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This document is a book review discussing three books on the topic of authoritarianism. The books analyze different aspects of authoritarian regimes and their longevity. The authors have diverse perspectives and sometimes contradict each other. The books explore topics such as the strategies used by autocrats to maintain power, the role of violence in authoritarian durability, and the impact of manipulative techniques on regime survival. The article raises questions about the future of authoritarianism, the potential for new forms of violent dictatorships, and the influence of major crises on public demand for strongmen. Overall, these books contribute to the study of authoritarian politics and provide valuable insights into the challenges and dynamics of autocratic regimes. [Extracted from the article]

The present work aims to reflect on the role of art and education in the context of the civilmilitary dictatorship, through a microanalysis focusing on southern Brazil. When analyzing the laws in force at the time in the area of education, we noticed that the space for the context of artistic creation was not considered in academic curricula. Thus, the emphasis on creative processes emerged in several actions from the mid-1970s onwards, in southern Brazil, more specifically in Porto Alegre (RS) and Pelotas (RS). Through the analyses, we realized that the poetic-educational actions analyzed acted in an ethical-aestheticsocial way, as a reaction to the current regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes understandings of history and teaching that permeated the experiences narrated by teachers who taught History during the Military Dictatorship (1964-1985). Seven teachers who worked in public schools in Espírito Santo participated in the study. Based on Bloch (2001) and Ginzburg (2002, 2007), the analysis reveals that changes stemming from the political and educational project of the period had an impact on the professional practice of the teachers, such as the increase in the number of students, low salaries, little pedagogical guidance, unsatisfactory student performance, and control over their practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The far-right turn in Brazilian politics led to the re-emergence of a ghost that has been hindering our political agency since the dawn of the republic but that had been hidden for a few decades: the Army and its violent political agency. This essay will frame the archive as an important instance within the artistic practice I have developed as a response to the apparition of this military monster during the Bolsonaro years. In a body of work called "Concrete Witnesses Inquiry," I have combined images and texts (collected mainly from the press) with an urban landscape photographic work that presents overpasses built in my hometown, Porto Alegre, during the 1964 military dictatorship. Following authors such as Georges Didi-Huberman and Allan Sekula, I suggest that the archive can be seen as a central axis in this process, allowing me to connect otherwise unimportant elements from the urban landscape with violent historical processes, often considered distant and abstract. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

: Carlos Ollero was an important legal scholar of the recent Spanish constitutionalism. Co-founder of the Instituto de Estudios Políticos, he took part in some of the Fundamental Laws of the dictatorship. State Theory and Constitutional Law Professor at the Faculty of Political Science in Madrid, he contributed to opening up the discipline to advances in sociology and political science. Together with Enrique Tierno Galván, he encouraged the creation of a plural, competent and democratic school of jurists, political scientists and sociologists. In the political sphere, he helped to give theoretical shape to and broaden the social space of the monarchist cause as a way of overcoming the dictatorship. He won for this cause many supporters in the anti-Franco opposition. Close to Juan Carlos and Adolfo Suárez, he played both a unifying and leading role in the process of transition to democracy in Spain, and also served as a constituent senator by royal appointment. The following lines are devoted to reconstructing his professional and intellectual career, as well as to assessing his doctrinal contributions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Africa Spectrum is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Estudos Ibero-Americanos is the property of EDIPUCRS - Editora Universitaria da PUCRS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Historia (07169108) is the property of Universidad de Concepcion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Diversitas Journal is the property of Diversitas Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

"The Chile Project: The Story of the Chicago Boys and the Downfall of Neoliberalism" by Sebastian Edwards is a well-written book that explores the rise of the Chicago Boys and their influence on Chile's economic policies. The book discusses how the United States supported the training of economists, including the first cohort of students from Chile's Catholic University who studied at the University of Chicago. The Chicago Boys had little influence until they were invited to join the de facto government in 1973 under General Augusto Pinochet. Despite their many failures, their neoliberal policies survived and contributed to economic inequality and corruption, leading to the social uprising of October 2019. The book provides insights into Chile's recent history and the legacies of dictatorship and neoliberalism, but it could have included more perspectives from Latin America and a deeper analysis of the Chicago Boys' role before the coup. [Extracted from the article]

