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This article investigates the Marcos golden age narratives on YouTube before the 2022 Philippine presidential elections. Despite evidence of brutality during the Marcos years, many Filipinos reminisce about his tenure as a period of peace and progress, influenced by selective historical accounts propagated through digital media. Expanding Laclau's theory of populism, we identify affective storytelling techniques prominent pro-Marcos YouTubers employ to glorify the Marcos era and examine them to understand how the populist logic of difference and equivalence guides the articulation of a romanticized past and endorses the vilification of elites and Marcos critics. Our analysis underscores the potency of nostalgia in populist and authoritarian politics, demonstrating their capacity to foster a collective yearning for a mythic past and stoke a collective desire for Marcos-brand authoritarianism. Ultimately, this article contributes to understanding the dynamics of historical revisionism and its implications for political discourse and historical consciousness in the digital age, emphasizing the role of YouTubers in shaping political landscapes through nostalgia and the manipulation of social memory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the mid-90s, we embarked on establishing the domain of Workplace Deviance. Though we were fortunate to meet our intended goals and have the impact we had hoped for, we have often thought about what we might have done differently. In this essay, we outline some of the things we wish we knew then that we know now. As we will describe, we perhaps should have chosen a different construct name, taken a theoretical rather than data driven approach to our typology, and developed a reflective rather than formative scale. We hope this essay based on our hindsight may be of value to future scholars seeking to establish new constructs in our field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article introduces the special collection on revisionist history in management research. We asked prominent scholars to reflect on the current state of the research on their chosen topic, and how our field got there through specific decisions they or other researchers made. We also encouraged our authors to engage in counterfactual thinking by imagining how things could have been different. Our contributors offer novel, provocative insights on a variety of topics including organizational identification; emotional labor; resistance to change; territoriality; deviant behavior; and academic careers. In this article we discuss the origins of the special collection, elaborate on our approach to revisionist history, and provide brief overviews of the six papers in the collection. We conclude by discussing how others could build on our approach to revisionist history to provide other valuable lessons for management research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this essay, I revisit a choice I made early in my career to develop and segment different facets of myself: my work as a professor of organizational behavior and my deep interest in the theory and practice of counselling psychology and psychotherapy. While these may appear relatively compatible, I experienced them as very different worlds and lived in them quite separately, afraid my engagement in one might infect or disrupt that in the other. Despite such efforts to keep my worlds apart, however, I found myself inadvertently integrating them—in my research, my teaching, and to some extent in my emerging clinical practice. Yet I held back from fully owning or sharing my growing commitment to counselling psychology. In this revisionist reflection, I consider some of the consequences of this set of choices and what might have been different had I made others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We take a revisionist approach to study emotional labor—commoditization of emotions for a wage—to delineate how organizational scholars must "revive and resubmit" two crucial elements of the emotional labor phenomenon that have been left behind as research within this space evolved. First, we argue that scholars have not paid enough recent attention to display rules that prescribe what emotions are acceptable within service interactions, instead assuming classic conceptualizations (i.e. show positive emotions and hide negative emotions) still prevail. Second, we highlight that the shift away from service occupations to more white-collar occupations may have minimized our understanding of the complexity of emotional labor in modern service arrangements, such as multiple job holders, and employees in the gig economy. We hope that future emotional labor scholarship will dig into several taken-for-granted assumptions about the phenomenon moving forward to help "go back to the basics" regarding display rules of those in service work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The title of Coch and French's influential article "Overcoming Resistance to Change" gave the term "resistance" a negative meaning and connotation that has been subsequently fostered by ongoing scholarship and practice regarding organizational change. In this article, we describe the understanding of resistance originally developed by Kurt Lewin, which had very different connotations for the term, and how Lewin's understanding was lost after his death. By reflecting on two publications by one of the authors that were based on an interpretive approach to organizational change and that did not need the term resistance, we show it is possible to interpret change agent initiatives and change recipient responses without using that label. Thus, we demonstrate how taking a revisionist history approach to a particular taken-for-granted construct salient to organizational change research can show how tenuous that construct actually is. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Existing scholarship suggests that rising powers can become revisionist powers when they are dissatisfied with their status. What causes such dissatisfaction? Conventional wisdom holds that rising powers become dissatisfied when established powers refuse to recognize them as equals. However, if status informs patterns of superiority and inferiority, then rising powers can also become dissatisfied when smaller states do not defer to them. In fact, I argue that there is a life cycle as to how status dissatisfaction develops: status disputes between rising powers and smaller states can be especially frequent early in the power transition, before status disputes between rising powers and established powers become more prevalent. Through text analysis of an original dataset of statements from China's Ministry of Foreign Affairs from 1978 to 2018, supplemented by survey and archival evidence, I demonstrate that contestations from smaller states trigger the majority of China's status grievances, and China-smaller states status disputes are especially prevalent early on. Thus, status-driven revisionism can emerge via bottom-up processes, and it can happen earlier than currently theorized. My analysis highlights the agency of smaller states in shaping power transitions and hierarchies, as well as how and when the US–China competition unfolds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of British Journal of Canadian Studies is the property of Liverpool University Press / Journals and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The works of Danish-Australian historian Jens Sørensen Lyng (1868–1941) provide a problematic foundation for Australian migration studies. His 1927 magnum opus, Non-Britishers in Australia: Influence on Population and Progress, championed racist methodologies based on Nordic supremacy while simultaneously espousing progressive aspects of multiracial inclusion and pluralist nation-building. While revisionist histories have since condemned him as a racist pseudoscientist, Lyng's more progressive arguments concerning Australian development and the acknowledgment that all peoples – to some extent regardless of race – had a role to play in a modernising Australia have been mostly overlooked. This article re-examines Non-Britishers in Australia and Jens Lyng himself to bring this apparent contradiction to the fore. It argues that Lyng's work illustrates the interpolations of progressivism and racism in the era of White Australia, and that the two must be understood not as opposing sets of ideas but as ones that could be and were simultaneously promoted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conventionalism about personal identity over time is the view that personal identity is in some sense dependent on our beliefs, desires, social practices, or language use (collectively: on our "conventions"). This paper provides an opinionated survey of the state of the art about personal identity conventionalism. First, it offers a taxonomy of possible types of conventionalism along four different axes and discusses weak vs. strong, private vs. public, doxastic vs. non‐doxastic, and realizer‐relative vs. assessor‐relative varieties of conventionalism. Second, it reviews the main sources of motivation for conventionalism about personal identity: methodological, epistemological, and normative motivations. Third, it maps out the place of conventionalism in logical space and distinguishes it from related philosophical theses: personal identity pluralism, indeterminacy about personal identity, revisionism, and self‐concern relativism. Finally, some potential avenues for future research are considered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India's amiable history with Vietnam began with peaceful migration to Southeast Asia from the beginning of the Common Era and discovery of new land and sea routes. Yet, modern Vietnamese consider India distant and remote. Indian culture reached Vietnam in "benign and peaceful" waves, while China's onslaught was "forceful and potent." India is neither a threat nor concerning runs the argument. Without surveys, we cannot be sure this is a consensus view. Clearer is that Vietnamese do not write revisionist histories to deny the migration of Indian princes, merchants, and philosophers in the first millennium. There is recognition of the Hinduized Champa as part of Vietnamese culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A reflection piece—on rethinking the return of a Martial Law dictator in the form of his namesake, the newly elected president of the Philippines; the gamut of conversations on (un)covered facts, post-truth, appearances, interpolations, populism, revisionism and transformations, as well as the power of (trans)national media and images entangled with participatory publics; and how might a younger generation and/or transgender poet, such as myself, who did not experience first-hand the atrocities of military rule and learned them only through dominant narratives, might create and/or open capacious spaces for empathic opacity, new understandings, and possible coalitions and resistances within a historical moment concurrent with a present and/or imagined dystopia—expressed as a suit of three poems: To write another eye; Now is no longer the time for poets; Requisite condemnation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In light of the disastrous consequences of the 2003 US invasion of Iraq, the majority of Americans – along with prominent political leaders, journalists and others – acknowledge that was the wrong policy choice. Few, however, are willing to acknowledge it was also illegal. Furthermore, there is little acknowledgement that Bush administration officials who planned the war and members of Congress who authorized it were informed beforehand by academics, State Department specialists and countless others of the likely negative consequences of an invasion and occupation but chose to ignore it. And a number of prominent supporters of the invasion have attempted to rewrite history to cover up for their culpability, particularly prominent Democratic senators who subsequently became their party's nominee for president and went on to serve in higher offices – John Kerry, Hillary Clinton and Joe Biden. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The seminal contributions of the esteemed Italian Marxist scholar, Domenico Losurdo, have significantly enriched the theoretical and methodological landscape surrounding the study and practical application of historical-dialectical materialism. This article elucidates Losurdo's principal perspectives on the intricate challenges inherent in the construction of socialist societies. In stark departure from prevalent Western Marxist paradigms, Losurdo's analyses of revolutionary historical praxes are imbued with a rigorous self-critical lens, eschewing adherence to revisionist or liquidationist doctrines that characterized the prevalent trend of anti-communist pseudo-Marxism fashionable within some academic circles. This discourse systematically unpacks the salient themes of this intellectual inquiry, meticulously assessing Losurdo's oeuvre as a distinctive and invaluable contribution to the nuanced exploration of the complexities and prospects entailed in the development of authentic socialist experiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

University governing bodies, especially academic boards, play a crucial role in policy formation. However, due to the predominance of managerial values over academic values in the policy-making process, a persistent divide exists between policy formulation and implementation. This divide results from the marginalisation of academics and the dominance of managerial authority figures within these bodies. Our study investigates the latter to determine the precise Foucauldian apparatus used by authority figures to influence policy-making meetings. Using an innovative arts-based method, we analyse ethnographic vignettes through a Foucauldian lens and transform them into collages depicting the apparatus used by authority figures: Strategic Managerial Monumentalism, Managerial Historical Revisionism, Managerial Discursive Dominance, Managerial Panoptic Surveillance, and Managerial Normalisation. We contend that only a well-defined separation of governance powers can effectively counter the encroachment of managerialism and uphold the democratic representation of academic values in university policies to bridge the policy-practice divide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Direito e Práxis is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In 1985 American author Cormac McCarthy published Blood Meridian, a novel that is set against the backdrop of the conquest of the West, a momentous and still relevant process that has acquired quasi-mythical dimensions throughout history and that is undoubtedly embedded in the United States' national consciousness. In this article I will show the different mechanisms employed by Cormac McCarthy to deconstruct conventional Western narratives that glorify and sanction the Westward expansion as a courageous endeavour that shaped the American nation, hence underplaying the more devastating and pernicious side of this chapter of America's imperialistic undertakings. To that end, I will argue that McCarthy contests the main tenets of the crucial 1893 Frontier Thesis proposed by Frederick Jackson Turner, in particular the depiction of American colonial expansion as a source of progress and democratic development; likewise I will contend that, in Blood Meridian, McCarthy aligns himself with the ideas of New Western Historians that offer a revisionist perspective of the country's past, revealing such brutality and wickedness exerted in the appropriation of the western territories that seemed to deprive the process of any hope of God's mercy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of SIRIUS - Zeitschrift fur Strategische Analysen is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The international influence of the Western cinematographic genre is indubitable. In this genre, the West is portrayed as a space in which conflicting forces cohabit: the whites vs the natives, the East vs the West, and, in sum, good vs evil. With its re-emergence in recent decades, both inside the United States and outside its borders, this space is being re-described as a more permeable, fluid one, in which different communities cohabit and diverse movements occur. Mateo Gil's Blackthorn (2011) provides an example of the bridging essence of some contemporary Westerns. In this new representational context, this essay aims to show how Gil's Western is inter-national, gender- and age-balanced, and multilingual and, thus, may be regarded as a good example of the revision and rebirth of the Western genre. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last decade, Graham Allison's 'Thucydides trap' has become a predominant framework for analysing the prospect of great power conflict between the United States and China. The controversy surrounding this rise to prominence has reinvigorated a tradition of thinking about the effects of power parity on global order that previously flourished during the Cold War. This renewed attention has nevertheless come at a significant cost. By reconstructing the tradition from which the Thucydides trap emerges, a tradition that we call rise-and-fall theory, this article demonstrates how the ascendance of the Thucydides trap as a framework of analysis has obscured critical debates about the relationship between the rise and fall of competing powers and the onset of conflict. These debates problematize fundamental questions concerning how to conceptualize power, what types of interstate relations are to be analysed, and which causal mechanism(s) matter most in explaining revisionism and conflict. This article demonstrates how the Thucydides trap largely overlooks these debates, thereby providing analysts with less precise heuristics for thinking about the prospect of global conflict than they might otherwise have. We develop a more pluralistic approach to the application of rise-and-fall theory that makes use of its diverse perspectives and substantive divergences to provide more nuanced and holistic analyses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reflects on tensions arising in multiple perspectives approaches as they are deployed in response to histories of atrocity and conflict. We call attention to the ways that multiple perspectives intersect with the challenges posed by competing memories of violence and questions of responsibility. Focusing on a peace education programme that sought to work with 'complex' perpetrator histories in Cambodia, we explore how peace education can produce its intended aims of building dialogue and empathy across groups while, coextensively, enabling space for potentially harmful forms of historical revisionism. We show how the multi-perspectivity in peace education can be misaligned with the subjectivities that it seeks to reconcile or dignify in the present and reflect on the need for peace educators to develop approaches that move beyond the presentation of 'perspective' and identity as synonymous. We conclude by calling attention to other potential figurations of shared responsibility within peace education.. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dustin D. Stewart's book, "Futures of Enlightenment Poetry," challenges the traditional understanding of Enlightenment poetry as solely focused on reason and empirical observation. Stewart argues that there is a neglected tradition of devotional poetry associated with a reactionary Counter-Enlightenment that should be included in our understanding of the period. He explores the themes of afterlife and futurity in the poetry of Edward Young, Elizabeth Singer Rowe, and Mark Akenside, showing how their meditations on these topics offer insight into the development of eighteenth-century poetry. Stewart's book also examines the influence of spiritualist and mortalist poetics on the works of later poets, such as William Wordsworth, Phillis Wheatley Peters, William Blake, and Emily Dickinson. Overall, the book provides a fresh perspective on Enlightenment poetry and its relevance to contemporary debates. [Extracted from the article]

In January of 2015 Turkey's president Recep Tayyip Erdoğan hosted the Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas at the newly built extravagant and highly controversial presidential palace. Sixteen warriors representing all of the former Turkic empires in full costume were present at the welcoming ceremony. This paper uses Volkan's psycho‐political framework to understand state‐led efforts of historical revisionism which manifest itself in historical glories and nostalgia for the Ottoman Empire. The central argument posits that grandiose or mega projects strategically serve historical revisionism in Turkey, amplifying selected glories of Turkish society to bolster support for authentic and national narrative, known as "yerli ve milli (domestic and national)" [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The first ten amendments to the federal Constitution have no formal title. It is only by cultural tradition that Americans refer to these provisions as our national "Bill of Rights." Until recently, most scholars assumed that this tradition could be traced back to the moment of ratification. Over the last decade or so, however, a number of scholars have challenged this assumption. These "Bill of Rights revisionists" claim that Americans did not commonly refer to the first ten amendments as "the bill of rights" until the twentieth century. Prior to that, most Americans either did not believe they had a national bill of rights, or they would have more likely pointed to the Declaration of Independence as the country's "bill of rights." If the revisionists are right, then a substantial portion of constitutional historical scholarship is shot through with historical error, in particular scholarship supporting the incorporation of the Bill of Rights as part of the Fourteenth Amendment. This Article conducts an exhaustive investigation of political, legal, and cultural references to the "bill of rights" from the time of the Founding to Reconstruction (and beyond). These references, most of which are presented here for the first time, prove that the revisionist claims about the first ten amendments are false. Long before the twentieth century, and decades before Reconstruction, Americans commonly referred to the 1791 amendments as "the Bill of Rights." These references vastly outnumber historical references to the Declaration of Independence as a "bill of rights," and indicate that nineteenth-century Americans were not at all confused about the meaning and content of their national "Bill of Rights." If any revision is in order, it is the need to revisit and revise our understanding of how post-Civil War Americans abandoned the original federalist understanding of the Bill of Rights and embraced a new nationalist understanding of their enumerated rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the necessity of embracing revision in writing, emphasizing the importance of being open to feedback and continually improving one's work. Topics include the challenges of revising drafts, the humility required to admit room for improvement, and the process of sculpting a story through careful revision with the help of trusted editors and peers.

