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Det er av stor interesse å kunne måle presist hvordan den typiske avgangsalderen utvikler seg på samfunnsnivå og hvordan den eventuelt varierer mellom grupper på individnivå. I denne artikkelen redegjør vi for ulike fremgangsmåter for å måle individers tidspunkt for avgang fra yrkeslivet. Eksemplene er hentet fra nyere internasjonal og norsk forskning. Videre sammenlikner vi resultater fra to operasjonaliseringer av avgangstidspunkt basert på henholdsvis surveydata og registeropplysninger. Vi finner at samsvaret er stort på aggregert nivå, mens det er langt svakere på individnivå med betydelige systematiske forskjeller i samsvaret mellom ulike kategorier av yrkesaktive.

Hvordan forløper overgangen fra et liv som yrkesaktiv til en tilværelse som fulltids pensjonist utenfor det betalte arbeidsmarkedet i dagens Norge? Spørsmålet belyses i denne rapporten som presenterer funn fra prosjektet «Overgangen mellom arbeid og pensjon – forståelse av pensjoneringsatferd». Målsettingen til prosjektet, som er gjennomført på oppdrag fra Senter for seniorpolitikk, har vært å få en bedre forståelse av overgangsprosessen og av hvilke forhold som bidrar til ulike typer yrkesavgangsløp.

Den norske studien av livsløp, aldring og generasjon (NorLAG) er en tverrfaglig og longitudinell studie om aldring og eldre i Norge. De samme individene (født i årene 1922–1966) følges over tid gjennom ulike livsfaser, overganger og hendelser i andre halvdel av livet. Så langt er det gjennomført tre runder med innsamling av surveydata (i 2002, 2007 og 2017). Surveydataene er koblet til registeropplysninger som oppdateres årlig i inntil fem år etter hver survey. Denne rapporten gir en oversikt over bakgrunnen for studien, utvalgene i de tre rundene med datainnsamling, forskningsinstrumentene som brukes, og de årlige registerdataene. NorLAG-dataene er tilgjengelige for forskning og undervisning gjennom Sikt: https://norlag.nsd.no/

Denne rapporten presenterer funn fra kompetanse- og samarbeidsprosjektet ExitAge. Bakgrunnen er hevingen av aldersgrensen for stillingsvern i 2015. Prosjektet belyser de eldste yrkesaktive og virksomheters håndtering av avgangsalder og aldersgrenser: Hva kjennetegner de eldste seniorene? Hvordan forholder virksomheter seg til sine eldste ansatte og til aldersgrensen? Har endringen av aldersgrensen gitt problemer eller nye muligheter?

Det er gjennomført en survey til alle landets kommuner, samt dokumentstudier av planer og intervjuer i fem kommuner. Hovedobservasjonene er at mange kommuner opplever befolkningsaldring som en hovedutfordring, og at av de som har en kommunedelplan for folkehelse, er det få som omtaler tiltak rettet endringer i eldrebefolkningen.