In the book "Jobless Growth in the Dominican Republic: Disorganization, Precarity, and Livelihoods," Christian Krohn‐Hansen examines the phenomenon of jobless growth in the Dominican Republic. Despite the country's annual GDP growth of around 5%, it has struggled to create new jobs. Krohn‐Hansen argues that this jobless growth exploits and impoverishes workers, and challenges the idea of a post-work society. Through ethnography and the study of livelihood strategies such as small furniture-producing firms, food stalls, corner shops, and cooperatives, Krohn‐Hansen demonstrates that labor does not disappear in the absence of formal employment. The book highlights the struggles faced by different sectors and the impact of historical and macroeconomic processes on job creation. While the book may not convince some readers that jobless growth is solely a result of global economic conditions, it provides valuable insights into the Dominican Republic's economy, informal labor, and the role of the state. [Extracted from the article]

The research reconstructs the process of nationalization [read statization] of television in Argentina. For this, three major aspects are analyzed: the overlapping of the concepts of State and nation associated with radio and television, the rol of the Doctrine of the Internal Enemy in the official broadcasting policy and the debates around statization at the time of its implementation. These are, respectively, the main lines of the long, medium and short term of the process. The sources of information were mainly newspapers, magazines, official documents and legislation. In them we identify and reconstruct the positions and links between the military, politicians, businessmen and union members regarding the issue. The work offers two fresh approaches that distinguish it from the existing literature. On the one hand, it moves away from a viewpoint exclusively focused on television, to reintegrate the problem from an overall view of radio and television, to preserve the intelligibility of State policy, which was only one for both media. On the other hand, we propose to break with a periodization that identifies the roots of the process with the beginning of the third Peronism. Both perspectives follow the objective of understanding longer-term dynamics that run throughout dictatorship and democracy in the History of the media in Argentina. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

All the contributors to this collection have had to grapple with these issues as they explore dictatorships from both the "bottom up" and "top down", at the meeting point between the intended dictatorship and the actually-existing dictatorship. As Luke Gramith points out in his article, what the (in this case fascist) dictatorship effectively I was i for many of those who lived through it, was the dictatorship as it presented itself through its policies, its individual representatives, its structures and its actions in localities and in everyday life. Dictatorships are of course put into effect from "on high", by the dictators themselves and the loyal individuals who support and enable them. Conversely but similarly, the several examples he cites of Spaniards, often women, who framed their requests for state assistance to alleviate their desperate hunger and living conditions in the language of the regime, even in the case of some widows of Republican prisoners from La Alberca near Salamanca appearing to tacitly accept the state's execution of their family members, may not only be read as evidence of their acquiescence to the Francoist state. [Extracted from the article]

Are long-standing, widespread grievances a necessary condition for civil resistance campaigns? We argue historical framing can enable sudden mass uprisings even where long-standing anti-regime grievances are absent. Protest cascades can develop to challenge relatively stable, popular governments through four interdependent historical framing mechanisms. First, protesters and bystanders may draw analogies to historical contentious episodes. Second, individuals or groups may imagine themselves occupying paradigmatic roles from past popular struggles, offering prescriptions for action. Third, protesters can adopt symbolic and tactical repertoires from previous contentious episodes. Finally, protesters may concentrate protests within symbolic space. We develop our theory with evidence from Nicaragua's 2018 mass uprising, which nearly toppled previously-popular President Daniel Ortega, after violence against protesters activated powerful frames resonating with Nicaragua's history of dictatorship and revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia y Politica: Ideas, Procesos y Movimientos Sociales is the property of Departamento De Historia del Pensamiento y de los Moviemientos Sociales y Politicos (Madrid) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Kordick rightly confronts the myth of Costa Rica as a country historically characterised by a class of smallholder coffee farmers unencumbered by an exploitive oligarchy so characteristic of other Latin American countries, a myth that has been also perpetuated by foreign, largely US, scholars. Perhaps the most significant contribution of this study is the insight it provides into the more recent role that out-migration and remittances migrants send back home play in changing social relationships in Costa Rican society. Another subject she introduces, and one that is a significant contribution, I would argue, is the more recent reality of population out-migration to the United States, particularly from rural areas, and the significant socio-economic impacts this is having on Costa Rican society, at least in certain regions. [Extracted from the article]

The article reviews Rosa Montero's book about the television program, which addresses the history of the wives of 20th-century dictators. The book includes four chapters that explore the lives of the women of Stalin, Hitler, Mussolini, and Franco. Montero highlights the relationship between personal history and dictatorships, and mentions that the filming of the series lasted a month and a half in several countries. The book is considered a historical source and offers a psychological look at the tyrants and the circumstances in which they lived. [Extracted from the article]