This article presents an analytic critique of the predominant revisionist theoretical paradigm of just war (henceforth: revisionism). This is accomplished by means of a precise description and explanation of the practicability problem that confronts it, namely that soldiers that revisionism would deem "unjust" are bound to fail to fulfil the duties that revisionism imposes on them, because these duties are overdemanding. The article locates the origin of the practicability problem in revisionism's overidealized conception of a soldier as an individual rational agent analogous to the aggressor or defender in a case of lethal self-defense, who is capable of reflecting on the morality of his status in war and of the killing he performs and thus of recognizing his revisionist duties. Revisionism, however, ignores the following fact: Killing in war is not a natural human behavior. This is why training soldiers to kill is—and arguably always has been—a necessity for the existence of war and the killing that occurs in it. Moreover, this training involves a certain level of moral desensitization to violence whose goal is to prevent soldiers from thoroughly reflecting on the morality of the killing they engage in. Hence, war and killing can only exist if soldiers are trained in such a way that they do not reflect on whether they could be addressees of revisionist duties in the first place. This means that military training is a "constitutive condition" of soldiers and war, which is why it cannot excuse their noncompliance with revisionist duties, thus making these duties categorically overdemanding. The argument here draws on the paradigmatic example of modern US military killing conditioning (MC), but embeds it into a broader military-historical perspective that describes how soldiers have always needed to be mentally and morally influenced in order to enable war and killing. The article's explanation of revisionism's practicability problem has a constructive consequence for future theory-building in the ethics of war: It implies that a potentially revised ethical theory of war must necessarily analyze the institutions that allocate belligerent resources, if it aims to morally assess battlefield behavior in a practicable manner. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article from the NACLA Report on the Americas explores the rise of right-wing movements in Latin America and beyond. It discusses the threats and intimidation faced by helpline operators who assist victims of gender-based violence in Argentina, and raises questions about the motivations and tactics of right-wing organizations. The article also examines the ideological specificities of the far-right phenomenon and its connections to historical and political processes. It includes perspectives from experts in various countries and highlights the challenges posed by the growth of the far right. The article concludes by discussing the need to understand and combat the various forms of violence wielded by these political forces. [Extracted from the article]

Why has NATO taken so long in adapting its deterrence strategy to Russian revisionism and extending its military presence to the eastern allies? The setting up of NATO's Enhanced Forward Presence (eFP) in Poland and the Baltic states offers a critical case for examining the changing understandings of allied deterrence in the post-post-Cold War era. eFP is a story of negotiating the political acceptability and military credibility of NATO's modern extended deterrence strategy in the exposed eastern flank, and the navigation of the alliance security dilemma in relation to Russia while buttressing the eastern allies' physical and NATO's ontological security. This article traces NATO's extended conventional deterrence posture in the eastern flank from the adoption of the tripwire model shortly after Russia's annexation of Crimea to the commitment to defend 'every inch of Allied territory' via embracing the forward defence stance in 2022. Mapping the evolutionary curve of NATO's post-enlargement politics of deterrence through documentary analysis and interviews with diplomats and military representatives in NATO headquarters and national capitals, the article makes two contributions. Conceptually, it dissects the political rationalities and historical analogies underpinning contemporary allied deterrence strategy and posture in NATO's eastern frontline. Empirically, the study illustrates how allied deterrence is made to matter on the ground, and why this matters for deterrence credibility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Baltic experience of World War II is underrepresented in European and global collective memory. Therefore, selected memoirs of Estonian and Latvian Waffen-SS Legionnaires, previously not studied in depth, are analyzed. Theories of attribution and nodal points are applied to determine how national narratives are constructed and their relation to collective memory. Overall, the authors produce similar narratives that justify military collaboration with the Nazis as having been in the national interest. This supports the argument that the collective memory of contemporary Estonia and Latvia is based upon a revision of established narratives of World War II and the Holocaust. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the concept of revisionist history and how it has been present since the dawn of historical inquiry, challenging the idea that it emerged solely in the 1960s or is associated only with political ideologies. It emphasizes that historical revisionism is an inherent aspect of historical inquiry, highlighting its evolution over millennia and its role in shaping our understanding of the past.

