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The article considers the notion of the Corpus Christianorum, or Christian body politic, during the High Medieval period (c. 950–c 1350), tries to understand the longstanding tradition of anti-Jewish sentiment and stereotyping of non-Christians, and discusses the expulsion of the Jews from England in 1290 by King Edward I, almost exactly 100 years after the Palm Sunday 1190 pogrom and expulsion of Jews by Abbot Samson of Bury St. Edmunds, England which was approved by King Richard I.

The single panel Elijah and the Prophets of Baal, finished in 1545 by the Cranach workshop led by Lucas Cranach the Younger, resonates unpleasantly with the anti-Semitism of the early Lutheran community. This article connects the panel’s allegory of community building, its installation in the first Lutheran-designated chapel in Torgau, and Martin Luther’s anti-Semitic sermon consecrating the chapel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the German invasion of the USSR on June 22, 1941, murderous violence against local Jews broke out in many localities of the territories it had occupied in the wake of the 1939 Soviet-German Non-Aggression Pact. In particular, organizers demanded revenge for the recent Stalinist repressions and deportations. Participants claimed that the "Jewish Soviet state," the "Jewish NKVD," or local Jews had been responsible for those crimes. Even now, the legend of prewar Jewish responsibility figures in the dubious "double genocide" thesis animating nationalistic historiographies in Eastern Europe and its international diasporas. The following study counters that mythology, addressing the story of actual Jews in the NKVD at the end of the 1930s. It draws on the archives of the Ukrainian security services, especially records that document Stalin's effort to divert blame for the recent Great Terror onto senior and mid-level officials. Stalin's green light to criticize the bosses gave other NKVD officers the opportunity to address many issues, including that of antisemitism among NKVD cadres. These sources suggest that antisemitism was in fact a potent force within the NKVD in Ukraine and elsewhere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores Antisemitism in Egyptian mass media. The author describes the Nasserist period from 1954 to 1970, when Egypt was known for making Arab cinema portraying anti-Semetic Jewish characters. Various films are discussed including "The Prophet's Emigration," directed by Ibrahim Amara, "Shayma, The Prophet's Sister," and "A Crime in the Quiet Neighborhood," directed by Garima fil-Hay al-Hadi. The author notes this Antisemitism has continued on television in Egypt, notably in children's cartoons.

The article discusses the establishment of the Pale of Permanent Jewish Settlement in the Russian Empire, which began allowing Jews into the Empire under Empress Catharine II after she acquired partitions of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth between 1772-1795, which became known as the Pale in 1835 until the fall of the Romanov dynasty in 1915. Topics include antisemitism, efforts to modernize Russia through industrialization and commerce, and Russian historiography.

This paper focuses on anti-Semitic atrocities in the cities of Rubtsovsk on 4–5 July and Kiev in early September 1945. My intention is to look behind the anti-Semitic incidents (or the incidents which were interpreted as anti-Semitic ones in advance) to disclose inner frontlines within Soviet society that were constructed during and right after the war. Behind the incidents, one can discern grave social conflicts which endangered the public and social order of the Soviet Union during and after the war. The massive wave of migration, referred to as evacuation and re-evacuation, hit the liberated western territories of the USSR most heavily, and especially the Ukraine. The housing stock of the cities was heavily damaged in the liberated territories, which made the countless and endless conflicts over housing even tenser. This was true in the city of Kiev, from where many Jews had been evacuated at the beginning of the war, and where Jews who returned tried to assert their legal claims to their residences, which in the meantime had been occupied by migrants displaced within the territory of the Soviet Union by the upheavals of the war. Although the latent tensions and social-political conflicts during and right after the war within Soviet society sometimes took the form of anti-Semitic incidents, the characterization of the processes underway exclusively as manifestations of anti-Semitism seems reductive and simplistic, especially as part of a Geistesgeschichte. The possible conflicts caused by the massive evacuation and re-evacuation cannot be reduced to the revival of an allegedly traditional anti-Semitism. Even in the war-time and/or post-war Soviet Union, anti-Semitism was a 'cultural code,' i.e. a language through which certain taboos could be named. The allegedly unified Soviet society in fact was divided between the actual 'Us' and 'Them', the Haves and the Have Nots, the system and its critics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the antisemitic impact of Sessa's popular farce Unser Verkehr (1813) is well-known to historians of nineteenth-century literature and theatre, a careful contextualization of the notorious name of one of its characters – Isidorus Morgenländer – within the orientalist discourses of the time reveals that this play has not only anti-Jewish, but also anti-romantic tendencies. The reactions to Sessa's play confirm this bidirectionality and the enhancing effects it had. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay considers why Jewish antiquity largely fell outside the purview of ancient historians in the Germanies for over half a century, between 1820 and 1880, and examines the nature of those portraits that did, in fact, arise. To do so, it interrogates discussions of Jewish antiquity in this half‐century against the background of those political and national values that were consolidating across the German states. Ultimately, the article claims that ancient Jewish history did not provide a compelling model for the dominant (Protestant) German scholars of the age, which then prompted the decline of antique Judaism as a field of interest. This investigation into the political and national dimensions of ancient history both supplements previous lines of inquiry and complicates accounts that assign too much explanatory power to a regnant anti‐Judaism or anti‐Semitism in the period and place. First, the analysis considers why so little attention was granted to Jewish history by ancient historians in the first place, as opposed to its relative prominence before ca. 1820. Second, the essay examines representations of ancient Judaism as fashioned by those historians who did consider the subject in this period. Surveying works composed not only for the upper echelons of scholarship but also for adolescents, women, and the laity, it scrutinizes a series of arguments advanced and assumptions embedded in universal histories, histories of the ancient world, textbooks of history, and histories dedicated to either Greece or Rome. Finally, the article asserts the Jewish past did not conform to the values of cultural ascendancy, political autonomy, national identity, and religious liberty increasingly hallowed across the Germanies of the nineteenth century, on the one hand, and inscribed into the very enterprise of historiography, on the other. The perceived national and political failures of ancient Jews—alongside the ethnic or religious ones discerned by others—thus made antique Judaism an unattractive object of study in this period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In duty bound, on 17 December 1942, Australia quietly and belatedly endorsed her allies' recognition of the ongoing Nazi genocide of Europe Jewry. This recognition placed no practical demands on Canberra. At the time, Australia herself feared invasion by the rampant forces of Japan. Nonetheless, when that national crisis had passed, the fate of the Jews in Europe was regarded as none of Australia's business. This attitude had a very familiar ring as it was, in essence, the continuation of the country's attitude towards the plight of German Jewry under the Nazis during the 1930s, when their plight was viewed as a domestic matter requiring no intervention from Australia. This was a mindset born of cultural and historical influences which guaranteed that any pleas for the rescue of European Jews would be ignored. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Neville Laski, president of the Board of Deputies of British Jews from 1932 to 1939, led Anglo-Jewry through the most challenging period in its modern history. Internally, the community was deeply divided, with half a century of mass immigration placing great strain on its pre-existing structures and institutions, and particularly the traditional elites who controlled them. Externally, it faced the unprecedented threat of an emerging domestic fascist movement, while also dealing with the consequences of growing antisemitic persecution in continental Europe. Despite playing a leading role in responding to these developments, Laski has received remarkably little attention from historians. Where he has, the consensus is that he failed to rise to the challenges of the 1930s, acting as an impediment to internal reform and remaining complacent and ineffective in his response to antisemitism. Drawing on a range of contemporary sources, Tilles's article offers a comprehensive reassessment of Laski's role. It argues that he acted as a transitional figure between the rule of the old, anglicized elites and the new immigrant community, seeking to balance the demands of competing factions. Meanwhile, his defence policy against antisemitism was not only active and effective, but eventually saw all major sections of Anglo-Jewry unite behind his leadership in this area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taking the example of the protests against the films All Quiet on the Western Front (1930–1) and Le Golem (1936) in interwar Austria and Slovakia, this study addresses the links between antisemitism, nationalism and cinema in Central Europe that historical