This state of the art report is commissioned by the Ministry of Children, Equality and Social Inclusion. It summarises Norwegian and international research on the relationships between family generations, and identifies knowledge gaps and recommendations for future research in this area. The report is organised in three sections: Part 1: The family in society and in the lives of individuals, Part 2: Solidarity and exchange between the generations, Part 3: Resources and new risks – knowledge and knowledge gaps. Part 1: Introduction: The family in society and in the lives of individuals Is the modern family in crisis and family generations in conflict, as often stated in media and public discourse? What are myths and what are realities? Other social institutions, such as public education and the welfare state, may have taken over many of the tasks that earlier were the family’s responsibilities. However, the modern family is not reduced to an isolated nuclear family, with only few or weak ties to the older generation(s), as suggested by Parsons in the 1950s. The “modified extended family” is still a reality. Grandparents help out when children and grandchildren are in need. Adult children – many seniors themselves– contribute to the care of their older parents. Moreover, there is still considerable exchange of company, comfort, and money between family generations. Part 1 maps out the structure and demography of the modern Norwegian family, and illustrates how family structures and relationships have changed over time. The intergenerational solidarity model is then presented as a conceptual tool for analysing intergenerational family relationships. Here solidarity is seen as played out along several dimensions: socially (contact), emotionally (emotional closeness or conflict), functionally (mutual help), and normatively (duty, obligations). Part 2: Solidarity and exchanges between the generations Part 2 summarises research on each of the above-mentioned dimensions. In general, our review of Norwegian research reveal considerable intergenerational family solidarity and a remarkable stability over time. The majority of older parents have frequent contact with their adult children. More than 60 per cent meet at least weekly. Only a few live together with adult children today – fewer than earlier, and considerably fewer then in more family-oriented countries and welfare states in Southern and Eastern Europe. Most do, however, have children living close by, although not under the same roof. This seems to be in accordance with the ideals of both generations: Close, but not too close. Relationships are reported to be emotionally close by a majority, but more so by parents than by children, in line with the “developmental stake hypothesis”. Normative solidarity also seems to be quite robust, but finds new ways of being played out, in forms and manners that are easier to combine with modern lives and practices, including women’s (daughters’) paid occupation. Data from the Norwegian Life-course, Ageing and Generation Study (NorLAG) shows that normative solidarity, as indicated by filial responsibility norms, may have declined over the last decade, but whether the change represents a persisting trend, or a temporal fluctuation, is so far not clear. Help exchanges usually flow from parents to children most of life, but directions tend to change beyond 70-75, when children often become net help providers. In general, the family takes a greater and more direct responsibility in countries with a more collectivist family culture and a less developed welfare state. However, men and women are just as likely, or even more likely, to be involved in family care (such as grandchild and parent care) in Scandinavian welfare states, but then often in less intensive forms, and usually as a supplement, not an alternative, to the welfare state. Part 3: Resources and new risks – knowledge and knowledge gaps. Part 3 looks ahead and identifies knowledge gaps and the need for future research. The modern family takes many forms, all with an equal right to be respected. Part of the variation is rooted in migration from other countries and cultures. We know currently little about whether, and how, families with immigrant background will adapt to Norwegian patterns. New family forms and relations are becoming more common, including cohabitation, same sex partnerships and marriages, as well as step relationships. These developments illustrate that the family is quite flexible, and as such quite strong, but new family forms may also represent new risks and vulnerabilities. For example, increasing divorce rates are found to weaken intergenerational solidarity, in particular vis-ö -vis fathers. The report points to four areas in need of research: The interplay (of responsibilities and practices) between the family and the welfare state, the conflict between commitments to family and work, the challenges of multicultural families, and family vulnerability and risks more generally. For each issue, gender equality should be addressed. There is also a need for more knowledge about family solidarity and social inequality. Our knowledge about family generations in Norway needs to be updated. Longitudinal studies, where persons and families are followed over time, are of particular importance. We know too little about what drives families and family relationships, including the relative role of norms and attachments, needs and self-interest. Moreover, better knowledge about family generations may help us to understand the relationship between generations at the societal level, the so-called generational contract, which is the very fundament that both families and welfare states are grounded on. Familien er samfunnets grunnenhet, der livet starter og slutter. Det er via familien vi innlemmes og integreres i samfunnet, og det er herfra nye generasjoner kommer til og fornyer familier og samfunn. Dette er evige og universelle oppgaver som alle samfunn må finne ordninger for, men det kan gjøres på mange måter, med store variasjoner med hensyn til hvem og hva som kjennetegner familien, hvilke rettigheter og plikter som knytter seg til familiegenerasjonene, og hvilke oppgaver familien har for individer og samfunn. På oppdrag fra Barne-, likestillings- og inkluderingsdepartementet har NOVA utarbeidet en kunnskapsstatus om generasjonsforskning. Denne rapporten oppsummerer norsk og internasjonal forskning om familiegenerasjoner og identifiserer kunnskapshull og behov for videre forskning.