After defeating the 20th-century challengers to the international order, the United States must today calibrate its response to the rise of the PRC, whose foreign policy poses problems both for policy-makers and IR scholars. Wilhelmine and Nazi Germany, Imperial Japan and USSR have left a heavy mark on the scholarship on revisionist threats and their management. Like the mythological Titans, these states launched their challenge all the way to 'Olympus': they longed to build a new international order by war or a large-scale and long-standing competition. However, the myth of Prometheus teaches us that this 'revolutionary' path is not the only road for secondary states to gain primacy. Revisionism can also take a more careful shape, both by means and objectives. The article preliminarily discusses the understudied type of careful revisionism and distinguishes the subtypes of 'incrementals', 'moderates' and 'gamblers'. These more nuanced forms compel status quo power(s) to face a dilemma between two strategic options: engagement or confrontation. Then it posits that a wisely gauged assessment of the careful revisionist challenge by the dominant power must inevitably lay at the basis of any grand strategy for preserving the status quo and preventing systemic change. Finally, it tests this hypothesis by investigating the confrontation between a dominant power – the United Kingdom – and six careful revisionists – namely the United States (1814–1860), the Kingdom of Sardinia/Italy (1852–1882), France (1875–1904), Russian Empire (1864–1907), Imperial Japan (1919–1936) and Fascist Italy (1922–1935). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this period of global insecurity, sharing human experiences acts as a tool to preserve history, educate future generations, foster empathy, prevent revisionism, and honor those who have been affected by conflict. By sharing personal stories, individuals provide first-hand accounts of events, capturing the human perspective and emotions associated with war. This helps to preserve a comprehensive understanding of historical events. Hearing about the experiences of those who have lived through war can be a powerful educational tool. It allows people, especially the younger generations, to learn about the realities of armed conflict and the impact on individuals and societies. The voices from Ukraine in this article communicate the suffering, but also the hope of those caught up in the horrors, the losses and the fog of war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Revisionist writing has gained critical acclaim in recent times. Apart from being a literary and creative endeavor that attracts a wide range of readership, it also brings in new avenues of interpretation to the existing narrative by often postulating relational and critical inquiry into certain pertinent issues of the present times. This paper critically interprets Popuri Lalita Kumari's (popularly known as Volga) seminal novel The Liberation of Sita (2016) from a feminist revisionist stance. Using the tool of revisionism, the paper analyzes not only how the writer gives voice and space to the marginalized characters of the epic, subverting the grand narrative, but also depicts 'sisterhood' as an emblem of collective consciousness, defining the essence of human relationships on the one hand, and advocating women empowerment through the process of liberalization on the other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do US democratic allies perceive and adapt to the multiple challenges associated with the rise of multipolarity and the return of major war in Europe? This article examines how two US allies--Canada and Italy--have adapted their defense postures from the professed beginning of the shift in the balance of power in 2008 to Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022. More specifically, it provides a comparison of three major dimensions of defense postures: threat perceptions, patterns of foreign military deployments, and military expenditures. This article argues that both allies have undertaken a shift from liberal interventionism towards a defense posture increasingly geared towards deterrence vis-à-vis Russia. However, the shift did not occur analogously and simultaneously, as the two allies' adjustment was shaped by differing levels of domestic inter-party contestation. This article highlights the extent to which US allies' international security adaptation follows political-party threat perceptions more than the traditional left-right dichotomy. Shared inter-party threat perceptions of great power revisionism are found to shape the degree of defense policy adaptation toward great power competition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

'Feminist logic' may sound like an impossible, incoherent, or irrelevant project, but it is none of these. We begin by delineating three categories into which projects in feminist logic might fall: philosophical logic, philosophy of logic, and pedagogy. We then defuse two distinct objections to the very idea of feminist logic: the irrelevance argument and the independence argument. Having done so, we turn to a particular kind of project in feminist philosophy of logic: Valerie Plumwood's feminist argument for a relevance logic $ (\textsf{L}_{\textsf{Plum}}) $ (L Plum ). Plumwood's work serves as our primary case study as we turn to the project of considering three different ways we might understand her argument and revisionist arguments like it: as a priori theorizing, as ameliorative conceptual engineering, or as instances of anti-exceptionalist approaches to logic. After arguing that the anti-exceptionalist approach seems to provide the most promising means of understanding the