Why is the word impeachment so terrible? After all, if the Congress passed such a motion it would have no legal force. A popularly elected president could not be removed from power by the Congress, especially this Congress, which had long ago lost the people's trust. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

La eclosión a principios del siglo XXI del movimiento asociativo por la memoria en España ha generado una profusa participación social en la generación de contenidos sobre el periodo 1939-1975. La amplia gama de actores mnemónicos surgidos en estos años escribe sus recuerdos, difunde sus actividades o demanda reivindicaciones en diversos lugares digitales, como los blogs configurados a modo de espacios públicos para escribir sobre asuntos privados. El objetivo que propone este artículo es analizar estos cuadernos de la memoria, comprobar la identidad de los autores, conocer las temáticas y su posible contribución al conocimiento histórico con la finalidad de comprender cómo las nuevas tecnologías y los espacios digitales impactan la narración y la representación del pasado. Para ello se han seleccionado los recursos recolectados en el Portal Hispana, Internet Archive, Blog Search Engine, así como la colección de la Blogosfera de la base de datos del proyecto HISMEDI integrada por 255 blogs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines a case of cultural repression during the last dictatorship in Argentina (1976–1983). It studies actions carried out by law enforcement officers in response to a denunciation against a group of teachers in a small town in Santa Fe that had participated in a play characterised as 'pornographic', and who were finally accused of left‐wing propaganda and 'subversive' activities. This case offers an opportunity to review the relationship between immorality, pornography, communism and 'subversion'. Since the Cold War, these issues have been used in Latin America to construct an internal enemy and create governmental mechanisms and regulations for detecting and controlling its actions, and penalising the population in general. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers an in-depth examination of Augustus' presentation of the people of Rome in his Res Gestae. Augustus was careful to craft an image of himself as the legitimate ruler of the Roman Empire which is illustrated by his precise use and intentional choice of words such as populus and plebs in certain passages in his testament. By continuing the established language of power he was clearly able to place himself within the traditions while simultaneously manipulating conventional political language into a mode of communication that served his own position of sole rule. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent scholarship has argued that the United States is vulnerable to a slide towards authoritarianism and that it may possess few institutional features protecting against such a slide. This Article argues that this literature overlooks the importance of federalism. Since the founding, courts, policymakers, and scholars have envisioned federalism as a bulwark against tyranny. But this Article builds off recent comparative experiences with democratic erosion to provide a new, institutionally-focused account of this relationship, which draws out structures that other work overlooks. It highlights the importance of autonomous state officials carrying out sensitive functions in areas such as electoral administration, judging, policing, and prosecuting in blocking common pathways towards authoritarianism. Our institutional account foregrounds often-overlooked designs that protect separate structures in the states, like federal inability to remove state officials even during emergency, and it sheds new light on old doctrinal problems like the anti-commandeering doctrine. Further, it highlights a tradeoff between the costs that U.S. federalism is often seen as imposing and the significant--and unique--anti-tyranny protection that it provides during a democratic emergency. Finally, it suggests ways in which federalism might be designed abroad in contexts where democratic erosion is an especially salient risk. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

He explains his terminology: Pinochet regarded the radical left generally as "enemies of the state". 3 Compared to other well-known Santiago sites such as Parque por la Paz Villa Grimaldi, where tours have been conducted for two decades, student-directed historical tours have begun fairly recently at the Stadium, partly because of the previous uncertainty as to the stadium's future. ISSN 1833-4989 | Published by UTS ePRESS | https://epress. lib.uts.edu.au/journals/index. php/phrj Chilean History and the Sine Wave: Changing Interpretations of Pinochet's Dictatorship Marivic Wyndham and Peter Read In a recent essay, Katherine Hite reflected on her concern at the evident confusion among her US students as to their role as citizens. The founder of the far-right Fatherland and Liberty political grouping, Roberto Thieme, now believed that Pinochet had been a traitor -that at the time of the coup Pinochet had lacked political sense. [Extracted from the article]

