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This study explores differences among African Americans, Latinos, and whites regarding which attributes are most important to being truly American and how these competing conceptions relate to an individual's level of racial animus toward African Americans. Using nationally representative survey data, we first find that Americans of different races vary across six different components of national identity and do so in ways consistent with theorizing on symbolic racism and inter-group conflict. Specifically, Americans place more importance on those components shared with indivduals of the same race. We then analyze how these differing beliefs about national identity influence racial animus. Here, we find robust evidence that individuals who prioritize the ascriptive, exclusive elements of national identity are more racist, while individuals who embrace its most inclusive element are less so. Finally, we reveal that the relationship between conceptions of national identity and racism is moderated substantially by race, and this robust relationship for whites and Latinos is virtually identical. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Latino population explosion is changing the electoral calculus in American politics. But Latino voters are often misunderstood, their heterogeneity underappreciated, the importance of their religious identities overstated, and their political clout ignored because of geographic concentration. In this article, we address these widely held misconceptions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We conducted a community-based randomized controlled trial (RCT) to evaluate the impact of an intervention to promote retirement saving among low- and moderate-income, predominantly Spanish-speaking Hispanics, who do not have access to an employer-sponsored retirement account. Our educational intervention provided participants with key information in Spanish related to financial planning for retirement and made use of "behavioral nudges" to encourage participants to open a government-sponsored retirement saving account, my Retirement Account (myRA). Among 142 participants (70 and 72 in control and treatment groups, respectively), we found a significant Difference in Differences (DD) on the proportion of those who opened a myRA. In the treatment group 14% of participants opened myRA, while none in the control group did. Results from a DD regression showed that after controlling for observable and unobservable characteristics through our design as an RCT, the effect of our intervention was 12%. When we restricted our sample to those participants who had a bank account at some point in the study, we found that the effect of our intervention was higher (17%). We also found that our intervention was effective in increasing self-reported knowledge related to retirement saving and preparedness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Little research has accounted for how the adult children of Latinx im/migrants approach Spanish as part of their ethnoracial identity formation and that of their children. Drawing on interviews with middle-class Latinxs who grew up poor or working-class, I consider the role of language in the social construction of ethnoracial identity among Latinxs by exploring the following questions: (1) How do the adult children of Latinx im/migrants understand bilingualism and the relevance of Spanish for Latinx identity? (2) And what are their perspectives on their own children's engagement with Spanish and bilingualism? Findings show that language ideologies and Latinx panethnicity inform the significance they assign to Spanish, including their desire for their children to develop Spanish linguistic skills, as well as their views on their own bilingualism and that of their children. Their experiences with language ideologies suggest that they consider Spanish a form of linguistic capital relevant to claiming a Latinx identity. Latinx panethnicity can be understood as constituting a situational pressure Latinxs negotiate in their approach to Spanish and bilingualism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Preserving national unity in light of diversity—e pluribus unum—is a challenge in immigrant-receiving nations like the United States We claim that endorsement of this view is structured by the varied bond between ethnic and national identity among immigrant minorities and native majorities, a proposition we test across three studies of US Latinos and whites. Study 1 uses national survey data to show that ethnic and national identity are associated with support for this objective, though in varied ways, among these groups. Studies 2 and 3 sharpen these results experimentally by illuminating the role of elite rhetoric in forging these connections. We show that elite remarks about the (in-)compatibility of ethnic and national identity motivate support for e pluribus unum through the specific attachment it influences. That is, elite rhetoric causes shifts in ethnic or national identity, which then asymmetrically shapes support for e pluribus unum among Latinos and whites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Negative elite and news media attention to Latino‐relevant issues, particularly undocumented immigration, has dramatically increased in recent years, potentially stigmatizing attributes of Latinos such as immigration status and language use. Concomitantly, immigration policy changes were leading to widespread arrests and deportation of many Latinos. Herein, we ask two questions: First, to what extent do Latinos perceive and experience discrimination? Second, to what extent do immigration status, generational status, and language use moderate beliefs about discrimination? Using Pew National Survey of Latinos data, we find that Latino beliefs about the problem of discrimination is a decreasing function of "proximity" to the "canonical immigrant"—defined here as first‐generation immigrants who are Spanish‐language dominant. Further, we demonstrate that reported rates of victimization due to discrimination exhibit no clear pattern and are flat over time. We conclude by demonstrating that discrimination beliefs have significant implications for systemic trust, anxiety, and policy preferences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

