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Lambeth Palace Library's primary function is to preserve the records of the Church of England, but there are ample opportunities for researchers to use these archives to better understand Britain's histories of citizenship, race relations, and migration in the twentieth century. Lambeth Palace Library (LPL) houses documents on projects on race relations undertaken by the British Council of Churches and the Church of England's Board of Social Responsibility's Race and Community Relations Committee, as well as Archbishop Michael Ramsey's correspondence from his tenure as Chair of the National Committee of Commonwealth Immigrants. These papers attest to the Church of England's significant role in urgent national debates on migrant rights and race equality, and the work of organisations representing the interests of Commonwealth migrants as they actively sought the support of church leaders in their campaigns. LPL collections reveal the important place British churches had in building networks, providing funding and supplying resources to support anti‐racist organisations, and the ways ideas of Britishness were contested in the 1960s and 1970s around the passage of the Commonwealth Immigrants Acts and Race Relations Acts. Papers in LPL collections can also be used to critically examine post‐imperial formations of Whiteness, xenophobia and the racialisation of British citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the launch of the Letters of Richard Cobden Online, a new resource for Liberal history. The website provides access to over 5,500 previously unpublished transcripts of letters by Richard Cobden, an influential Liberal statesman. It also includes a virtual exhibition of scanned original letters, contextual essays, and teaching resources for citizenship and history lessons. The project began in 2002 and has been funded by the Arts and Humanities Research Council. The website aims to be a valuable resource for scholars, teachers, and the general public. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Roca: Revista Científico-Educacional de la Provincia de Granma is the property of Universidad de Granma, Departamento Editorial and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article is another contribution to the debate on the role of History teaching in the construction of an increasingly complex society. Thus, focused on the Portuguese educational reality, it is based on a case study involving 44 students who, in the school year 2022/23, attended Basic Education (4th and 6th grades) in a private institution in the district of Porto. Their participation took the form of a historical narrative about the Revolution of April 25, 1974. After analysing the individual accounts, it is clear that the democratic citizenship internalized by the young participants is based on the greater, happy idea of recovered freedom, while at the same time it is shaped by a certain crystallized symbology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A Black and Amazigh Indigenous scholar from Morocco, Brahim El Guabli is an associate professor of Arabic studies and comparative literature at Williams College. His first book is entitled Moroccan Other-Archives: History and Citizenship after State Violence (Fordham University Press, 2023). He's currently completing a second book entitled Desert Imaginations: Saharanism and Its Discontents (University of California Press, forthcoming). His journal articles have appeared in LA Review of Books, PMLA, Interventions, The Cambridge Journal of Postcolonial Literary Inquiry, Arab Studies Journal, History in Africa, META, and the Journal of North African Studies, among others. He is coeditor of the two volumes of Lamalif: A Critical Anthology of Societal Debates in Morocco During the "Years of Lead" (1966–1988) (Liverpool University Press, 2022) and Refiguring Loss: Jews in Maghrebi and Middle Eastern Cultural Production (Pennsylvania State University Press, forthcoming). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, the author advances understandings of the coloniality of British citizenship through the close examination of the status of the people of Hong Kong in Britain's immigration and nationality legislation. This is a case that has been overlooked in most social scientific analysis of Britain's citizenship–migration nexus. The article responds to Gurminder Bhambra's call to recognise the connected sociologies and histories of citizenship, and the analysis is informed by the close reading of historical changes in legislation – from decolonisation and the making of the British nation-state to the post-Brexit construction of 'Global Britain' – and what these have meant for the people of Hong Kong. In dialogue with scholarship focused on the enduring colonial ties in present-day citizenship and migration regimes, the article offers an analysis inspired by Manuela Boatcă's coloniality of citizenship and Ann Laura Stoler's understanding of exception by design: imperial forms of governance producing differential rights within national populations that position some populations as ambiguous. Conceptualising the status of Hong Kongers in British legislation past and present as ambiguous by design, the author questions what the rhetoric of the Hong Kongers as 'good migrants' for 'Global Britain', the narrative at the heart of the promotion of the bespoke Hong Kong British Nationals (Overseas) (HK BN(O)) visa launched in early 2021, conceals from view. As the author argues, rather than a case apart in the context of increasingly restrictive immigration controls, the renewal of Britain's obligations, commitments and responsibilities to the people of Hong Kong through this visa