research has so far overlooked. Unlike other demonstrations against the talkies, campaigns against so-called 'Jewish' films were not an expression of linguistic nationalism, as they pointed to the 'destructive' impact of capitalism, socialism or modern art, which in the ideology of antisemitism were allegedly personified by 'Jews'. The conservatives and radicals who called for a ban of those 'Jewish' films considered it a first step towards the creation of a national community without 'Jews'. In Austria the moderate and radical opponents of All Quiet on the Western Front ultimately reached their goal through a joint effort. In Slovakia they only managed to get the film Le Golem completely banned when the geopolitical conditions changed after the mutilation of Czechoslovakia on the eve of the Second World War. The fact is that in both cases, moderate nationalists placed themselves in the ambivalent position of pioneers of antisemitism and ultimately facilitated fascist and Nazi radicals in the practical implementation of their postulates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this essay, I argue that despite the Vatican's condemnation of Nazi racism as an anti-Christian ideology, some Catholic sectors in Fascist Italy were not impervious to anti-semitic and racial prejudices. Looking at the discussion on race and anti-semitism in the propaganda of clerical Fascism and its simultaneous echo in Church discourses, this research delves deeper into the formation of a specific Catholic trend of racial anti-semitism that excluded Jews from a religiously and ethnically homogeneous definition of the Italian nation. A significant part of the propagandists of clerical Fascism attempted to define a racial and anti-semitic narrative that could be suitable for both Fascist racism and Italian Catholic culture. I examine the Catholic appropriation of racial anti-semitism on a broad spectrum of positions, ranging from Catholics who only flirted with racialist rhetoric to those who dismissed the transformative value of conversion because of alleged racial barriers. Challenging the traditional distinction between Christian anti-Judaism and modern anti-semitism, the examples under examination demonstrate the entanglement of religious and racial arguments in the shaping of a 'Jewish race' that was considered foreign to the italianità celebrated by the regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contends that the Western European figure of the fanatic - the ideational basis of today's surveillance order - has since its birth in the Reformation possessed a particular political form: that of the rebel against Christian sovereignty. Western European political thought has not, however, considered this revolutionary state to be the inevitable result of an inherent ontology. Rather, suspect populations have been understood as being in a state of imminent fanaticism, which is only realized through a contingent process of becoming. The article argues that this template for understanding the fanatic was articulated through a Christian episteme of political theology that grouped Christianity, Judaism, and Islam together within a single referential frame. Finally, it asserts that the Christian subject disappeared from this frame as a consequence of the Enlightenment project of revolutionary secularism, leaving the colonized Muslim and the minority Jew as the West's potential fanatics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In his introduction, Jonathan Judaken surveys theories and debates about anti-Semitism. He makes three salient observations about what hampers the field. First, it lacks agreed-upon definitions of its central concepts and terms. Second, how anti-Semitism compares to Islamophobia, anti-black racism, and other forms of oppression is unresolved. Third, periodization of anti-Semitism remains vague. In particular, he underscores and counters eternalist and teleological narratives, claims about uniqueness, and apologetics. He argues that these impediments are in part a product of the shadow of the Holocaust and the continuing conflict over Israel/Palestine. To move out of these theoretical impasses, Judaken makes two recommendations. First, he suggests replacing the term "anti-Semitism." He argues that as a term for the fear and fascination about Jews and Judaism, "Judeophobia" better lends itself to conceptual clarity, periodization, and comparability. Second, he calls for more meta-level considerations, drawing from work in critical social and literary theory, postcolonialism, and studies of racism and gender. Congruent with this conceptual groundwork, Judaken suggests that Judeophobic discourses and practices encompass five modes—stereotypes, prejudice, discrimination, racialization, and murder—and five periods—ancient, early Christian, high medieval, modern, and post-Holocaust. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article probes the historical relationship between anti-Semitism, Islamophobia, and colonialism. Scholars have typically employed two frameworks in writing about anti-Semitism and Islamophobia: treating the Muslims of contemporary Europe as "the new Jews," and regarding anti-Semitism and Islamophobia as coterminous hatreds within broader Orientalist systems of exclusion. These approaches both miss the mark: anti-Semitism and Islamophobia, defined substantially by the colonial context, constitute an entangled history of Othering. French North Africa, particularly Algeria, offers a suggestive starting point for writing this history. The article examines closely three fragments of entangled history: sections of Edouard Drumont's 1886 bestseller "La France juive;" a memo from the French resident-general of Tunisia during World War I; and the manifesto of a pro-Nazi, anti-Semitic French Muslim. In each instance, we see how a document ostensibly focused on Jews is also deeply concerned with Muslims and the two groups' interrelationship. These fragments point up the necessity of placing the historical position of Jews and Muslims—as well as that of other marginalized groups—within a single analytical frame. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This contribution focuses on the development of gendered anti-Semitic stereotypes based on material drawn from post-Enlightenment Germany, exploring their ambivalent messages and meanings. It shows that this development was intimately connected with the creation of bourgeois gender roles and images of sexuality that were adapted by middle-class Jewish men and women even as they were used to denigrate them. By ascribing "femininity" to Jewish men as a means of depriving them of their masculinity, on the one hand, and insisting on their specifically immoral sexual behavior, on the other, the highly gendered Judeophobic tropes persistently blurred the line between the norms of masculine and feminine behavioral codes—a phenomenon that appears in strikingly similar ways all over Europe. In the gendered hierarchy of Jewish communities, however, this attack on the most intimate form of identity was internalized by blaming women for giving credence to anti-Jewish propaganda. A gendered perspective on Judeophobia thus broadens our understanding both of the mindsets of anti-Semites and of internal Jewish gender debates and norms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Countering the growing hostility to Israel and Zionism in the decades that followed the 1967 war, proponents of the "new anti-Semitism" have identified Arabs and Islam at the epicenter of anti-Semitism in the world. With the purpose of advocating for Israel, scholars and political activists have created a myth of "Islamic anti-Semitism," producing a biased view of the history of Muslim-Jewish relations. Critics of these politicized writings have created a tendentious counter-narrative with the aim of condemning Zionism and Israeli policies, obfuscating the history of Judeophobia among Muslims. Discourses of Arab and Islamic anti-Semitism have evolved since the late 1960s in three phases. The first focuses on "Arab anti-Semitism," a consequence of the national conflict between Israel and the Arabs. The second, with the turn to radical Islam, emphasizes the Islamic basis of anti-Semitism among Muslims, and especially Palestinians. In the third phase, following 9/11 and the expansion of global jihad, scholars have stressed the eternal enmity of Islam to the Jews, and opponents to Zionism and Israel of the past are anachronistically recast as "Islamists." A reevaluation of the history of Judeophobia among Arabs and Muslims must first consider how scholarship has been shaped by conflicting narratives on the Israel/Arab/Palestine conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay traces the changing meanings of the term "anti-Semitism" from the late nineteenth century to the present. Focusing on Britain, it demonstrates that anti-Semitism, like any other concept, has a history—but in this case, one that remains largely uncharted. The essay draws a contrast between early usages of the term that regarded anti-Semitism as a specifically modern phenomenon and later meanings that have conceived anti-Semitism as a continuous and deep-seated malaise. Changes in the history of the concept of anti-Semitism were closely bound up with the history of minority rights and with the changing relationship of Jews to states. The foundation of the State of Israel in 1948 was a revolution in the relationship of Jews to state power that also led to radical changes in the meanings of anti-Semitism. Acknowledging the sedimented layers of meaning that lie within the concept of anti-Semitism will help us understand why the term has become so contentious in the present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the different ways that anti-Semitism and Zionism have confronted and influenced one another through a tension-filled dialectic that is simultaneously self-evident and counterintuitive. The essay begins with a discussion of the central place of anti-Semitism in canonical Zionist texts such as Leon Pinsker's Auto-Emancipation and Theodor Herzl's The Jewish State. Both Pinsker and Herzl believed that anti-Semitism was a permanent or immovable force, and this interpretation of anti-Semitism led them to embrace, if not create, political Zionism. The following section