Search

Murray MacLehose, the 25th Governor of Hong Kong, was the longest-serving Governor in the history of Hong Kong. MacLehose proposed and implemented a series of policies that brought significant reforms to Hong Kong. These reforms included housing, transportation, anti-corruption, welfare, and education. The reforms did not only improve people's living standards, but also created for Hong Kong people a sense of belonging to the colony. While the mainstream of Hong Kong society claimed MacLehose was a respected governor, was MacLehose's ten-year-governorship in actual fact praiseworthy? This article will revisit MacLehose's governorship and show that MacLehose was not as perfect as the locals think – he was even reluctant to implement some reforms, particularly political reforms, anti-corruption and social security. However, this was because he was trying to balance local and British interests within the colony. He indeed worked hard to perform his duty and defended well Hong Kong's interests during his governorship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyze "Yesterday, Today, Tomorrow" directed by Lung Kong on the allegorizing the anticolonial 1967 riots as a plague that hits Hong Kong, China. It mentions politics of cultural production in the Hong Kong film industry and dual repressive forces of Cultural Revolution-inspired Chinese nationalism and British colonialism. It also mentions film therefore contributes to the sense of Hong Kong community-building.

Copyright of Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong is the property of Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong is the property of Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong is the property of Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Fordham Intellectual Property, Media & Entertainment Law Journal is the property of Fordham University School of Law and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article analyzes a collection of photographs that belonged to Douglas Crozier, Hong Kong Director of Education from 1951 to 1961. These include 879 professional photographs produced in print form for publicity purposes and 1167 slide photos. I demonstrate how photographic prints were part of the official record. These were circulated to reinforce Sino-British exchanges in pursuit of diplomatic aims, and are thus valuable sources on behavioral protocols in British and élite Chinese social networks. The slides, which were taken by Crozier and his family, are by contrast vernacular images, revealing the functioning of the imperial gaze in domestic space. Photography in both forms was intrinsic to capitalist lifestyles in late colonial Hong Kong. However, images from the period have been under-researched. Reasons for their neglect include the degree to which they now implicate those who own them in colonialism, and the fact that the apparent mundanity of vernacular shots conceals their value as sources for the study of colonial photography as a genre. Through close examination of the apparent indifference to Douglas Crozier's photographs of those who inherited them, this article tackles this imbalance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2017 election of Hong Kong's chief executive has been the catalyst for recent campaigns for social justice. The date marks twenty years since the handover of British colonial rule to China (through the 1984 Sino–British Joint Declaration) and democracy itself is again being questioned. Ultimately, Hong Kongers are concerned with universal suffrage and specifically that the chief executive is elected from just 1,200 members of an electoral committee in a city of more than 7 million people (Census 2011). Occupy Hong Kong took hold of several areas of the city in 2014, with campaigners employing the use of nonviolence and civil disobedience to challenge social and political injustice; their mantra was “Occupy Central with Love and Peace” (OCLP). Through a postcolonial lens, this article analyzes the political engagement of fifteen white Hong Kong city workers. The biographies of the research participants differ: Some are permanent residents1who are the children of pre-1997 expatriates,2and others more contemporary economic migrants. Underpinning this research is the Cantonese termgweilo, which is particularly useful in explaining “whiteness” in Hong Kong, and I use it to investigate claims about their apparent apathy. Its nuanced definitions and meanings are especially significant in the postcolonial era and contribute to broader discussions of citizenship and social justice in the city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the experiences of two generations of intellectuals that migrated to Hong Kong in 1919 and 1949.