National discourse about immigration in the United States has become increasingly unwelcoming. In two studies, we examine whether regional‐level (state) information about welcoming (vs. unwelcoming) immigrant policies in the context of either stable or increasing rate of immigration can influence intergroup relations in receiving communities. Among Whites (Study 1), welcoming policy proposals elicited more positive attitudes toward immigrants generally and toward Latinos, the ethnic group most closely associated with immigration in the United States, but only when rate of immigration is constant. In contrast, among Latinos (Study 2), an unwelcoming reception led to more positive attitudes toward immigrants (legal and undocumented) but again only when rate of immigration is constant. Asians' attitudes (Study 2) toward immigrants were not affected by contextual information about immigration. Together, these findings suggest that local conditions can affect community members' attitudes toward immigrants and toward specific ethnic groups associated with immigration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prominent theories of the US racial order contend that phenotypically light Latina/os will elevate to an honorary White category as a result of their socio-economic advantages over darker Latina/os. Accordingly, light Latina/os are presumed to adopt colour-blind racial ideology to cement their elevated racial status. This study is among the first to examine the relationship between skintone and Latina/os’ colour-blind ideology adherence with nationally representative data. I examine these relationships with data from the 2006 Portraits of American Life Study, and test the robustness of findings across two alternative national data sets: the 2014 General Social Survey, and the 2006 Latino National Survey. Across data sets, different measurement approaches, and time periods, this study finds no evidence that skintone shapes Latina/os’ levels of colour-blind ideology adherence. The study concludes by considering why the racial ideology of light Latina/os is non-concordant with their elevated socio-economic status in relation to darker Latina/os. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study's motivating premise is that the ideological context around race, ethnicity, and nationhood shapes the immigration politics of Mexican Americans in distinct eras of U.S. history. To examine this proposition we identify two cohorts of Mexican Americans--those who came of age in the World War II era and those who grew up during and after the Civil Rights movement--and examine whether there are systematic differences in how members of these cohorts interpret immigration issues. In line with our expectations, group consciousness predicts the attitudes of the Civil Rights cohort, but not of those in the World War II cohort. Furthermore, the predictive power of generational status--a centerpiece of assimilation-based analyses of Latinos' immigration attitudes--ceases after the second generation. Together, these findings support our argument that Mexican Americans' position on the immigration debate is not simply a function of varied levels of assimilation or group attachments, but is also shaped by the national ideological context around immigration in the United States. Our work provides the most comprehensive analysis of Mexican Americans' immigration attitudes to date, filling gaps for scholars interested in the effects of assimilation, group consciousness, and temporal effects on Latino public opinion. This work also highlights the need to incorporate temporal measures into research on Latinos' complex relationship to co-ethnic immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While some research has examined differences in perceptions of police among minorities and Whites, most of this research has focused on race rather than ethnicity. The dearth of research on ethnic minorities’ perceptions of police is striking given recent increases in the number of ethnic minorities in the U.S., particularly Hispanics. Some research suggests that Hispanics have more negative views of the police than Whites. The present study compares perceptions of police among Hispanic and White respondents. I focus specifically on perceptions of procedural justice and police legitimacy, as well as the impact of these perceptions on willingness to cooperate with police. Analysis of data from a sample of arrestees in Arizona (n = 1549) reveals no significant differences in perceptions of procedural justice and police legitimacy between Hispanic and White respondents. Procedural justice has a significant, positive effect on legitimacy, but the operationalization of legitimacy was found to have significant implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: This study is aimed at examining energy‐related behavioral intention among Hispanics in the United States. It examines the role of nationality and geographic location, as well as informational and attitudinal factors. Method: The study used survey data from the University of Texas at Austin Energy Poll. Data were analyzed using ANOVA and regressions analysis. Results: Results show that Hispanics overall in the West had higher levels of intention to save energy than those in any other region, while there is no clear pattern indicating that intentions to save energy were linked to Hispanics' ethnic groups. Besides information dissemination and various measures of environmental concern, belief and interest were strongly related to energy‐related behavioral intentions. Conclusions: Findings contribute to the understanding of Hispanics’ energy behaviors, concluding that environmentalism and information dissemination are important predictors of behavioral intention within the Hispanic population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although culture-based measurement bias