Human rights museums have flourished in the postwar era. Within Asia, a number of these museums reflect upon the histories of dictatorship after WWII and memorialize the victims of related human-rights violations. As providing human rights education (HRE) becomes an increasingly important focus of human rights museums, many challenges must be overcome to achieve the dual goals of memorializing victims and implementing HRE. These challenges are particularly complex for museums that have been established on 'difficult heritage' sites. The National Human Rights Museum in Taiwan (NHRM) was selected as a case study to investigate how a museum can balance the dual functions through a consideration of the very naming process of the museum, its curatorial strategies, and its pedagogical orientations. The proposed pedagogy of listening and dialogue, which focuses visitors' attention on victims' personal stories and intergenerational dialogue, brings both consolation to survivors and learning opportunities for visitors. This paper argues that in order to fully realize the functions of HRE at NHRM, the meanings of traumatic memories should be explored, testimonies should be linked to an examination of the mechanisms used by the totalitarian regime, and discussions of contemporary human rights issues should be appropriately addressed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Soviet Union after the Second World War can serve as a prime example of how victory 'locks in' a political system. In a mirror image of Wolfgang Schivelbusch's argument of how 'cultures of defeat' encourage social and political innovation, the Soviet 'culture of victory' reaffirmed a dictatorial system of government and a command economy based on collectivized agriculture and centrally planned industry. At the same time, however, the war also engendered changes, which played themselves out somewhat subterraneously at first. They include a complex system of veterans' privileges, a growing welfare state, a more routinized administration, and an economy where individual and family farming played a major role in the provisioning not only of the rural, but also of the urban population. Moreover, counter-narratives and counter-memories of this war could never be completely silenced by the bombastic war cult and would break forth at the end of the Soviet century. Finally, the economic and human costs of this victory were such that they formed a constant dark underbelly to the celebration of the 'Great Victory'. This article surveys these contradictory legacies of the war and the ways in which they helped shape late Soviet society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historical grievances of different political groups in the EU contributed to the rising opposition to "Brussels". This opposition is often framed through memories that contest the official EU narrative of the peaceful and prosperous continental integration that was able to overcome the destructions of the two world wars and the Cold War divisions. Based on the analysis of the development of some of the most prominent Eurosceptic parties (le Front National, die Alternative für Deutschland, Syriza, Podemos, Fidesz, Prawo i Sprawiedliwość), it is argued that recent EU crises and especially their interpretations have been influenced by the legacies of some of the most important periods of twentieth-century European history. The legacy of the Second World War and its aftermath in two founding member states (France, Germany), the legacy of right-wing dictatorships in two Southern European member states (Greece, Spain) and the legacy of communist dictatorships in two Central and Eastern European member states (Hungary, Poland) still shape narratives and stances towards European integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study of Washington's dealings with Equatorial Guinea under the rule of one of modern Africa's most brutal dictators, Francisco Macías Nguema, analyzes US perceptions and policies relating to communist intervention, human rights, and related geopolitical issues during the Nixon, Ford, and Carter presidencies. It also sheds light on the relationships and conflicts between the Soviet Union, China, and Cuba in Africa. In addition, it offers new perspectives on Cuba's close ties to the dictatorship of Francisco Macías Nguema and on the possible role of international actors in his downfall in 1979. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudos Ibero-Americanos is the property of EDIPUCRS - Editora Universitaria da PUCRS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Estudos Feministas is the property of Revista Estudos Feministas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study of Washington's dealings with Equatorial Guinea under the rule of one of modern Africa's most brutal dictators, Francisco Macías Nguema, analyzes US perceptions and policies relating to communist intervention, human rights, and related geopolitical issues during the Nixon, Ford, and Carter presidencies. It also sheds light on the relationships and conflicts between the Soviet Union, China, and Cuba in Africa. In addition, it offers new perspectives on Cuba's close ties to the dictatorship of Francisco Macías Nguema and on the possible role of international actors in his downfall in 1979. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of História da Historiografia is the property of Sociedade Brasileira de Teoria e Historia da Historiografia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of História da Historiografia is the property of Sociedade Brasileira de Teoria e Historia da Historiografia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

As young medical students at Guanabara State University, Luiz Roberto Tenório and Ricardo Agnese Fayad received some of the best medical education offered in 1960s Brazil. For six years, the peers in the same entering class had studied the principles of the healing arts and practiced their application at the university's teaching hospital. They had also witnessed the Brazilian military oust a democratically elected president and install a dictatorship that ruled the country for 21 years (1964–85). After graduating, however, Tenório and Fayad embarked on very distinct paths. The former became a political dissident in opposition to the military regime and provided medical assistance to members of the armed left. The latter joined the armed forces and, as a military physician, participated in the brutal torture and cruel treatment of political prisoners. At the end of military rule, Brazil's medical board would find him guilty of violating the Brazilian code of medical ethics and revoke his license. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]