* The earlier generation included the former Qing remnants Lai Jixi (賴際熙) and Chen Botao (陳伯陶), and the latter included Tang Junyi (唐君毅), a prominent advocate of Neo-Confucianism. Although they shared a similar ethnic pride, they developed divergent attitudes about the colony of Hong Kong. The former Qing remnants all harmoniously related with the local Chinese elites and businessmen in Hong Kong and, thus, successfully integrated with the mainstream Chinese community. They maintained their traditional Chinese culture while working together with the colonial government even as the cultural gap between Hong Kong and Mainland China expanded. In 1949, significant political changes caused by the creation of the People’s Republic of China created a second generation of immigrants, including Neo-Confucianist Tang Junyi, who shared similar attitudes about traditional culture with the earlier immigrants. However, they developed totally different ideas about Hong Kong with respect to nationalism and colonialism. Although Tang and other immigrants like him all claimed to be proponents of traditional Chinese culture and to promote orthodox traditions, they also held different ideas about culture. This study investigates how Tang Junyi’s nationalism and critical attitudes towards coloniality developed, while also explaining the limitations of his efforts to re-establish China’s national culture without participating in the local culture. This examination not only facilitates our understanding of how elites and intellectuals in Hong Kong saw Chinese culture through different periods but also helps us reflect on the roles and functions of Hong Kong during the historical and cultural development process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the late 1920s, cultural nationalism in Hong Kong was imbedded in Confucianism, having been disappointed with the New Culture Movement and Chinese revolutionary nationalism.1 It also inspired British collaborative colonialism. This study attempts to explain the link between Hong Kong and the Confucius Revering Movement by analysing the essays on Hong Kong of Lu Xun (1881–1936), the father of modern Chinese literature and one of the most important revolutionary thinkers in modern China. The Confucius Revering Movement, which extended from mainland China to the Southeast Asian Chinese community and then to Hong Kong, formed a highly interrelated network of Chinese cultural nationalism associated with Confucianism. However, the movements in these three places had different cultural and political roles in keeping with their own contexts. Collaborative colonialism’s interference with the Confucius Revering Movement is one way to understand Lu Xun’s critical reading of Hong Kong. That is, Hong Kong’s Confucius Revering Movement was seen as an endeavour of the colonial authorities to co-opt Confucianism in order to deal with influences from China. This article argues that Hong Kong’s Confucius Revering Movement should be regarded as one of the main perspectives through which to understand Hong Kong’s educational, cultural and political histories from the 1920s to the late 1960s. Lu Xun enables us to see several links. The first link is the one connecting the Confucius Revering Movement in Mainland China, Hong Kong and the Chinese community in Southeast Asia. This leads to the second link, that is, Lim Boen Keng (Lin Wenqing), the leading figure of the Confucius Revering Movement in the Southeast Asian Chinese community who later became the President of Amoy University, where Lu Xun had taught before his first visit to Hong Kong. The third link is the skilful colonial administrator Sir Cecil Clementi, who came to British Malaya in February 1930 to become Governor after being the Governor of Hong Kong. We can observe a network of Chinese critical/resistant and collaborative nationalism from these links. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Humanitas Taiwanica is the property of National Taiwan University, Humanitas Taiwanica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article focuses on several street protests staged in Hong Kong since its handover to China in 1997, including a rally held by students against a government attempt to introduce national education into the school curriculum and the Umbrella Movement which began on September 28, 2014.