threatens the validity of intergroup comparison research, measurement invariance is often assumed rather than demonstrated by researchers who draw conclusions about cross-cultural similarities or differences. The current article investigates the cross-cultural invariance of a popular measure of perfectionism, the Frost Multidimensional Perfectionism Scale (F-MPS; Frost, Marten, Lahart, & Rosenblate, 1990) for a Hispanic/Latina sample. Perfectionism, which encompasses high goal setting and sensitivity to critical evaluation, is a transdiagnostic risk factor for internalizing psychopathology that especially warrants focus among groups burdened by mental health disparities. Multiple samples were used in a series of analyses to construct a baseline first-order measurement model and test for cross-group equivalence. For model development, confirmatory factor analyses (CFAs) were used with 320 female participants (Mage = 19.61 years) who identified primarily (n = 301) as European/European American. Measurement invariance testing was conducted with multigroup CFAs using another sample of female adults (n = 574; Mage = 21.21 years), identifying either as European/European American (n = 217) or Hispanic/Latina/Latin American (n = 357). Evidence was found for invariance across the revised F-MPS factor structure, pattern of factor loadings, and factor variances/covariances. Results indicate that predictive relationships may be compared across these groups, but caution is suggested when interpreting raw mean score differences due to intercept nonequivalence. Further, second-order model testing demonstrated support for the bidimensional model of perfectionism cross-culturally. Future research on perfectionism within the Latino/a population is encouraged using this equivalent item set. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Spanish-speaking Latinos account for 13% of the U.S. population yet are chronically under-represented in national surveys; additionally, the response quality suffers from low literacy rates and translation challenges. These are the same issues that health communicators face when understanding how best to communicate important health information to Latinos. The Health Information National Trends Survey (HINTS) offers a unique opportunity to understand the health communication landscape and information needs of the U.S.Population: We describe the challenges in recruiting Spanish-speaking HINTS respondents and strategies used to improve rates and quality of responses among Spanish-speaking Latinos. Cognitive interviewing techniques helped to better understand how Spanish-speaking Latinos were interpreting the survey questions, and the extent to which these interpretations matched English-speaking respondents' interpretations. Some Spanish-speaking respondents had difficulty with the questions because of a lack of access to health care. Additionally, Spanish-speaking respondents had a particularly hard time answering questions that were presented in a grid format. We describe the cognitive interview process, and consider the impact of format changes on Spanish-speaking people's responses and response quality. We discuss challenges that remain in understanding health information needs of non-English-speakers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Volunteerism makes critical contributions to individual lives and society as a whole. However, to date, few studies have investigated volunteerism within Latino communities, a large and growing US population. The aim of this study was to understand how non-metropolitan US Latinos perceive volunteerism, as well as to determine what motivates and what deters their participation in volunteer programs. Our research team conducted six focus groups with 36 Latina women living in the State of Illinois. The focus groups covered topics such as the definition of volunteerism, participation motives and barriers, personal volunteer experience, and Latino culture, community, and organizations. We also assessed demographic information. Results from this study indicate that Latinas have a unique understanding of the concept of volunteerism. Participants associated everyday 'helping' with volunteerism, establishing commonplace forms of aid as perhaps a 'Latino way of volunteering.' We found time-consuming activities such as family responsibilities and work to be deterrents to Latinas participating in more formal volunteer activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective. Despite the Latino electorate's increased political importance and their prominence among the uninsured population, there has been relatively little research focused on Latinos' political attitudes, particularly in the substantively important area of health policy. We examine the foundations of Latino registered voters support for universal healthcare with a particular focus on the relationship between linked fate (a form of group identity) and support for expansion of health coverage to a wider segment of the population. We theorize that the obstacles to healthcare and health coverage the Latino community faces makes health policy a Latino-salient policy area where group identity becomes relevant. Methods. We use the Latino Decisions "100 Days" 2009 survey of Latino registered voters for our analysis, an ideal data set that provides a measure of linked fate, support for universal healthcare, and several key control variables. Results. Our findings show that linked fate is a significant predictor of Latino registered voters' support for expansion of health-care coverage, suggesting that healthcare is a salient policy for the Latino community. Conclusions. Despite being a tremendously diverse population, our results suggest that Latino policy preferences can be influenced by an underlying sense of group identity when the policy area cues ethnic identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Past evidence has documented that attitudes toward marriage and cohabitation are related to sexual behavior in adolescence and young adulthood. This study extends prior research by longitudinally testing these