kind of project undertaken in a feminist challenge to classical logic, we briefly address the consequences that this might have for logic instruction. Here, we argue for the perhaps unexpected conclusion that feminist programs ought to offer more, not less, instruction in logic for those who take interest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of BRAC: Barcelona, Research, Art, Creation is the property of BRAC: Barcelona, Research, Art, Creation and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Some have viewed the internationally acclaimed blockbuster hit, the Black Panther film, as feminist; meanwhile, others have highlighted its aspects of African culture focusing on its traditional elements and Afrofuturistic aspects. One of the main characters, Actress Lupita Nyong'o, who played Nakia said that Black Panther signifies a balanced representation of women and men, and she later alluded to feminism as she explained the balanced idyllic gender representation between the sexes. This study found that the roles of the leading women characters in this Afrofuturistic film—the top characters were derived from the IMDB's list—represented Africana womanism. The women at the heart of this study are warriors including Nakia, a War Dog of Wakanda; Okoye, the first lieutenant of the Dora Milaje and Ayo, a member; Princess Shuri, the head of Wakanda's technological division; the Queen Mother of Wakanda, Ramonda, who was King T'Challa and Princess Shuri's mother; and the Merchant Tribe Elder and the Mining Tribe Elder of the Wakandan Tribal Council. The egalitarian relationship between the women and the men in the film, and the representation of the women, showed a revisioning of African history in the recreation of an Afrofuturistic present. Thereby, the women's portrayal emerged from the wider egalitanian Wakandan society, which depicted a mythological African utopian nation, and yet, simultaneoulsy reignited an African historical reality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The colonial historiography of Africa renders the continent historyless, oriental, and primitive. This cultural misrepresentation of Africa has dominated Western imagination and influenced the relationship of the West with Africa for a number of decades, while traces of this prejudice still subsist till now. Like other Africanist writings that repudiate jaundiced colonial African historiography, Tade Ipadeola's The Sahara Testaments (2012) offers a literary theorisation for interrogating the historiography through revisionism and temporality. Ipadeola assumes the role of a historical revisionist, making efforts to rectify Western ahistorical perception of Africa through empirical historical events, sites, and panjandrums. He uses the power of poetry to reinvigorate Africa's past, projecting it as a tool to rebuild the future of the continent. As a revisionist, he refuses to accept the traditionalist colonial perspective of African historiography that is pro-West, but calls for a revisit and celebration of Africa's past as a defining moment in the history of a continent relegated to the margins of global economy and development. Drawing on Ipadeola's position, this article contends that Africa's history should reflect triadic temporal linearity, rather than limiting its historical development to then and now, because doing so is self-defeating. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reviews four books that challenge the notion that public schools in American cities are meritocratic institutions. The authors argue that public education perpetuates inequalities of race and class, and that school reform alone cannot address urban inequality. The books explore topics such as suburban schooling, the privatization of urban schooling in New Orleans, and the historical roots of educational inequality in Philadelphia. They offer new perspectives on the relationship between equity and urban education, emphasizing the historical factors that contribute to disparities in urban schools. The authors caution against relying solely on education reform and stress the importance of considering local context and broader social issues in addressing educational inequality. [Extracted from the article]

This study focuses on contemporary cultural projects dealing with the Greek revolutionary event of the 1940s. Empirically, the study examines a growing corpus of different cultural practices dealing with aspects of the Greek 1940s. These cultural practices are viewed as counter-archives and conceptualized using the notion of the proletarian public sphere associated with counter-hegemonic legacies, discourses, narratives, and practices situated in today's Greek political antagonisms. The past is understood to haunt the present in instances when the constitutive violence of hegemonic discourses and institutions unfolds. The projects studied create public presences of subjects and circumstances repressed by the official Greek public sphere. This signifies a production of knowledge from below, beyond what official knowledge regimes foreground and exclude. The projects unfold utopian margins, pointing towards the existence of a living social memory of emancipatory and revolutionary struggles that remain incomplete. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This essay explores the tensions surrounding Afrocentrism in Egypt, exemplified by recent controversies over depictions of Cleopatra in cinematic productions. It examines the clash between Egyptian nationalist narratives and Afrocentric interpretations of ancient Egypt's Black heritage and advocates for a more nuanced understanding of race when navigating complex historical legacies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]