analyzes the works of two émigré scholars, Salo W. Baron and Hannah Arendt, who wrote fervently about the need to avoid "the lachrymose conception of Jewish history" and the school of "eternal antisemitism," and to focus instead on the actions that Jews undertook as historical actors in specific contexts. Despite their influence, the study of anti-Semitism over the past two generations has returned to a perspective that is strikingly similar to traditional Zionist interpretations. The penultimate section of this piece delineates how two historians in Israel, Shmuel Ettinger and Robert S. Wistrich, reinforced and reaffirmed key aspects in this interpretive paradigm, including anti-Semitism's unique nature as "the longest hatred," the recurrent abandonment of the Jews by their neighbors, and the strange, befuddling, and problematic relationship between anti-Semitism and Zionism. The essay ends with a discussion of the different ways that anti-Semitism and Zionism continue to interact with and influence one another, in particular through current debates in and between the public and the scholarly realms regarding "the new anti-Semitism." The article concludes by suggesting that scholars return to the contextual-comparative approach to the study of anti-Semitism as part of larger efforts to separate and insulate academic research on the topic from contemporary political considerations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article asks what historians might have to learn from recent trends in literary scholarship and takes the example of anti-Semitism in literature as a case study. Focusing mainly on New Historicist critical approaches to literary texts about Jews and Judaism, but also touching on other methodologies, including the psychoanalytic, the article examines what anti-Semitic literature has been shown to reveal about ideologies such as nationalism and liberalism, as well as about the affect or emotion underlying historical processes such as modernization. Drawing on recent studies of Shakespeare, George Eliot, Trollope, T. S. Eliot, Balzac, Céline, and other writers, the article aims to show how reading literary texts in conjunction with non-literary texts reveals new dimensions of the "political unconscious" of the period that produced them. The article concludes by pointing to the narrative elements underpinning all forms of anti-Semitic discourse and suggests that attention paid to the literary dimension of texts brings key aspects of the anti-Semitic mindset into sharper focus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The toleration of Jews in early modern Dutch society is commonly seen as predicated on the maintenance of a clear social and religious separation between Jews and Christians. I argue that this view is incomplete and misleading. Close analysis of the only judicial persecution of Jews in the Dutch Republic's history, the trial of three Jewish proselytes in the anti-Calvinist city of Hoorn in 1614-15, yields a more complex picture. Comparison of the Hoorn trial with cases of apostasy to Judaism in orthodox Calvinist Amsterdam during the same period suggests that the theological commitments of orthodox Calvinism played an important and hitherto unrecognized role in Dutch toleration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the role of Sir Matthew Nathan, British permanent under secretary for Ireland at the time of the Easter Rising in April 1916, and how critical events in his career as soldier, colonial governor and civil servant shaped his conduct and reaction to events in Ireland as the Rising unfolded around him. The article raises issues of identities: namely Nathan's own identity as an English gentleman, when, given his Jewish background, he was an outsider to that caste. Nathan's brief military career and lengthier career as a colonial governor earned him high praise as a model bureaucrat. In this paper Nathan's track from the War Office through government houses situated in West Africa, Hong Kong and Natal to Dublin Castle is traced to illustrate the changes in his character from decisiveness to indecision. While Nathan clearly misread the volatile situation in Ireland over the 1916 Easter weekend, his actions demonstrated both indecision and bureaucratic delaying tactics. It is argued that his experiences with obdurate settler ministers in Natal played a role in shaping his hesitancy at the time of crisis in Dublin and that this hesitancy provided an opportunity for the direct action of the Irish Volunteers. The conclusion is that, at the time of the Irish crisis, Nathan failed to exercise the ‘power of the personal influence’ expected of an experienced governor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is presented examining the efforts of German Labor Front (DAF) leader Robert Ley to reform Germany's social insurance system and society into a people's community in the 1930s and 1940s. Citing Ley's public speeches and correspondence as well as DAF publications, the author suggests Ley's goal was to replace rationalist and humanist ideals from the French Revolution with a racist perspective based on a cult of work and national sacrifice.