Lengre liv gjør at familiebånd på tvers av generasjoner varer lenger enn noen gang før. Dette innebærer at det å ha både foreldre, barn og barnebarn ikke er uvanlig. I denne artikkelen tar jeg et flergenerasjonsperspektiv og undersøker hjelpemønstre blant kvinner og menn i tre- og firegenerasjonsstrukturer fra to vinkler: besteforeldres pass av barnebarn og voksne barns omsorg for eldre foreldre. Spørsmål som stilles er om det har betydning for barnebarnpass at besteforeldre har foreldre som lever, og om det har noe å si for hjelp til foreldre at voksne barn har barnebarn. Analysene, som er basert på data fra LOGG, viser at det ikke er antall generasjoner som har betydning, men om henholdsvis foreldre og barnebarn faktisk hjelpes. Sammenhengen mellom hjelp oppover og nedover i generasjonslinjen er positiv, men kun for kvinner. Bestemødre med foreldre de hjelper, er mer tilbøyelige til å passe barnebarn enn det bestemødre uten et slikt hjelpeansvar er. Tilsvarende, voksne døtre som har barnebarn de passer, stiller i større grad opp for foreldre enn det døtre som ikke er involvert i barnebarnpass gjør. Funnene tyder dermed på at når kvinner står overfor både eldre og yngre familiegenerasjoners behov, hjelper mange av dem både oppover og nedover. Longer lives imply that intergenerational relationships last longer than ever before. Today, it is not uncommon to have children and grandchildren, as well as parents, still living. Here, I take a multigenerational perspective and address helping patterns among men and women in three- and four generational structures from two angles: grandparents’ grandchild care and adult children’s help to ageing parents. I ask whether it matters for grandchild care if grandparents have living parents, and if it matters for parent care that adult children have grandchildren. The analyses, which are based on data from the LOGG study, indicate that the number of generations is not important. What is important is if parents and grandchildren are being helped. The correlation between help upwards and downwards in the generational structure is positive, but only for women. Grandmothers who are helping their parents, are more inclined to look after grandchildren compared to grandmothers without such caring responsibilities. Likewise, adult daughters with grandchildren they look after, tend to help parents more than daughters who are not involved in grandchild care do. The results indicate that when women are confronted with needs from generations both above and beneath them, many of them help in both directions.

Artiklene i Samfunnsspeilet er tilgjengelige fra SSBs nettsider: http://www.ssb.no/ssp/ Hvem vi spør, er avgjørende for beskrivelsen av forholdet mellom skilte foreldre og voksne barn. Spør vi mødre og fedre, oppgir svært få å ha et dårlig forhold til sine barn. Spør vi skilsmissebarn, derimot, er historien en ganske annen. Det mest negative bildet tegnes om far–datter relasjonen sett med døtres øyne. Det forholdet som foreldre og barn vurderer mest likt, er mellom mor og sønn. Mor–datter-relasjonen viser seg å være mer sårbar enn tidligere antatt.

Artiklene i Samfunnsspeilet er tilgjengelige fra SSBs nettsider: http://www.ssb.no/ssp/ Besteforeldre er viktige støttespillere i småbarnsfamiliers liv. Halvparten av småbarnsforeldre får hjelp av egne foreldre til barnepass, men det er bestemødre som i størst grad stiller opp. Flere kvinner som bor alene med barn, får hjelp sammenlignet med dem som bor sammen med partner. Selv om skilsmisse i den eldste generasjonen fører til at hjelpen blir mindre, slår myten om moderne, selvopptatte besteforeldre sprekker i lys av nye forskningsresultater.