scheme provides further evidence of the enduring colonial entanglements in the formation of 'Global Britain' and its citizenship–migration nexus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article corrects major historiographical flaws concerning Louisiana's early relationship with the United States and argues the federal tariff was the most critical factor influencing state reconciliation. Leading Louisiana historians like Peter Kastor concur that slavery inspired French-speaking Creole planters to embrace U.S. citizenship. Their consensus further holds that Creole commitment to slavery crystalized their national cultural acceptance. However, Creole planters shared far more with Caribbean slaveholders than those in the American South. Throughout Louisiana's early territorial and statehood years, slavery bolstered animosity between Anglo-Americans and Creoles. The former viewed Creoles through a racist lens and remained wary of their slave-related cultural practices, like openly acknowledging mixed-race relationships. The latter feared that English-speaking migrants would undermine their legal hegemony and inspire insurrection. Though slavery impeded Louisiana unity, the federal tariff did more than anything else to foster it. Throughout the 1820s, Creole planters became reliant on federal sugar protections to alleviate competition. Thus, the tariff gave Creoles a considerable incentive to embrace national political identities. Louisiana's redoubtable statesman Edward Livingston was particularly instrumental in promoting reconciliation on both sides. Before becoming Andrew Jackson's Secretary of State, the exiled New Yorker spent decades representing his adopted state's culturally divergent Creoles. When South Carolina triggered the Nullification Crisis in 1832-1833, Livingston spoke with Louisiana's unique perspective and eloquently guided Jackson's response which deftly balanced federalism's necessities with states' rights concerns. Thus, through the tariff, Louisiana not only embraced its new American identity, but the government employed Louisiana's voice to preserve the Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through the little known Longchamps Affair, this article explores the interaction between state and national, and popular and legal, conceptions of American citizenship during the founding era. In 1784, French migrant Charles Julien de Longchamps attacked a French diplomat on the streets of Philadelphia, sparking a national debate on what it meant to be an American citizen. While the French government demanded his expatriation, in an unexpected turn of events, Longchamps alleged that he had been naturalised as a citizen of Pennsylvania the day before the attack, and consequently had the right to stand trial in the United States. The affair became a national referendum on the nature of American citizenship. Officials employed a state-centric, legal vision of membership inherited from the colonial period to argue that Longchamps was not an American citizen and advocate for his removal. These claims were disputed in newspaper coverage across the United States, which instead contended that Longchamps' commitment to revolutionary values proved his citizenship, invoking a broader national community. The public perceived Longchamps' fate as inherently tied to their own, demonstrating that a shared sense of belonging across the United States was equally as important as state membership in shaping how citizenship was understood in real terms. The Longchamps Affair provides a window into the ambiguous and contested nature of membership during the founding decades, both in determining what constituted American citizenship, and how the rights conferred by citizenship differed for native-born Americans and naturalized migrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Crémieux Decree of 1870, by which Jews in most of Algeria were given French citizenship en masse, has played a central role in the history of Algerian Jews. This is particularly true of the history of citizenship and nationality: because the Crémieux Decree naturalised Jews from Algeria's three northern départements as full citizens of France, Jews in Algeria disrupted the hierarchy that placed Europeans (citizens) above indigenous Algerians (colonial subjects). However, the story changes considerably when one looks at the history of citizenship and nationality among Algerian Jews and Muslims outside of Algeria. In Tunisia and Morocco, where many people from Algeria migrated, the Crémieux degree had a relatively negligible impact in how Algerian Jews and Muslims were classified and in their relationship to French diplomatic authorities. By looking at the Crémieux decree from afar, it becomes clear that the categories at stake – citizenship, nationality, and subjecthood – were under construction both within and outside of colonial Algeria and the rest of the French Empire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The following essay discusses the crises of democracy and systems of government in Brazilian constitutional history over the course of two centuries from the perspective of defending the Citizens’ Constitution and emancipated citizenship. It undertakes a qualitative evaluation of the institutions, from criticism to the democratic deficit due to the lack of popular participation in the processes for developing the constitutions and the party-political processes established by the electoral systems. It analyzes the systems of government, the trajectory of the State from the imperial monarchy to the republic. Brazilian constitutional history undergoes a series of crises in democracy and government systems in the transitions between democratic and autocratic regimes, at the