I argue here that ‘history’, though vilified by certain theorists, remains a practice of ethical importance. I focus on Anna Bikont’s research of the 1941 massacre of Jews in the Polish village of Jedwabne, but I also look more briefly at other investigations of past injustices, and conclude that there is some (ethical) point in attempting to approach more nearly to a ‘truth’ about those various past events. There may also be an ethical imperative to assess the record of alternative accounts of those events: some versions of the past have been suppressed and effectively forgotten, while others have achieved hegemonic status; and the reasons for that discrepancy require investigation too. ‘History’, then, still matters: it is needed in the interest of justice, not only for victims, but also for perpetrators who might otherwise succeed in ‘getting away with it’. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article revisits Hayden White’s claims about historical representation and interpretation as they apply to the historiography of the Holocaust. It engages with the recent work of three theorists of history, all of whom are to a greater or lesser extent indebted to White: Kalle Pihlainen, Jouni-Matti Kuukkanen, and Paul A. Roth. In particular, I examine Kuukkanen’s ‘post-narrativist philosophy of historiography’, which regards history as constructed – there is no truth in terms of correspondence – but at the same time as a rational enterprise, thus disallowing interpretations that do not conform to established and shared disciplinary rules. Kuukkanen looks to the historiography of World War I for his examples, while here I turn to the Holocaust as a powerful test case for theory of history. The article concludes that ‘rational constructivism’ leaves the problem of adjudicating between competing narratives which meet the criteria to be considered as ‘rationally constructed’ unanswered and argues that this state of affairs – which means the permanent impossibility of closure – should be approved of rather than worried about. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article examines the relationship between the antisemitic theological writings of Jesuit Erich Przywara and National Socialism. Alleged intellectualism in Przywara's essentialist criticisms and calls for Jews to convert to Catholicism is scrutinized along with the alleged influence of Hilaire Belloc’s 1922 book "The Jews" on Przywara's concepts of Catholicism and nationalism.

The article presents a report from a July 10-12, 2017 conference in Munich, Germany on the history of foreign perception of the 1917 October Revolution. Topics of presentations delivered include antisemitic perceptions of the revolution and the Soviet Union in German apostolic nunciatures, the reception of the revolution in German labor unions and trade syndicates, and the Austrian and Hungarian reactions to the revolution.

The protagonist of Arthur Schnitzler's play Professor Bernhardi (1912) falls victim to an anti-Semitic smear campaign that costs him his career. Bernhardi's unwavering adherence to his ethical principles and the triumph of his opportunistic detractors has been linked to the crisis of liberalism in Austria at the end of the nineteenth century. This article reads Bernhardi's individual ethics in the context of contemporary discourses on the relationship of the individual and society that surfaced in response to the increasing anti-Semitism in Europe such as Émile Durkheim's defense of individualism in 'Individualism and the Intellectuals' (1898) and Werner Sombart's discussion of Jewish contribution to society in Die Juden und das Wirtschaftsleben (1911). It argues that Bernhardi's insistence on moral individualism should not be read as Schnitzler's mourning of a failed political ideal but as his reclaiming of the values of Enlightenment for Jewish identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on a certain aspect of Central European soccer history - the turning of traditional urban images into enemy stereotypes by the inter-war fan culture. Generally, pejorative images were based on the origin of a club. Village clubs and their fans were considered »Saubauern«. If they had their home in a suburb, they were denigrated as a »Mob«, and if they were city-clubs, they had to cope with anti-Semitism. The images were in fact misleading. Even those clubs which were denounced as »Judenklubs« only had a very small minority of Jews among their fans, members and officials. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on wrong interpretation of composer Richard Wagner's work as anti-Semitic by musicologist Karl Grunsky. Topics discussed include mocking of Wagner by economist Eugen Duhring for going soft on the Jews, struggle by journalist Ludwig Borne to be German by casting off his Jewish identity, and difficulty of identifying the symptoms of racism.