Summary The report focuses on solidarity between adult generations, more specifically what responsibility adult children have towards older parents, how responsibilities should be divided between the family and the welfare state, and how the two impact on each other. Data was collected through the European comparative study OASIS, Old age and autonomy - the role of services systems and intergenerational family solidarity. The project was financed through the EU fifth framework program, and carried out in Norway, England, Germany, Spain, and Israel. Individual level data were collected via parallel surveys (interviews) among the urban populations aged 25 and over in each of the five participating countries. National samples counted about 1 200, around 6 100 in total. The older participants (aged 75+) were oversampled to represent around 1/3 of the samples.The project was motivated by the assumed threat to family solidarity in late modern and individualist society (Chapter 1). Of particular interest is the relationship between the family and the welfare state. What is a reasonable and sustainable balance? These questions need be studied in context, hence a comparative approach was seen as appropriate. The countries were therefore selected to represent different family cultures and welfare state regimes. They are located along a north-south axis, which according to Reher (1998) divides European families into a southern more collectivist form, and a northern more individualist type. The five countries also represent different welfare state regimes; the social democratic (Norway), the liberal (England, and the conservative-corporatist (Germany), to stay within the Esping-Andersen typology (1990). Spain has as yet a less mature welfare state, while the fifth country, Israel, is a mixed model.The macro conditions of the countries are assumed to be reflected on the invidual and interpersonal (family) levels. Preferences and practices are assumed to be more or less congruent with the already established traditions, and to be more conform for the older than for the younger generation. The present balance is assumed to be fluid and under pressure from demographic and social change in all countries, but more so in countries that are later in these developments and are now confronted with more rapid changes. These assumptions are in OASIS explored in the strength and character of intergenerational family solidarity, and in the ideals and realities of the family-welfare state interaction.Welfare states differ in the responsibility they ascribe to families (Chapter 2). Some put the family in a dominant position, others assume that the welfare state should protect against dependency upon the family. The OASIS-countries are differently located along this dimension, hence they represent different opportunity structures for family life and elder care. They are facing similar challenges, but are inclined towards different solutions. Germany and Spain tend to favor familistic solutions, and give the state a subsidiary (Germany) or even a residual (Spain) role. They have legal obligations for adult children towards older parents and low levels of services on areas that are by tradition a family responsibility, like long-term care. England and Norway have no legal obligations between generations and higher levels of services on traditional family areas, in particular in Norway. Israel is a mixed case, with legal obligations as in Spain and Germany, but also with rather generous service levels.Are these patterns reflected in public opinion and personal preferences? Do people support the established policies, or do they push for change? Of interest is also to investigate consensus and contrasts in attitudes within the five countries, for example between women and men, the younger and the older. Knowledge about actual help provision is important, but so also is knowledge about norms and attitudes because people tend to act accordingly if opportunity allows it.The intergenerational solidarity model (Bengtson & Roberts 1991) is employed as a research instrument and measures solidarity along six dimensions - structural, associational, consensual, affectional, functional, and normative solidarity. Ambivalence has more recently been introduced as an alternative perspective (LöƒÂ¼scher & Pillemer 1998). Intergenerational relations are seen as inherently ambivalent and characterised by mixed feelings and contradicting expectations that family members need to cope with. These adaptive changes may have been misinterpreted as a breakdown of family solidarity in stead of a change in how solidarity is expressed.Affectional solidarity (Chapter 3) is considerable. Both parties say they feel very close, but parents more so than children. Conflict levels are low as seen from both sides of the relationships, while both parties - and in particular the children - allow a difference of opinion without this being seen as a threat to the relationship. The presumably tighter spanish family shows primarily in structural and associational solidarity. Generations live closer and have more often contact in Spain compared to the more northern countries. This is mainly explained by the higher co-residence rates in Spain, but shared living is often enforced more than chosen, and is then more likely an indicator of (lack of) opportunity than of solidarity.Exchange of help and support (functional solidarity) is substantial in all five countries, and not less so in the northern family (Chapter 3). Exchanges are integral parts of daily life of nearly any family, but roles and resources change over the life course. Older people tend to be in the receiving end, but act also as providers of support. Starting out from the adult child perspective, the findings show that most adult children have provided one or several types of support to older parents during the last year. Emotional support is the most frequent form of support, followed by instrumental help. Only few children provide personal care to older parents, probably because few parents are this frail, and if so, they may already have moved to an institution. Adult children are as a general rule the net providers in the exchange relationship to older parents; they give more than they receive. Older parents provide first of all emotional support to adult children, and in some countries (Norway, Germany, Israel) also money. Instrumental help is flowing upwards in the family line, financial support flow downwards if and when pension levels allow it.Normative solidarity (Chapter 4) is indicated by the support for filial obligation norms; the extent to which adult children are obligated to help their older parents. The majority support such norms in all five countries, but more so in Spain and Israel than in Norway, England, and Germany. This trend is consistent with Rehers (1998) suggestion that the southern family are tighter than the northern. The main impression is, however, that normative solidarity is substantial also in