Kowloon Walled City (hereafter KWC or Walled City), Hong Kong has been described as ‘one of history’s great anomalies’. The territory remained under Chinese rule throughout the period of British colonialism, with neither jurisdiction wishing to take active responsibility for its administration. In the postwar period, the area became notorious for vice, drugs and unsanitary living conditions, yet also attracted the attention of artists, photographers and writers, who viewed it as an instance of anarchic urbanism. Despite its demolition in 1993, KWC has continued to capture the imaginations of successive generations across Asia. Drawing on data from an oral and visual history project on the enclave, alongside images, interviews and observations regarding the ‘second life’ of KWC, this article will trace the unique flow of meanings and reimaginings that KWC has inspired. The article will locate the peculiar collisions of crime and consumerism prompted by KWC within the broader contexts in which they are embedded, seeking out a new interdisciplinary perspective that attends to the internecine spaces of crime, media and culture in contemporary Asian societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A pressing question during the first half-decade of the third plague pandemic (1894–9) was what was a ‘suitable soil’ for the disease. The question related to plague’s perceived ability to disappear from a given city only to reappear at some future point; a phenomenon that became central to scientific investigations of the disease. However, rather than this simply having a metaphorical meaning, the debate around plague’s ‘suitable soil’ actually concerned the material reality of the soil itself. The prevalence of plague in the working-class neighbourhood of Taipingshan during the first major outbreak of the pandemic, in 1894 in Hong Kong, led to an extensive debate regarding the ability of the soil to harbour and even spread the disease. Involving experiments, which were seen as able to procure evidence for or against the demolition or even torching of the area, scientific and administrative concerns over the soil rendered it an unstable yet highly productive epistemic thing. The spread of plague to India further fuelled concerns over the ability of the soil to act as the medium of the disease’s so-called true recrudescence. Besides high-profile scientific debates, hands-on experiments on purifying the soil of infected houses by means of highly intrusive methods allowed scientists and administrators to act upon and further solidify plague’s supposed invisibility in the urban terrain. Rather than being a short-lived, moribund object of epidemiological concern, this paper will demonstrate that the soil played a crucial role in the development of plague as a scientifically knowable and actionable category for modern medicine. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines Thatcher’s 1982 visit to China concerning Hong Kong’s future. The visit occurred at the critical historical junctures of the rise of Thatcherism in post-Falklands Britain and of the growth of Deng Xiaoping’s nationalist sensitivities. With her strong belief in capitalism, Thatcher aimed to convince Deng that Hong Kong’s prosperity depended on confidence, which in turn rested on the continuation of British administration beyond 1997. With his nationalist feelings towards Taiwan stirred by America, Deng regarded Hong Kong’s return to China as a non-negotiable principle. Thatcher’s project of ‘educating’ Deng in capitalism was doomed to failure. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The civility of Hong Kong protesters during the 2014 Umbrella Movement was often remarked on. Rather less known were the more playful and witty dimensions to the protests. Humour has always been a familiar and febrile strand in Hong Kong protest culture: puns are immensely popular, as are parodies and moments of surreal comic juxtapositions and appropriations that then take a life of its own. This article will examine two examples of madcap levity in the Umbrella Movement, including the use of the ‘Happy Birthday’ song to counter vocal on-site critics and a later and more significant shift to the Shopping Revolution, with its play on the Mandarin phrase, 購物 gòu wù (to go shopping). Humour’s specific potency here comes from an irreverent revoicing that wrests control away from dominant discourses. By redirecting attention and power away from establishment voices, marginalized and local points of view are empowered. Given recent political developments, however, humour has receded more into the shadows; the structure of feeling has altered considerably. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Little research has paid attention to the Anti-Moral and National Education (Anti-M&N) movement during 2011–12 in Hong Kong, which, to a large extent, provided the resources and tactical preparations for the 2014 Umbrella Movement. In this study, the author unfolds the mobilization of the 2012 Anti-M&N movement: the dynamics of different organizations as well as the processes of accumulating and integrating movement resources. Studies of movement resource mobilization have focused on material resources and professional-based human resources. In recent years, much research has claimed that the new technologies have transformed the way movements are mobilized. Founded on the resource mobilization premise, this study unveils how the mobilization process has become hybrid, as the existing social movement organizations (SMOs) and their coalition networks and online channels collectively drive the evolution of activism in terms of format and scale. Visual resources were also manufactured by organizers as a way to increase the affective connection among the general public. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is an ethnographic exploration of the Umbrella Movement that occupied and re-spatialized the arterial streets of Hong Kong in late 2014. It examines how communities made up of hamlets of tent-dwelling demonstrators evolved, in particular, out of the Admiralty occupied area. Through a sense of communitas exercised among these communities, occupied areas were infused with ‘pure potentiality’ and transformed into liminoid spaces. As a result, the previously undifferentiated space of roads took on new meanings and was redefined to facilitate the discursive needs of these communities. Such transformation of space also reveals the tonality of life among the communities, and how they relate to each other through the moral idiom of care. While short-lived, the communal re-spatialization of the Umbrella Movement articulated images of a utopian Hong Kong as well as a critique of Hong Kong’s political plight, often through irony and humor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the significance of global trends in higher education (HE) development in Hong Kong between 1997 and 2012. Two trends, massification and internationalisation, are considered key driving forces that shaped Hong Kong’s HE policy during the period. The former refers to government measures to widen participation in HE. The latter is associated with Hong Kong’s regional education hub strategy. Universities in the city revised their governance structure in these contexts. The article first explains why massification and internationalisation entered the HE policy discourse in Hong Kong in the late 1990s, and how they were materialised by neoliberal practices in the 2000s. Subsequently, it reveals how the two trends influenced university governance by examining the development of the University of Hong Kong Group. Based on this review, this article argues that the HE development can be perceived as an extension of structural transformation of the Hong Kong economy. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The case of Hong Kong provides a substantial re-examination of what it means to be a cosmopolitan from above, both historically in terms of real colonial presence and power – that of the British Empire at the height of its pink-flushed world domination – and as a ‘model minority’ under such circumstances as well as in the postcolonial world of modern Hong Kong. The history of the Jews in Hong Kong illustrates the pitfalls in assuming the view of ‘cosmopolitan of the above’ is uniform or indeed ‘from above’. The confusion of the cosmopolitan with the utopian goals of transhistorical views of mobility with the lived practice of Jews in British and now Chinese Hong Kong is a powerful corrective of this view. Focusing on Hong Kong, this former British Colony and now a Special Administrative Region (SAR) of the People’s Republic of China, situated simultaneously at the centre and at the periphery of debates about the cosmopolitan, this article adds a new dimension to the parallel discussions of Jewish cosmopolitanism in Europe and North America. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Hong Kong's Umbrella Movement (September–December 2014) represented a watershed in Hong Kong's political culture and self-understanding. Based on over 1,000 slogans and other textual and visual material documented during the movement, this study provides an overview of claims, which are oriented towards an assertion of agency, articulated at different levels: in a universalistic mode (“democracy”), in relation with a political community (Hong Kong autonomy and decolonization), and through concrete policy aims. At the same time, slogans mobilize diverse cultural and historical repertoires that attest the hybrid quality of Hong Kong identity and underscore the diversity of sources of political legitimacy. Finally, it will be argued that by establishing a system of contending discourses within the occupied public spaces, the movement strived to act out a type of discursive democracy. Despite the challenges that this discursive space encountered in interacting with the authorities and the public at large, it represented an unfinished attempt to build a new civic culture among Hong Kong's younger generation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores the spatial, social, and administrative conditions that shape Hong Kong’s grade-separated pedestrian networks. The integrated elevated pedestrian network was initially developed to facilitate internal circulation within the commercial centers when the city was undergoing rapid growth in the 1960s and 1970s. The vision was incrementally incorporated into statutory and administrative instruments as the city embraced a consumer-oriented economy. This study tracks the evolving concept of grade-separated pedestrian networks in Hong Kong, revisiting the critical actions and written notes in Hong Kong’s urban history from 1965 to 1997. The private sector was essential in building the multilevel pedestrian space and in making it a commercially viable urban model. An alternative perspective is proposed from which to consider Hong Kong’s public–private conflicts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is presented that establishes a provisional socio-cultural history for early 20th-century Hong Kong and explores the idea and expression of modern architecture in the interwar years.