Jews have lived in Switzerland since ancient times. This article discusses recent anti-Semitic incidents and concerns in Geneva and traces the complex history, over a number of centuries, of restrictions and progressive emancipation of Jews in Switzerland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the causes and the dynamic process of production of the 1934 anti-Jewish Thrace riots. The article, based on the US State Department Records, British Documents on Foreign Affairs and the Turkish Republic’s Prime Ministry Republican Archives as well as Turkish, US and British newspapers, argues that the 1934 anti-Jewish Thrace riots were not spontaneous occurrences caused by over-excited masses, but instead planned actions by some local state elite and Republican People’s Party (RPP) local officials as well as anti-Semitic Turkish ultra-nationalists. The article argues that it was not popular anti-Semitism, but the Turkish state establishment’s security concerns vis-à-vis the perceived Italian and Bulgarian threat that resulted in the riots. The local state elite and RPP local officials, who were uneasy about the economically well-off Jews, acted as ethno-nationalist entrepreneurs by allowing the ultra-nationalists to operate in the riot-prone Thrace, while the rioters mainly participated in the collective violence to receive economic gains as a result of the expulsion of the Jews. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses efforts to minimize freedom of speech in Great Britain before, during, and after World War II by focusing on efforts by groups including the Board of Deputies of British Jews, the Communist Party of Great Britain, and the National Council for Civil Liberties (NCCL), to abolish hate speech such as antisemitism in print in response to Nazism and fascism. Other topics include racism against Blacks and Asians, decolonization and British immigration, and the sedition trial against newspaper editor James Caunt.

The article presents a report from an vtober 5-7, 2016 conference on the history of Protestantism and antisemitism hosted by the depatment of middle and modern church history at the Humboldt-Universität Berlin university and the systematic theology and church history department of the Bergische Universität Wuppertal univeristy. Topics of conversation include Martin Beutzer's role in the German Reformation, the relationship between English Jews and Puritans, and the role of German Jews in the Enlightenment.

The antisemitic imagination sometimes derides Jews as ‘rootless cosmopolitans’, and sometimes as the particularistic enemy of cosmopolitanism. The seemingly contradictory character of these antisemitic representations is not new but needs unpacking. In this article the author argues that Enlightenment cosmopolitanism has shown two faces to Jews: an emancipatory face manifest in movements for legal recognition of Jews as equal citizens and for social recognition of Jews as equal human beings; and a repressive face that has been expressed in the form of the so-called ‘Jewish question’. The former holds that Jews are human beings and treats this sense of common humanity as a practical imperative; the latter turns ‘the Jews’ into an imagined collectivity incapable of meeting the universal standards of humankind. The Jewish question isin nucethe question of what is to be done about the harm Jews inflict on humanity at large; it appears and reappears in the modern world in a variety of forms; and it is always at odds with the emancipatory face of cosmopolitanism. The author illustrates this conflict within cosmopolitanism at three key moments of Western European history: the eighteenth-century Enlightenment, nineteenth-century revolutionary thought, and the ‘new cosmopolitanism’ of our own time. He addresses in a historical fashion some of the difficulties the ambivalence of cosmopolitanism poses for our understanding of antisemitism and conversely some of the difficulties the study of antisemitism poses for the further development of cosmopolitan ways of thinking. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]