advent of the republic, in movements defending parliamentarism and semi-presidentialism as a substitution for the presidential system. In terms of Brazilians’ political status, there is a gradual universalization of electoral suffrage and a shift from the institutional position of subjects as subjects of the empire to citizens of the republic, with the dynamics of regulated citizenship, statehood, and the search for an emancipated citizenship. The essay closes with an analysis of the Citizens’ Constitution of 1988 and a reflection on the need for militant democracy in defense of its conquests on social rights and public policies, with the overcoming of the limitations derived from coalition presidentialism and the pressures caused by the emergence of authoritarian populism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Redefining Citizenship in Australia, Canada, and Aotearoa New Zealand" by Jatinder Mann is a valuable book for those interested in the history of citizenship in Commonwealth countries. The book explores the redefinition of citizenship in these countries between the 1950s and 1970s, focusing on the perspectives of ethnic and Indigenous groups. It examines the transition from British subject status to separate national citizenships and highlights the ongoing connections to Britishness in Australia. The book also discusses the political conceptions of citizenship and the impact of Indigenous and other ethnic groups. Overall, this comparative study provides insights into the complexities of membership and national identity in a changing world. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Retos: Nuevas Perspectivas de Educación Física, Deporte y Recreación is the property of Federacion Espanola de Asociaciones de Docentes de Educacion Fisica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Contrary to traditional methods, the use of age-appropriate and interesting materials in teaching national history and gaining citizenship awareness enriches teaching. International literature shows that the use of educational comics can be used as an effective material in teaching history and transferring citizenship. On the other hand, research on the use of educational comics in teaching national history and citizenship education in social studies courses in Turkey is quite limited. The aim of this study is to prepare the digital comics book of Captain Pilot Cengiz Topel, the first air warfare martyr in the history of the Republic of Turkey. WEB 2.0 Pixton was used in the preparation of the digital comics book. The scenario of the digital comics book "A Star Fell on Cyprus" addresses the events of the Cyprus resistance, Bloody Christmas Night, Turkey's help for the Turkish Cypriots, Martry Captain Pilot Cengiz Topel's capture and the martyrdom of Greeks. In the process of writing the scenario of the comics book, real events, places, and people were used, and expert opinion was obtained. It is expected that the digital comic book "A Star Fell on Cyprus" will contribute to Social Studies education in terms of raising awareness about the Cyprus İssue, introducing important people and heroes in Turkish history, creating national identity, and raising national awareness, analyzing the political, social, and cultural relations of our country with the Turkish Republics, as well as gaining national and universal values such as patriotism, justice, peace, and freedom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

State-led efforts to limit the presence of black South Africans in urban areas during the colonial and apartheid eras led to recurrent attempts at self-governance within black urban areas, which produced varying types of non-state socio-political organisation. Based on a historical analysis of policy and politics, I propose that the material needs and citizenship claims of black urban communities have been historically expressed via these non-state organisational intermediaries, which have taken form within different social, political, and economic contexts. Based on this position, I propose a reconsideration of Mahmood Mamdani's (1996, Citizen and Subject: contemporary Africa and the Legacy of Colonialism. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press) analysis of the historical and institutional contradictions that derived from the colonial era in South Africa. In addition, I suggest that anthropologists of policy consider analysing longer, interconnected histories of policy process in order to more accurately situate the social, cultural, political, and economic conditions within which policies take shape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Araucaria is the property of Araucaria-Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofia, Politica y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Maria Luisa Gatti Perer (Torino 1928-Cesano Maderno 2009) enhanced the renewed interest in Lombard art preserving and promoting it widely. She undertakes her didactic work thoroughly aware of the educational value of art thus realizing what Sant'Agostino, Rosmini and Montini had meant with "intellectual charity". After being educated at Statale in Milan with Paolo D'Ancona, she reaches Cattolica in 1963 where she gives several lectures, runs the Master school and proposes the PhD in History of Lombard Arts. She founds the magazine «Arte Lombarda» (1955) and the Institute for Lombard Art (1967). Furthermore she accomplishes courses in art history addressed to the citizenship and all the professional categories, holds conference courses, lectures for teachers and workshops. She also endorses guided tours to the Lombard monuments interacting with public and private authorities and institutions. Among the most outstanding achievements it is to be reckoned the conference on the Duomo, the revival of the Incoronata library and the exhibition of the "Gerusalemme Celeste". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article probes the consequences of basing post–World War I citizenship regimes on the Habsburg imperial network system for the control of mobility, a system known among specialists as Heimatrecht or pertinency. To date most of the historiography has focused on what this meant for national minorities in nationalizing states, with the most important studies thus far looking at the experience of Jews in Austria and Poland. We argue that though the national exclusionary tools of postwar pertinency are of undoubted importance, a larger, social trauma was experienced through post-Habsburg Europe, one that affected far more people and left many facing the consequences of potential statelessness. This article focuses on how postwar pertinency affected the worlds of work, welfare, and expulsion in the immigrant-rich industrial port town of Fiume, Europe's smallest postwar successor state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Describing Puerto Ricans as second-class citizens affirms an ahistorical liberal narrative of citizenship. Drawing on the legislative histories of the citizenship laws for Puerto Rico, this article argues that in 1940 Congress began to enact jus soli or birthright citizenship for Puerto Rico, anchored in the Citizenship Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. In Balzac v. People of Porto Rico (1922), the Supreme Court affirmed the principle that locality, not citizenship, determined the application of the Constitution in Puerto Rico. This article demonstrates the representation of Puerto Ricans as second-class citizens is not only historically inaccurate, but also obscures some of the fundamental dimensions of power established by the doctrine of separate and unequal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the concepts of citizenship and conscription in the Confederate States of America during the U.S. Civil War. It examines concerns about border security among southern slaveholders, immigration reform in the Confederate Congress, and questions about the responsibilities of citizens. The article also discusses English immigrant Richard Ogden as an example of shifting Confederate attitudes concerning citizenship.

The article discusses the active campaign of the Americans for the naturalization restriction and political exclusion of the Mexicans in the U.S. Topics mentioned include the negative images of Mexicans, the manifestation of election laws violations and the political system in the country wherein the Mexicans are excluded on the vote due to their naturalization issue.

Copyright of Revista Internacional de Pensamiento Político is the property of Revista Internacional de Pensamiento Politico - Universidad Pablo de Olavide and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The relationship between the recent public policies on memory linked to the dictatorships from 1960 to 1980 in the Southern Cone and the disciplinary curricular renewal of History curricula and programs in Uruguay, inspired this article. The controversial contents of the recent past and the violation of human rights, responsibility of the dictatorial State (1973-1984) were discussed in the classroom. The analysis of these episodes showed challenges and difficulties for the teachers and the educational system. From resistance to address the recent past for fear of confronting the families' versions or violating secularism, to defiant strategies, their approach revealed a still traumatic past for Uruguayan society. To examine how it was taught in 3rd year high school history, qualitative research was used, based on "the case study". Classroom observation, analysis of the teacher's documentation and interviews with three teachers revealed that they accepted the challenge, selecting and developing a variety of strategies, incorporating family testimonies, promoting debate and reflection and emphasizing both on the construction of critical citizenship and on local history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent comments by the Federal Education Minister, Alan Tudge, have reignited the socalled history and culture war in Australian schools. Tudge has argued that the newest draft version of the Australian Curriculum is critical of Australia's proud history and does not leave students feeling optimistic about their future in Australia. This paper examines the accuracy of Tudge's claims by carefully placing them within the context of the draft and current version of the Australian Curriculum in relation to History and Civics and Citizenship and also examining them in relation to the history of political involvement in the development of curriculum. By doing so, it demonstrates that Tudge's claims are not founded on an understanding of the content and structure of the curriculum and betray a limited understanding of both the teaching of History and Civics and Citizenship, and the development of curriculum as a whole. The paper concludes with advice for teachers seeking to navigate the troubled waters of curriculum and education at this time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses nationalism among Mexicans and Mexican Americans in Texas from 1910 through 1940, including in regard to their sense of belonging, citizenship and the depiction of nationalism within literature. An overview of Mexican and Mexican Americans' sense of ethnic and national identity is provided. An overview of the impact that Mexico's Revolution of 1910 through 1920 had on the Mexican government's attempt to modernize the country into a nation-state is also provided.