Sporting events have become the focus of government interest in Hong Kong in recent years. The Hong Kong Games (HKG) in particular is aimed at promoting sports participation and community cohesion within the 18 districts. Since the debut of the HKG in 2007, no academic research has been conducted to explore the actual impact of the Games on sustainable sports participation in Hong Kong. This paper addresses the underexplored issue of the links between hosting the HKG and the perceptions of the social and economic impact of such events within the framework of social exchange theory. A total of 532 questionnaires were collected from sports students undertaking tertiary education in Hong Kong. The statistical results clearly indicated a lack of community support for the HKG. Hence, this paper makes recommendations on the integration of the ‘sports-for-all’ concept in the wider community. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Cricket was one of the main sports that typified British imperial cultural exports, but in the colony of Hong Kong it remained largely a pursuit with limited appeal beyond expatriates and South Asian residents. After 1997, the cricket community did receive better financial and administrative support, but a consistent policy to promote the sport was lacking. Hong Kong cricket officials have become increasingly aware of the need to extend the sport more effectively to the Chinese community and, ultimately, to mainland China itself. As Hong Kong and its citizens face increasingly contentious debates over individual and collective identity, this article considers the sociocultural challenges facing a sport whose historical development and current realities are steeped in colonial images. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The Nepalese Gurkhas have often been regarded as brave warriors in the scheme of British military recruitment since the 1800s. Today, their descendants have settled in various parts of South East and South Asia. How can one conceive of a Gurkha diaspora, and what are the Gurkhas and their families’ experiences of belonging in relation to varied migratory routes? This paper locates Gurkhas as migrants by deliberating upon the connection between military service and migration paths. I employ the lens of methodological transnationalism to elucidate how the Gurkha diaspora is both constructed and experienced. Diasporic consciousness and formation undergo modification alongside subsequent cycles of migration for different members of a diaspora. The article thus evaluates the transnational lives of migrants, and how these are connected to re-territorialized dimensions of identity and belonging. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Histories of the Third Plague Pandemic, which diffused globally from China in the 1890s, have tended to focus on colonial efforts to regulate the movement of infected populations, on the state's draconian public health measures, and on the development of novel bacteriological theories of disease causation. In contrast, this article focuses on the plague epidemic in Hong Kong and examines colonial preoccupations with Chinese "things" as sources of likely contagion. In the 1890s, laboratory science invested plague with a new identity as an object to be collected, cultivated, and depicted in journals. At the same time, in the increasingly vociferous anti-opium discourse, opium was conceived as a contagious Chinese commodity: a plague. The article argues that rethinking responses to the plague through the history of material culture can further our understanding of the political consequences of disease's entanglement with economic and racial categories, while demonstrating the extent to which colonial agents "thought through things." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies on migration often assume that members of the same ethnic category are less likely to develop exclusionary attitudes toward each other. In order to explain why many Hong Kong people exhibit exclusionary attitudes toward granting social rights to Chinese immigrants who share the same ethnic ancestry with them, we conducted a phone survey to examine four important factors: (1) economic threat; (2) social threat; (3) negative stereotypes; and (4) contact with immigrants. We find that the economic threat-either at the societal or individual level-perceived by respondents does not explain their exclusionary attitudes. The results are consistent with alternative explanations emphasizing cultural and non-economic concerns commonly associated with ethnocentrism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong is the property of Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the 1980s, as the end of the millennium approached, the production of nostalgia exploded all around the world. For Hong Kong, nostalgia became a reminder of the golden age that had transformed the city into one of the "Four Asian Tigers" in the decades following the end of the Second World War. While yearning for the better days of the past, Hong Kong coincidentally experienced destabilisation. As the rest of the world, especially the "baby boomers," mourned the end of a productive era, Hong Kong locals were disturbed by the affirmation of the handover to China in 1997. In the context of these events, a creative rush to nostalgia in cultural manufacturing swept across the city. In the hope of highlighting the uniqueness of nostalgic production in Hong Kong, this study analyses two sets of TV commercials produced by local beverage company Vitasoy. Through the deconstruction of selected historical events, Vitasoy successfully reinvented its brand and, in contrast to general criticism of the concept, generated a positive connotation for nostalgia on the path towards Hong Kong's search for an identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the legacy of Austria-born Canadian urban theorist and college professor John Friedmann in Hong Kong, China. Friedmann reportedly first visited Hong Kong in 1997 where he provided strategic directions for civic activism using his radical planning methods. Topics include the planning challenges he posed to Hong Kong, urban planning theories, and the government of Hong Kong's efforts to support urban planning projects.

