporary Bangkok. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how war veterans aligned to the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) serving in the Zimbabwe National Army (ZNA) attempt to use affective experiences at former guerrilla bases dating to the liberation struggle of the 1970s, in conjunction with highly charged but also highly tailored narratives about the war, to constitute certain kinds of political subjectivity and loyalty to the ruling party among trainee officers, and local communities in Bindura South. Yet the very efforts they put into controlling and rehearsing workshops organized at such sites speaks to their own awareness of the excessivity of affective experience, which ultimately denies efforts to control narratives of the past and to constitute particular kinds of political subjectivity. The past has a relationship with the present through affective experiences with landscape and its materials, but such experiences are difficult to contain and channel. Engaging with recent debates about materiality, and the agency, affordances, and affective qualities of objects and landscapes I argue that liberation landscapes of past violence are active and affective, but also not wholly controlled or control-able by war veterans and ZANU-PF leaders attempting to forge particular kinds of political loyalty. This excessivity of landscapes of past violence defies narrative closure, and allows space for other narratives, other performances and experiences of the materiality of milieu. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

African Americans face ongoing technological assault in the United States most visibly at the hands of state agents. Technological transformations that have simultaneously enabled the oppression of African Americans have also shaped African American resistance movements in the United States. This essay addresses how technologies shape the conditions for the struggle between racisms and resistance against racial power. Technologies helped provide the mechanisms through which black liberation movements aimed to raise and transform people's consciousness about racism. African Americans' use of social media technologies to organize and engage in protest against racism flattens hierarchies within social movements, removes the media filters that select particular stories for promotion and circulation, and has the potential to expand movement participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Latin American social movements are reinventing emancipatory politics, in which those invisibilised and excluded by capitalist-coloniality are emerging as the emancipatory subjects of our times. Rather than a method of learning, pedagogy is understood as a radical educational project of subaltern transformation and politics. Emancipatory pedagogical praxis occurs in multiple spatialities and embraces multiple knowledges and subaltern subjects. These knowing-subjects become creators of political agency, movement practices and imaginaries, and collective self-liberation. I develop my analysis with reference to movement educators who I work with in the Brazilian Movimento sem Terra (MST, Landless Workers Movement) and Colombian Escuela Política de Mujeres Pazífica ( Political School of Pacifist Women, Escuela). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores on the liberation of the African continent from European colonial powers wherein the independent African countries redefined national development initiatives in the postcolonial period. It highlights the efforts of the African government to promote the economic, social and political interests of the black. It also cites the participatory development of the international community.

Copyright of Historical Studies is the property of Canadian Catholic Historical Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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The Eighth Amendment's prohibition on cruel and unusual punishment has long been interpreted by scholars and judges to provide very limited protections for criminal defendants. This understanding of the Eighth Amendment claims that the prohibition is operationalized mostly to prevent torturous methods of punishment or halt the isolated use of a punishment practice that has fallen into long-term disuse. This Article challenges these assumptions. It argues that while this limited view of the Eighth Amendment may be accurate as a historical matter, over the past two decades, the Supreme Court has incrementally broadened the scope of the cruel and unusual punishment clause. The Court's contemporary Eighth Amendment jurisprudence--with its focus on categorical exemptions and increasingly nuanced measures of determining constitutionally excessive punishments--reflects an overt recognition that the fundamental purpose of the Eighth Amendment is to protect vulnerable citizens uniquely subject to majoritarian retributive excess. Animating these developments is a conception of constitutional liberty that transcends the prohibition on cruel and unusual punishment. Indeed, 2015's same-sex marriage decision, Obergefell v. Hodges, reflects a similar trajectory in the Court's substantive due process jurisprudence. Taken together, these doctrinal developments illustrate a concerted move to insert the Court as the independent arbiter of legislative excesses that undermine the basic right to human dignity by virtue of unnecessarily impinging upon individual liberty. Ultimately, these liberty-driven developments signal new possibilities for the protection of defendant rights in a variety of contemporary contexts, including juvenile life without parole for homicide offenses, life without parole for non-violent drug offenses, the death penalty, certain mandatory minimum sentences, and the prolonged use of solitary confinement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A nation's heroes are rarely fixed and are frequently reassessed and reinterpreted by new generations. In the case of a number of African countries, the very masculine liberation heroes of yesteryear often prove divisive, emerging from very fraught histories. In this context, there are moves to broaden the pantheon of heroes and make history more inclusive. In Kenya, where the contested history of Mau Mau provides several heroes, Mekatilili wa Menza, a female figure from the coast who played a significant role in Giriama resistance against the British in 1913, has emerged as a national heroine. The article introduces this historical figure using published sources, and then traces the historical arc of her memorialization and evocation from post-Independence praise as a feminist icon to her recent elevation to the Kenyan pantheon of national heroes and heroines. In doing so, it illustrates the ways in which her story is being retold on the coast by Giriama organizations that have made her a central figure in local heritage movements. Finally, in the changed context of devolved Kenya since the 2010 constitution came into force after the 2013 election, this article shows how her story gained further salience as coastal politicians claimed her memory for regional goals. It argues that while figures such as Mekatilili may appear less divisive than Mau Mau, how their history is told and used is equally political. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From its inception Freedom Park in Pretoria has distinguished itself from traditional South African museums and memorials with the vision to be a leading national and international icon of humanity and freedom that has served as a testament to the struggle against oppression of various forms, stemming from a pre-colonial era to the end of the liberation struggle in the early 1990s. After twenty years of democracy, memorialisation requires fresh and modern approaches to appeal to visitors from all walks of life, backgrounds, cultures and creeds. This is also closely linked to current debates and discourse of similarly themed museums, monuments and memorials that have since emerged after 1994. A brief background to Freedom Park is provided as a contextual overview, and it needs to remain dynamic and flexible to the demands of a changing political, economic and societal landscape in South Africa. This paper seeks to emphasise the uniqueness of Freedom Park by questioning how as a struggle site it can be relevant to all diverse societies and how the role of innovation and social responsibility are key factors for sustainability. It is demonstrated how Freedom Park can respond flexibly to changing society as well as to provide in the distinctive needs of visitors by offering a package that is different from that of other comparable sites. It is concluded that Freedom Park can adapt, remain sustainable and relevant in the future through focusing on and adopting practices to address the needs and requirements of our visitors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Freedom Charter is a document of monumental historical and political significance in South Africa as it was a statement of core principles as a founding document of the South African Congress Alliance, which consisted of the African National Congress and its allies. It can be argued that the spirit and ethos of the Freedom Charter pervades the entire constitutional settlement that ended apartheid and brought into being a democratic post-apartheid South Africa. As a historical document that pioneered the call for a non-racial and democratic South Africa, the Freedom Charter is considered as one of the foundations of South Africa's constitution and its constitutional democracy. The Freedom Charter is also of international significance as it voiced the ideals of an oppressed people in their commitment to human dignity. Although it was adopted on 26 June 1955, there remains much debate as to how the final version was actually drawn up and who exactly the authors of the final Freedom Charter were. This deliberation was triggered by a permit application received by the South African Heritage Resources Agency to export a signed copy of the Freedom Charter. This matter became more pressing when the South African Heritage Resources Agency recognised that a signed copy of the Freedom Charter would be deemed a heritage object worthy of declaration. Therefore, research was carried out to establish the whereabouts of the original Freedom Charter, and whether or not such a historical document actually existed. This paper provides an overview of the issues that have emerged as a result of an export permit application for a copy of the Freedom Charter that is deemed to be of national significance. The process of investigation on the earliest copies of the Freedom Charter and the intention to protect the two known signed copies of the Freedom Charter as specifically declared heritage objects opened a range of important questions relating to the protection of objects deemed to be part of the National Estate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In post-apartheid South Africa museums have been challenged with the need to transform. This was done in various ways, in exhibition displays and education. Post 1994 one of the challenges facing the museum profession included a high illiteracy rate amongst adults in the country. The Iziko South African Museum in Cape Town took up this challenge by initiating and running an adult literacy programme using the museum displays. Since South Africa has a very high illiteracy rate, the museum was chosen as a site for teaching literacy, using the collections and displays as source material for teaching. In this paper the educational programmes and materials that were produced as part of this adult literacy programme are highlighted and discussed. Museums are primarily regarded as vital educational institutions and such museum education should be located within communication theory which has, over time, evolved from a transmission model of communication to one where the receiver of the message is no longer considered an empty vessel to be filled with information but is able to interpret the message that is communicated via prior knowledge. It is emphasised that museums are multimodal and that they communicate through objects, written texts, artefacts and images. As educational institutions they can be used creatively to further literacy education for adult learners. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Daniel O’Connell was an acknowledged leader of the anti-slavery movement in the 1830s and 1840s. To American abolitionists, he embodied an Irish opposition to slavery. Yet, many, such as Frederick Douglass, saw a contrast between the Irish in Ireland and those in America when it came to the issue of slavery. The Irish in America were among the most ardent opponents of abolitionism. An examination of some of the leading nationalist newspapers opinion of the American Civil War and emancipation indicate that contrast between the Irish abroad and at home on the slavery question is exaggerated. Influential Irish opinion makers had a racial sense of Irishness which trumped O’Connell’s universalist call for emancipation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]