northern countries, even in a universalist welfare state like Norway. This is even more so as the samples were drawn from large cities, and do not include smaller towns and rural areas which may be assumed to be even more familistic. Hence, neither urbanisation nor welfare state expansion seem to have eroded filial obligations.The focus in Chapter 5 is on what people find is a reasonable balance of responsibilities between the family and the welfare state, and what their personal preferences are. Public opinion is found to vary considerably between the countries. The welfare state is seen as the main responsible in Norway and by a (smaller) majority also in Israel. A more even split is favoured in the other three countries. A common trend is that the majority in all five countries favours some form of complementarity between the family and the welfare state, but the complementarity takes different forms. The welfare state is assumed to have the major responsibility in Norway and Israel with the family in a supplementary role. Itö‚'s the other way around in Germany and Spain, with England in an intermediate position. Attitudes are more or less congruent with the actual policies, but public opinion leans more heavily towards a welfare state responsibility than is presently implemented. The contrast between ideals and realities is greater in low-service countries, implying a greater tension between policy and opinion in these countries.Gender differences are small; hence the female dominance in actual care provision is more likely imposed upon them, not chosen. Age differences are also modest. Older people are not more traditional (familialistic) than are the younger. Spain is an exception, while Norway has high degree of consensus in these matters across gender and age. The older generation is in fact more inclined to push responsibilities on the welfare state than are the younger. Personal preferences lean even more towards services than do the more general attitudes. The great majority of Norwegians state a preference for services over family care if they should come to need help in old age. A corresponding majority would prefer institutional care over living with a child if they could no longer live by themselves. Preferences are more moderately biased towards the welfare state in three of the other four countries. Spain stands out with a majority in favour of family care, but only among the older generation.Chapter 6 analyses the actual distribution of help to elders in need. The family and the organised services are the dominant sources of help, but in different combinations. Families are dominant on all leves of needs in Spain, while services - and then mainly public services - are the major source of help among the most needy in Norway. The total help rate (from all sources) is higher in a high-service country like Norway than in a family dominated system like Spain, while the volume of family care is only moderately lower in Norway, indicating that service systems and families tend to supplement rather than substitute each other. There is little or no support in these trends for the idea that older people are diserted by their families and pushed over on services as a secondary option. Family solidarity need not be threatened by alternative or complementary services, and each party may have qualities that are not easily replaced by the other. Hence complementarity is more likely than substitution.Considering that affection and exchange levels are rather substantial in five otherwise different countries, they indicate that solidarity is general and considerable although not universal. While country differences are moderate in the more general features of solidarity, they are far larger in the more concrete attitudes about how policies and services should be organised. If this is a valid observation, then intergenerational family solidarity may have a rather stable and general character, but find different expressions in practice when circumstances and conditions change. This suggestion indicates a need to clarify what should indeed be ment by solidarity. We have therefore in the concluding Chapter 7 conducted a series of factor analysis in order to explore the solidarity concept and model. The findings give conditional support to a simplified variant of the solidarity model. A general finding is a four factor solution. Affection comes out first and includes consensus. Conflict comes out next as a distinct factor. Third is a joint factor for structural and associational solidarity, while giving and receiving support (functional solidarity) is the fourth factor. Normative solidarity is in most cases not included in any of these factors, and is apparently a distinct aspect of intergenerational relationships that may be combined with different ways of relating to each other.Family life has been, and to some extent still is, structured by material necessities and enforced duties which makes it difficult to separate the truly solidary motivations from external pressures. These are among the reasons why it is difficult to compare families across time and cultures. Solidarity may be easier to observe and separate from external pressures today than in earlier times, but the mechanisms and processes that have produced the solidary patterns may have become more complex. Rapporten belyser solidaritet mellom familiegenerasjoner, nærmere bestemt hvilket ansvar voksne barn har for eldre foreldre, hvordan ansvarsdelingen mellom familien og velferdsstaten er, og hvordan den etter befolkningens syn bør være. Ligger det en trussel mot familiesolidaritet i framveksten av velferdsstaten og økt individualisering? Rapporten tar også opp hvordan familien og velferdsstaten påvirker hverandre, og hva vi i mer teoretisk forstand skal forstå med familiesolidaritet. Dataene ble samlet inn gjennom det europeisk komparative prosjektet OASIS, Old age and autonomy - the role of services systems and intergenerational family solidarity. Fem land med ulik familiekultur og velferdspolitikk deltok i studien, Norge, England, Tyskland, Spania og Israel. Dette gir muligheter for å studere forholdet mellom familie, velferdsstat og aldring under ulike betingelser. Et tilfeldig utvalg av storbybefolkningen i alderen 25 år og over ble intervjuet i hvert land, ca. 1 200 i hvert land, til sammen ca. 6 000.

The goal of the OASIS project is to learn how families and service systems may support autonomy and delay dependency in old age, in order to promote quality of life among the elderly and their caregivers, and improve the basis for policy and planning.This report introduces the background, research qurestions, and design of OASIS. The articles review earlier studies in the field, and present the conceptual frameworks used in this study, particularly the intergenerational solidarity and ambivalence paradigms and models of care systems and quality of life.More information about the OASIS project can be found at the project's home page: http://oasis.haifa.ac.il.