associations across racial/ethnic groups and investigating whether culturally relevant variations within racial/ethnic minority groups, such as skin tone (i.e., lightness/darkness of skin color), are linked to attitudes toward marriage and cohabitation and sex. Drawing on family and public health literatures and theories, as well as burgeoning skin tone literature, it was hypothesized that more positive attitudes toward marriage and negative attitudes toward cohabitation would be associated with less risky sex, and that links differed for lighter and darker skin individuals. The sample included 6872 respondents (49.6 % female; 70.0 % White; 15.8 % African American; 3.3 % Asian; 10.9 % Hispanic) from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health. The results revealed that marital attitudes had a significantly stronger dampening effect on risky sexual behavior of lighter skin African Americans and Asians compared with their darker skin counterparts. Skin tone also directly predicted number of partners and concurrent partners among African American males and Asian females. We discuss theoretical and practical implications of these findings for adolescence and young adulthood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholarship in the area of group identity has expanded our understanding of how group consciousness and linked fate operate among racial and ethnic minority populations in the United States. What is yet to be tested is whether the measures employed adequately capture the multidimensional theoretical constructs associated with group consciousness across racial and ethnic populations. To address this question, we make use of the 2004 National Political Study (N = 3,339) and apply principal components analysis and exploratory factor analysis to assess whether measures used for both group consciousness and linked fate are interchangeable, as well as whether these measures are directly comparable across racial and ethnic populations. We find that the multidimensional approach to measuring group consciousness is a sound strategy when applied to African Americans, as the dimensions fit the African American experience more powerfully than is the case for non-Hispanic whites, Hispanics, and Asian populations. Our analysis suggests that scholars interested in exploring group identity among the African American population have fewer analytical concerns in this regard than those working with other populations where the underlying components associated with group consciousness appear to be operating differently. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

African-Americans have been understood to be on the wrong side of the 'digital divide'. Yet, African-Americans exhibit high rates of cell phone usage. This study attempts to explain this trend by applying a social shaping of technology approach. High rates by African-Americans are hypothesized to be powered by the cultural expectations of communicating with family and friends. Using nationally representative data, several conclusions were drawn. First, African-Americans have higher rates of cell phone usage for calling and texting, but not Internet usage. This holds after controlling for various factors associated with cell phone usage. Second, there is evidence that the high rate of usage by Hispanics is also grounded in cultural expectations. Finally, race and family structure interact to produce high rates of phone calling, but do not interact to produce high rates of texting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies focusing on black–Latino intergroup perceptions in zero-sum environments (e.g., jobs) have found little perceived outgroup discrimination or a tendency for each group to perceive the injustices faced by the other group. In contrast, we examine the non-zero-sum criminal justice domain. Although we find some asymmetry—that is, blacks are somewhat more likely to see discrimination toward Latinos than vice-versa, we mainly find both groups acknowledge the discrimination faced by the other disadvantaged group, especially those who feel closely linked to the fate of their own group. Under such circumstances, blacks and Latinos recognize a common sense of deprivation and discrimination and are likely to regard the other group as facing comparable victimization, potentially seeing the other group as a coalition partner for remediating mutual concerns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives Colorectal cancer (CRC) screening continues to be underused, particularly by Latinos. CRC and colonoscopy fear, worry, and fatalism have been identified as screening barriers in Latinos. The study purpose was to examine the relationship of optimism, fatalism, worry, and fear in the context of Latinos referred for CRC screening. Methods Our sample included 251 Latinos between the ages of 50 and 83 years who had no personal or immediate family history of CRC, no personal history of gastrointestinal disorder, no colonoscopy in the past 5 years, and received a referral for a colonoscopy. Face-to-face interviews were performed, and data were analyzed using regression models. Results Greater optimism ( β = −1.72, p < 0.000), lower fatalism ( β = 0.29, p < 0.01), and absence of family history of cancer ( β = 1, p < 0.01) were associated with decreased worry about the colonoscopy. Being female ( β = 0.85, p < 0.05) and born in the USA ( β = 1.1, p < 0.01) were associated with greater worry about colonoscopy and the possibility of having CRC. Family history of cancer ( β = 2.6, p < 0.01), female gender ( β = 2.9, p < 0.000), not following the doctor's advice ( β = 2.7, p < 0.01), and putting off medical problems ( β = 1.9, p < 0.05) were associated with greater fear. In the multiple regression model, lower optimism ( β = −0.09, p < 0.05), higher fatalism ( β = 0.28, p < 0.01), and female gender ( β = 0.9, p < 0.05) were associated with greater worry. Conclusions Interventions that address fatalism and promote optimistic beliefs may reduce worry among Latinos referred for colonoscopy. Interventions that alleviate colonoscopy fear because of family history of cancer particularly among Latino women may help improve distress about CRC screening. Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to investigate cultural variations in the qualities that White Americans and Hispanic Americans believe power-holders should embody, and the situations in which these norms influence consumer satisfaction. Design/methodology/approach – Two experimental studies (n1=130 and n2=121) and one field study (n=241) were conducted with White American and Hispanic participants. Results were analysed using ANOVA and regression. Findings – White Americans are predisposed to apply to power-holders injunctive norms of treating others justly and equitably, whereas Hispanics are predisposed to apply injunctive norms of treating others compassionately. These cultural variations in the use of injunctive norms were more evident in business or service contexts in which power was made salient, and emerged in the norms more likely to be endorsed by White American and Hispanic participants (Study 1), their approval of hypothetical negotiators who treated suppliers equitably or compassionately (Study 2), and their evaluations of powerful service providers in a real-life, on-going and consequential interaction (Study 3). Research limitations/implications – This research suggests key implications for our theoretical understanding of the role of social norms in carrying cultural patterns, as well as for cross-cultural theories of consumer satisfaction with service providers. Practical implications – Marketers should pay attention to signals of fairness (compassion) in their services, as perceptions of fairness (compassion) by White American (Hispanic) consumers can boost satisfaction ratings. This is particularly important in service encounters that might be characterized by power differentials, such as those in health care and financial services. Originality/value – As consumer markets grow more culturally diverse, it is important for marketers to understand how distinct notions of power impact the attitudes and behaviors of consumers from different cultures. This research investigates the implications of distinct power concepts for multi-cultural consumers’ evaluations of service providers, an important and under-researched area with implications for global service management. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Approximately 8 million Latinos in the United States are undocumented immigrants, nearly half of whom are parents to a minor. Concerns over deportation may affect the way families with undocumented members perceive legal authorities relative to documented immigrant families. Yet, there have been few studies on how Latinos (documented or undocumented) interact with, and form attitudes about, police and no studies on adjudicated youth from families with an undocumented member. To address this gap, 155 pairs (N = 310) of Latina immigrant mothers and their first-time offending sons were interviewed. More than half of the mothers, and 12.3% of youth, were undocumented residents. Controlling for key contextual factors, youth whose mothers were undocumented held more negative attitudes toward the police than youth whose mothers were documented. Youth, however, did not perceive judges differently based on mother's documentation status, suggesting that documentation status relates to police specifically rather than justice system attitudes broadly. The same pattern was noted when considering youth's own documentation status. Because negative attitudes toward police have been associated with decreased reports of victimization and other crimes, policy related to undocumented immigration should consider the unintended effects of such laws. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the Supreme Court's use of social science research in Furman v. Georgia, numerous studies have examined the factors affecting support for the death penalty. Although it is known that the death penalty continues to have strong support in the United States, it remains unclear how the rise in media coverage of wrongful convictions and the increasing number of Hispanics in the United States will affect opinions of and support for the death penalty. Using a sample of students at a predominantly Hispanic university, this study explores the effect of exposure to information on wrongful convictions on opinions about the death penalty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current study focuses on pro-violent attitudes among Latino males in the context of the assimilation experience. Through the use of an Internet-based survey, I measured sociodemographic characteristics, level of acculturation, and cultural attitudes (norms) toward violence. The study utilizes the segmented assimilation perspective as a theoretical framework to explain the nature of relationships between pro-violence and acculturative factors. The findings indicate that male superiority and perceptions of overall mistreatment by mainstream society were significant factors predicting the likelihood of support for the use of violence in this sample of Latino males. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study utilized a social identity-based cultivation approach to investigate the influence of English and Spanish-language television exposure in the United States on Latinos' perceptions of intergroup relations. Although research has examined the influence of television on Whites' perceptions of nondominant racial and ethnic groups, little empirical research exists assessing the influence of television on nondominant group members' (e.g., Latinos') race-related perceptions. To help fill this gap, a survey of Latino Americans (N = 209) was conducted. Results indicated that Latinos' English-language television exposure was associated with perceptions of discrimination against Latinos and perceptions of the legitimacy of such treatment. Endorsement of English-language television portrayals and exposure to Spanish-language television moderated these relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using original survey data from the Cooperative Congressional