Most nineteenth-century political debates over U.S. citizenship revolved around the claims of people, often African Americans or immigrants, who aspired to that status. But Native American citizenship's genealogy began instead with the United States assertion of the right to purchase or conquer the territory of its Indigenous neighbors, to replace them as its sole or primary inhabitants, and to make policy for the people thereby dispossessed. These very different histories of citizenship collided in 1866, when the U.S. Senate considered how to codify that status in the Civil Rights Act and Fourteenth Amendment. This article interprets these debates as the collision of an array of distinct and divergent settler colonial processes and experiences. It argues that the ultimate resolution—a half-articulated commitment to let local settler communities decide—both contradicted the ostensible purposes of the Civil Rights Act and accurately reflected how the era's settler colonial society understood the purposes and functions of Native citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As inhabitants of a US territory, Puerto Ricans experience their American citizenship under a set of constraints, shaped by processes of colonization, imperialism, and racialization. This paper is concerned with thinking through and developing a theorization of citizenship and life in Puerto Rico, by exploring the history and legislation of US citizenship for inhabitants of the island. It posits that the citizenship held by Puerto Ricans is a kind of disguised malignancy that cannot be understood solely by charting the legal history and formal status of the residents of the island. Instead, the citizenship of Puerto Ricans must be understood as a deeply racialized product of centuries of colonization and imperialism, the consequences of which are not easily shed and cannot be accounted for through liberal political theory. Rather, citizenship actually works to simultaneously cement and invisibilize the ways in which Puerto Rican lives are continuously rendered less valuable and their deaths less grievable. Regarding the citizenship of Puerto Ricans, I argue that racialization and racism are inherent to current United States-Puerto Rico relations. As such, this paper articulates 'malignant citizenship' as a term which accounts for the colonial/racial foundations and current iterations of citizenship for Puerto Ricans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sociologia & Antropologia is the property of Sociologia & Antropologia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article discusses Rousseau's theory of the genesis and development of a "post-liberal self" and its political implications. In his Emile, or Education, Rousseau explores the distinctive features of the post-liberal self through Emile's growing capacity to think in terms of his social interdependence with others and yet to maintain his critical autonomy. For Rousseau it is only such individuals with a highly developed moral and civic consciousness who are capable of articulating the general will and of properly participating in a modern republic. I argue that the general will for Rousseau is therefore not a property of the community but of the post-liberal self, for whom the common good is a larger dimension of the individual good. I then discuss the political implications of this theory by relating it to The Social Contract where Rousseau urges us to examine the legitimacy of existing social norms, laws and practices. Rousseau, I conclude, is one of the great radical thinkers of self-transformation as the prerequisite for overcoming the pathologies and limitations of liberal society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article has as its guiding thread the history of citizenship in the city of Brasília (Federal District), taking into consideration the civic component, the ties of identity inserted into the lives of the inhabitants of the administrative regions. Methodologically it is a documental research, where the main theory is focused on Milton Santos's civic-territorial analysis. The article considers that the pendulum movement from the central region to the peripheral regions: Plano Piloto - RA (Administrative Region) generates an absence of belonging to the city and exclusion, the population does not perceive itself as resident of RA because they did not develop a spirit of citizenship in the region where they live. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is an attempt to explain the forms in which constitutionalism has facilitated or hindered women's equal citizenship throughout history and with a particular emphasis on Western constitutionalism, especially the US and continental Europe, but also with an eye on new constitutionalism and its innovations. In so doing, the article takes into account not only women's access to the rights first conquered by men but also the extent to which the forms of participation traditionally assigned to women—neither in the state nor in the marketplace, but rather in the household and in the family—have become recognized as forms of citizenship contribution. In other words, it tells the story of the relevance of constitutionalism for women's citizenship as defined in male terms (that is to