Scholarly work in the 1990s indicated that the values of civil servants in late colonial Hong Kong were evolving from those of classical bureaucrats to those of more political bureaucrats as the political and social environment changed. Based on in-depth interviews with 58 politicians and senior civil servants carried out between 2009 and 2012, we argue that Hong Kong civil service values have adapted owing in part to external shocks such as regime change and governance reform. Still, traditional civil service values such as fiscal prudence and balancing various community interests continue to be prominent. We illustrate the influence of civil service values in two policymaking cases: small-class teaching and minimum-wage legislation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

By examining the history of the Hong Kong Royal Naval Volunteer Reserve, this article addresses larger issues concerning British imperial power and naval strategy in the years surrounding the Second World War. It reveals how Britain attempted to overcome the restrictions of the Washington Naval Treaty and economic pressures of the interwar period by devolving more naval responsibilities to its colonies; how war in Europe divided Hong Kong society, fueling racial prejudices regarding Chinese loyalty which inhibited the naval force's efficiency in the face of Japanese invasion; and the Cold War legacy of these suspicions as the People's Republic of China emerged to exacerbate British insecurities about its ability to defend its colonial position in a world of declining influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a historical background of the building of new towns in Sha Tin in Hong Kong, China, which started in 1970.

At the time of his death in July 2008, Tony Sweeting was working on three major projects. The most fulfilling of these was a longstanding plan to publish a book on Hong Kong Eurasians, an undertaking that had the full support of his wife Sansan. The purpose was 'to characterise Hong Kong Eurasians--of the past, the present, and the future--as clearly as possible'. His was a deeply personal response to the question of 'Why study Hong Kong Eurasians?' for he planned to dedicate the book to his two children, Justin and Jacinta. Tony completed only three chapters. The third, titled 'Historical Sketches', aimed at examining the development of the Eurasian community in Hong Kong from the 1840s to the present day. It forms the basis of the edited article that follows. We have attempted to retain as much of Tony's inimitable style as possible, but it has been necessary to prune significantly to make the text suitable for publication in the Journal. It is hoped that by publishing some of Tony's unfinished work on Hong Kong's Eurasian community other scholars will be encouraged to take up the work and perhaps produce a definitive study of this important facet of Hong Kong's history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In February 1942, two months after Japan occupied Hong Kong, Utsuki Nishū, a Nishihonganji priest with a remarkable track record of international collaboration and a professor of English at the Ryūkoku University in Kyoto, was transferred to the missionary unit of his temple and later dispatched to the former British colony. Utsuki then began his career as a representative of the local chapter of Nishihonganji, and was entrusted by the Japanese military government with oversight of local Buddhist affairs. Like many of his progressive co-religionists from the late-Meiji/Taishō period, Utsuki was keen to share his vision of brotherhood and solidarity with his fellow overseas Buddhists in the newly-minted Great East Asian Co-Prosperity Sphere. As the brutality of the Pacific War continued, leading ultimately to the defeat of Japan, the gap between Chinese and Japanese Buddhism proved to be too wide to be mended, and Utsuki's vision untenable. The legacy of Utsuki's effort nonetheless survived, most notably in the formation of the Hong Kong Buddhist Association, as well as the beginning of a long process of reconciliation between Chinese and Japanese Buddhists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A biography of Chinese intellectual Qian Mu is presented. He was born in 1895 in China and left China in 1949 to live in exile in Hong Kong, China and later in Taiwan. Information on his political views, Chinese history and culture, and his separation from his family is presented. Also included is information on his death in 1990.

An interview with doctor Lau Chi-pang, director of Lingnan University Archives in Hong Kong,China is presented. Topics discussed include the relations of the archives in the local history of Tuen Mun District and to the former Lingnan College, its contribution to the University development and to the research and study on Hong Kong's local history, and the role of a University Archivist in the design and development of archives policy.

This paper explains the nature of David Li’s concept of ambiguous property rights and three angles to see right ambiguity from a Coasian-constrained choice-theoretical perspective and elaborate on that ambiguity in terms of five scenarios of de jure and de facto rights. The case of indigenous village housing in post-colonial Hong Kong under a mature system of the rule of law is used to demonstrate the ambiguities due to a gap between de jure and de facto property rights that may not degenerate into anarchy due to rational choices made under common law constraints driven ultimately by the land market. The implications of the case study for evaluating ambiguities in property rights in China are also discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]