Election Survey (CCES), we examine variation in racial and ethnic group and partisan attitudes toward legislators and representation. Respondents were asked about their views on descriptive representation, its importance for their own elected official, and whether it was important to have more descriptive representatives in general. Using respondents’ personal characteristics such as education, partisanship, race, ethnicity, income, and race and ethnicity of their House of Representatives member, we analyze the impact of these variables on attitudes toward representation. We find that Latino and Black respondents place a high level of importance on having descriptive representatives in their own districts in addition to articulating a high degree of importance to having more representatives from their respective group. However, Latino Republicans place less importance on descriptive representation overall than Latino non-Republican respondents. Non-Latino Republicans also place importance on more legislators of their same race or ethnicity. The findings have implications for democratic governance as the demographics of the United States rapidly changes. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Using three national surveys from the Great Recession period in America, I demonstrate two aspects of group-based political attitudes beyond citizens’ partisanship preferences: (1) the economic scapegoating of African Americans by whites during the recession and (2) Latinos’ and African Americans’ use of their marginalized economic status as a lens for understanding how mortgage companies and bankers treated their communities during the downturn. I also discuss the broad impact of disparate economic opinions on citizens’ political outlook for the future. The key patterns of political attitudes are shown to be remarkably consistent from 2009 to 2012. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This study examines the extent that Latinos’ sense of social, economic, and political power shapes their perceptions of commonality with blacks and whites. In accordance with my theory, which builds on the racial threat and group position theories, I find that Latinos’ sense of power structures their perceptions of blacks and whites. When native-born Latinos feel economically threatened, they are less likely to perceive commonality with blacks. When native-born Latinos gain some political influence, they identify less with whites. Among Latino immigrants who perceive discrimination, residing in a high-threat economic setting is negatively related to perceiving commonality with whites. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper examines the experiences of Latino adults in South Phoenix, Arizona, during a time of changing immigration policy, through the theoretical lenses of structural vulnerability and macro- and microaggression. The analyses describe how U.S.- and foreign-born Latinos experience the effects of local immigration laws and anti-immigrant sentiment. The results suggest that while there are differences between the U.S.-born and foreign-born in perceived impacts of immigration enforcement, there are few differences in perceptions of vulnerability and no evidence of lesser psychological distress among those who are not the direct targets of immigration enforcement activities. Even if they do not feel directly at risk, most respondents express concerns for family members and others in their social networks as a result of increased attention to immigration enforcement or anti-immigrant sentiment. These shared impacts may have long-term implications for Latino communities in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much of the protest literature has examined the policy consequences of social protests. Few studies focus on the effect of social protests on public opinion. We examine the impact of the 2006 immigration protests on the saliency of immigration among Latinos. The 2006 Latino National Survey was in the field before and after the protests began, creating a natural experiment. Using these data, we discover protests increased Latinos' perception of undocumented immigration as the most important problem facing Latinos. Furthermore, our analysis shows that the effect of protest was not uniform across the population but rather contingent on individuals' characteristics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to summarize research about Hispanic workers in the USA and identifies directions for future research. Design/methodology/approach – The paper identifies, analyze, and summarize 112 peer reviewed publications that deal with Hispanic workers in the USA. Findings – The findings are grouped into major categories that deal with prejudice, discrimination, and diversity; job-related attitudes and behaviors; job search and careers; the interface with gender, sexual harassment and work/family issues. The paper report the 53 most prevalent and well-supported findings. Research limitations/implications – Given the paucity of research about Hispanics in the workplace, the conclusions derived from this literature review should be interpreted with caution. Originality/value – A literature review of Hispanic workers in the USA has not been conducted to date. This review sets identifies the need for several areas of research in relation to Hispanic workers in the USA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study tests a comprehensive model linking Grey’s Anatomy viewing and perceived realism of this program with organ donation knowledge, barriers—including medical mistrust, disgust, bodily integrity, and superstition—and subsequent organ donation attitudes. In addition to testing the hypothesized structural model, ethnic differences were examined by way of (a) the multigroup method to test for differences in path coefficients, (b) multivariate analysis of variance to examine differences among the study variables, and (c) χ2 tests to assess differences in organ donation registrations among African Americans (n = 200), Caucasians (n = 200), and Latinos (n = 200). Support for the overall structural model was found and various differences emerged among the African American, Caucasian, and Latino sample across study variables. The results from this research are discussed with an emphasis on the theoretical and practical implications. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Background Major depressive disorder is highly prevalent among Latinos with limited English language proficiency in the United States. Although major depressive disorder is highly treatable, barriers to depression treatment have historically prevented Latinos with limited English language proficiency from accessing effective interventions. The project seeks to evaluate the efficacy of behavioral activation treatment for depression, an empirically supported treatment for depression, as an intervention that may address some of the disparities surrounding the receipt of efficacious mental health care for this population. Methods/design Following a pilot study of behavioral activation treatment for depression with 10 participants which yielded very promising results, the current study is a randomized control trial testing behavioral activation treatment for depression versus a supportive counseling treatment for depression. We are in the process of recruiting 60 Latinos with limited English language proficiency meeting criteria for major depressive disorder according to the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders 4th and 5th Edition for participation in a single-center efficacy trial. Participants are randomized to receive 10 sessions of behavioral activation treatment for depression (n = 30) or 10 sessions of supportive counseling (n = 30). Assessments occur prior to each session and at 1 month after completing treatment. Intervention targets include depressive symptomatology and the proposed mechanisms of behavioral activation treatment for depression: activity level and environmental reward. We will also examine other factors related to treatment outcome such as treatment adherence, treatment satisfaction, and therapeutic alliance. Discussion This randomized controlled trial will allow us to determine the efficacy of behavioral activation treatment for depression in a fast-growing, yet highly underserved population in US mental health services. The study is also among the first to examine the effect of the proposed mechanisms of change of behavioral activation treatment for depression (that is, activity level and environmental reward) on depression over time. To our knowledge, this is the first randomized controlled trial to compare an empirical-supported treatment to a control supportive counseling condition in a sample of depressed, Spanish-speaking Latinos in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent decades, Evangelical churches in the United States have expanded their outreach to Latino immigrants, seeking to incorporate these new Americans into their churches. We investigate the implications of this movement by examining the impact of church affiliation on Latino immigrants’ conceptions of what it means to be “fully American.” Relying on the 2006 Latino National Survey, we find that church affiliation significantly impacts immigrants’ beliefs about what it means to “be American” in the eyes of other Americans and the likelihood of identifying themselves as “American.” Specifically, Protestant Latinos (be they mainline or Evangelical) are more likely than Catholic Latinos (the majority of Latinos) to identify as American and to believe that Americans think being a Christian is a defining feature of American identity. We conclude by discussing the implications of our findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article utilizes data from the Latino National Survey (2006) to analyze temporal and spatial variation in the effects of the immigrant rights marches in 2006 on Latino attitudes towards trust in government and self-efficacy. Using a unique protest dataset, we examine the effects of proximity and scale by mapping respondents' specific geographic location against the location of the marches as well as size of the protests using Geographic Information Systems (GIS). We find that local proximity to small marches had a positive impact on feelings of efficacy, whereas large-scale protests led to lower feelings of efficacy. The results shed light on the role localized political events can play in shaping feelings towards government, the importance of conceptions of space and time to the study of social movements, and the positive outcomes that can result from contentious politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent research has taken note of the steadfast growth of the Latino population in the United States by examining Latino attitudes toward those commonly identified as nonimmigrants, Whites and Blacks. Extant literature on Latino racial attitudes explores the determinants of Latinos’ perceptions of commonality with Whites and Blacks, yet it has greatly overlooked the impact that skin tone, a key differentiating factor of Latinos, has in explaining these attitudes. Using the 2006 Latino National Survey, we develop models that examine the extent that skin tone explains Latinos’ commonality with Whites and Blacks. We find that self-reported skin tone considerably explains Latinos’ attitudes toward Whites and Blacks with light-skinned Latinos sensing greater commonality with Whites and less commonality with Blacks than dark-skinned Latinos. We also find that skin tone moderates the relationship between linked fate with Latinos and closeness with Whites and the relationship between social contact and closeness with Blacks and Whites. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The present study evaluates the personal values reported by a sample of New York Hispanic residents using an open evaluation format in which the participants identified and prioritized their personal values. Four hundred and forty-five participants were assigned to one of three groups: Young (n= 159), Adult (n= 168) and Senior (n= 118). The values reported were categorized into post-materialist, materialist or non-classifiable. The Percentage Difference Index between post-materialist and materialist values was calculated in order to determine the value profile for each age group. The results showed that reports of personal values and values attributed to the participants' own generation were similar in Adult and Senior groups, but were very different in the Young Group, with a differential report of post-materialist values. Furthermore, exposure to American culture did not appear to have a significant effect on the reported values of NYC Hispanics. To confirm these findings, we need to conduct additional studies with larger samples of culturally diverse populations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented which discusses the essays within the issue on the theme of public opinion on topics including exit polls, the role of public opinion in public policy and Hispanic Americans' attitudes towards the U.S. government.

Abstract: Young children''s expected social behaviors develop within particular cultural contexts and contribute to their academic experience in large part through their relationships with their teachers. Commonly used measures focus on children''s problem behaviors, developed from psychopathology traditions, and rarely situate normative and positive behaviors in context. Building from the literature on parenting goals and socialization expectations in Latino families and a preliminary ethnographic study (Proyecto Educando Niños), we constructed a survey in English and Spanish that measures the expected social behaviors of Mexican-heritage children, ages 3–6 years, using parent and teacher reports. Use of the BEAR Assessment System facilitated the refinement of this instrument to assess the socialization of young, Mexican American children. We report on the psychometric properties of the Mexican American Socialization (MAS) Scale, utilizing item-response theory. Analyses indicate the MAS Scale is reliable and an ecologically valid indicator of multiple constructs of the expected social behaviors of young Mexican American children. In particular, the 41-item Bien Educado subscale showed good reliability and is consistent with socialization constructs described in the literature. Implications for research and practice are discussed. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Research has demonstrated that white conservative Protestants are more opposed to abortion than their Catholic counterparts. At the same time, conservative Protestantism has made significant inroads among U.S. Latinos. This study augments existing research on religion and racial-ethnic variations in abortion attitudes by comparing levels of support for legalized abortion among Catholic and conservative Protestant Latinos. Data are drawn from a nationally representative sample of U.S. Latinos. Significantly greater opposition to abortion is found among religiously devout conservative Protestant Latinos when compared with their Catholic counterparts. Latino Catholicism, which functions as a near-monopolistic, highly institutionalized faith tradition among Hispanics, produces weaker antiabortion attitudes than those exhibited in Latino conservative Protestantism. Among Latinos, conservative Protestantism operates as a niche voluntaristic faith. These factors produce a religious schema that yields robust antiabortion attitudes. This study has important implications for understanding the intersection of race-ethnicity, religion, and public policy preferences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective In recent years, immigration has become a central focus of political scrutiny. Much of the negativity directed toward the largely Mexican immigrant population asserts that they do not wish to learn English and acclimate to the dominant culture of the United States. Very little research, however, has explored how Mexican immigrants or Mexican Americans assess the value of English proficiency. Methods Utilizing the Survey of Texas Adults, we examine attitudes regarding the importance of English. We explore the attitudes of Mexican-origin persons compared to other racial/ethnic groups, as well as explore within-group differences based on citizenship, nativity, and language use. Results Our findings reveal the high importance that Spanish speakers, as well as many non- U. S. citizen Mexican immigrants, place on English proficiency. Furthermore, the results indicate that Spanish speakers are actually most likely to stress the importance of English. Conclusions Our research contradicts accounts of the largely Spanish-speaking Mexican immigrant population as not valuing the English language. In so doing, our work contributes to larger scholarly efforts to better understand immigrants in general and Mexican immigrants in particular. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective In recent years, immigration has become a central focus of political scrutiny. Much of the negativity directed toward the largely Mexican immigrant population asserts that they do not wish to learn English and acclimate to the dominant culture of the United States. Very little research, however, has explored how Mexican immigrants or Mexican Americans assess the value of English proficiency. Methods Utilizing the Survey of Texas Adults, we examine attitudes regarding the importance of English. We explore the attitudes of Mexican-origin persons compared to other racial/ethnic groups, as well as explore within-group differences based on citizenship, nativity, and language use. Results Our findings reveal the high importance that Spanish speakers, as well as many non- U. S. citizen Mexican immigrants, place on English proficiency. Furthermore, the results indicate that Spanish speakers are actually most likely to stress the importance of English. Conclusions Our research contradicts accounts of the largely Spanish-speaking Mexican immigrant population as not valuing the English language. In so doing, our work contributes to larger scholarly efforts to better understand immigrants in general and Mexican immigrants in particular. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]