say, with a focus on equal rights and participation in the so-called public sphere), as well as for women's ability to redefine the very understanding of citizenship to include participation in social reproduction, in and through the so-called domestic sphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The photographs of women activists in Fascist War on Women. Facts from Italian Gaols, a pamphlet published in England in the mid-1930s, remind us of Fascism’s hidden and sustained violence against alternative subjects and experiences. While analyzing the space opened by the gaze of these vulnerable subjects, the essay reflects on photography’s heuristic value for a critical understanding of history and citizenship. As a resistant material, photography rescues a forgotten past and interrogates our collective memory. As a “weak monument,” the photographic image reveals the impaired civic space of Fascism, questioning the nature of the regime’s commonly perceived visibility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Geography and citizenship. Insights from French geographic history Citizenship is inducing a permanent interrogation among geographers, due to their implication in country planning. This appears in the analysis of the historic evolution of the concept in geographic studies over the past century. The traditional view, connected to nationalism in the early twentieth century, has been followed by a mistrust about an eventual loss of "scientific distance" in the interwar period. After the Second World War, episodes of involvement in the state apparatus and of critical thinking have alternated. At the end of the twentieth century a post national system of citizenship has led to an implication in the various aspects of globalization. The disillusions allowed a deeper withdrawal into micro society and the "small worlds" of social grouping. This has shown the development of a participatory democracy separated from the official public sphere, which represents a challenge for geography. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on the mobile academics at the University of Innsbruck and nationality issues in the late 19th early 20th century. It further discusses history of science of the Habsburg Monarchy; new ideas deal with the ideological backgrounds of knowledge formations, imperial careers and the cisleithan university system; specific cultural space to promote the crossing of borders and cultural translations; and Hermann Ignaz Bidermann Austrian statistician and Theodor Gartner.

The article discusses debate among African Americans in the northern U.S. during the U.S. Civil War concerning African American enlistment in the U.S. armed services and African American citizenship. The article discusses the demands of African Americans for full citizenship following then-U.S. president Abraham Lincoln's issuance of the Emancipation Proclamation in 1863. The author analyzes how debate among African Americans was manifested in several major African American newspapers of the day including the "Pine and Palm" of Boston, Massachusetts, New York City's "Anglo-African Weekly," and the "Christian Recorder" of Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.

Scouting was one of the first modern 'sports' to reach Saudi Arabia, with the first boy scout troops dating back to 1943. Yet scouting has largely escaped the attention of historians and social scientist who study the Arab Gulf states, since this uniformed youth movement does not conform to the 'tribal modern' identity that is today propagated and researched within the region, as found, for example, in the discourse on heritage sports. How did a Saudi scouting movement take root, importing what is still largely perceived to be a Western cultural practice, identified with a white British-North American middle class? The research demonstrates that the scouting movement was able to take hold in the region by negotiating the universal ideals of modernity and internationalism of the scouting movement with more particular understandings of nationalism and social reform. Following the trajectories of the early Saudi scouting movement, the analysis traces how the conception of what constitutes 'modern' evolved from an understanding that emphasizes universal traits, toward a negotiated and particularised interpretation of what 'modern' means and should mean in the local context of Saudi Arabia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contributes to histories of formal American imperialism by telling the stories of Filipinas/os and Puerto Ricans who, after 1899, became "noncitizen American nationals." Drawing on congressional, legal, and administrative sources, the article argues that noncitizen nationality was colonial subjecthood, a status invented to prevent island peoples from becoming U.S. citizens. Filipinas/os and Puerto Ricans were not the first U.S. colonial subjects, and this article shows how the similar status of "ward" had recently come to define the relationship between the U.S. and Native Americans. The article closes with an examination of some of the rights, liberties, opportunities, and obligations that gave substance and meaning to American colonial subjecthood in the early twentieth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]