Search

On the 75th anniversary of the Genocide Convention, the role of the International Criminal Court (ICC), as constituted under the Rome Statute, in responding to genocide is worth evaluating. This article assesses the effectiveness of the ICC in addressing genocide, with a focus on the Al-Bashir Case (case concerning genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes in Darfur, Sudan) - the first ICC proceeding against a sitting Head of State charged with genocide. It first singles out the ICC's role in promoting international solidarity to prevent genocide, break cycles of violence, and enhance the likelihood of prosecution. It also discusses the legal obligation to strengthen international cooperation for the Al-Bashir Case, under the Genocide Convention, and considers the relevant contexts of the International Criminal Tribunals for the Former Yugoslavia and Rwanda. The analysis has incorporated legal and criminological literature, alongside scholarship of international relations from voluminous resources. This article emphasises the ongoing necessity for international cooperation within the ICC to effectively implement its mechanisms: investigation, prosecution, principle of complementarity, and deterrence. It suggests that this aim can be attained through encouraging Member States of both the Rome Statute and the Genocide Convention to actively participate in responding to genocide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of collective memory receives increasing attention in international relations. This burgeoning scholarship, however, mainly centres on its role as a strategic tool in foreign policy, binding it to national context. This research uses collective memory as an analytical framework to gauge identification processes at the international level. Specifically, we examine how states self-present themselves with various collective We's and against multiple others. Contingent upon exclusive biographical narratives, we show how states transform and present collective memories in ways that resonate with their particular identity combination. Using inductive comparative analysis of speeches delivered by heads of state of Germany, the United States, and Israel during United Nations General Assembly sessions (1991–2017), analysis demonstrates how states evoke the past to narrate who they are, as states. Expanding understanding regarding how historical events are utilised in foreign policy, findings illustrate the dynamic juggling process states perform with various elements of self. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

U.S. presidential candidates aspire to have a "presidential image." Political communication researchers, media pundits, political scientists, pollsters, campaign consultants, and other political marketers speculate about who is "presidential" and "unpresidential." No prior research, however, has empirically measured and validated a presidential image construct. Based on data collected prior to the 2020 U.S. presidential election (N = 618 registered likely voters), we tested congeneric models of presidentiality. Results indicated (1) a six-item, single-factor model fit well when single group confirmatory factor analyses (CFA) were performed separately on ratings of Donald Trump (Study 1) and Joe Biden (Study 2), (2) multiple-group CFA indicated configural and metric invariance (generalizability across candidates) of the model, and (3) presidential image factor scores were strongly associated with the candidate participants planned to vote for in the election. The resultant indicators also advance theorizing that a U.S. president is expected to serve as both "head of state" through components of personability and as "head of government" through components of capability. Theoretical implications for political marketing are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The book "Salah Ben Youssef et les youssefistes: Au tournant de l'indépendance tunisienne, 1955–1956" by M'hamed Oualdi explores the rise and fall of the Youssefist movement in the Tunisian national movement. The author focuses on Salah Ben Youssef's leadership position in the Neo-Destour party, his expulsion from the party, and the support he garnered across Tunisia. The book also delves into the violent suppression of the movement after its official ban in 1956. The author draws on French Ministry of Foreign Affairs and French military archives for information. The book offers insights into Ben Youssef's background and his vision for Tunisia as a constitutional monarchy. The author questions why Tunisia did not evolve into a multiparty state like Morocco. However, the book could have benefited from further analysis of the rivalry between Bourguiba and Ben Youssef and the perspectives of other key figures. The book provides a useful chronology of events but lacks an index. [Extracted from the article]

The article provides an overview of the changing political landscape in Paraguay, with a focus on the recent elections and the rise of a new political actor, Paraguayo "Payo" Cubas. It highlights the dominance of traditional parties, such as the Colorado Party, and their association with former dictator Alfredo Stroessner. The article also discusses the challenges faced by former president Fernando Lugo and the neoliberal policies implemented during the presidency of Horacio Cartes. It concludes by noting that Cubas, with his nationalist and anti-establishment rhetoric, managed to reduce the influence of traditional parties in the elections. [Extracted from the article]

This document is a book review that focuses on the decline of the West and the challenges posed by authoritarian states such as China, Russia, and North Korea. The review highlights two important books on China, one by Frank Dikötter and another by Elizabeth C. Economy. Dikötter's book examines the history and politics of post-Mao China and its rise as an authoritarian superpower, while Economy's book explores China's aspirations to replace the United States as the world's leading superpower. The review provides a brief overview of the main themes and conclusions of each book, emphasizing the importance of understanding contemporary China. Additionally, the article reviews three books that analyze the foreign policies and power dynamics of China, Russia, and North Korea. It discusses China's challenges to the United States' dominant power and international institutions, Russia's use of control over information and media to construct an ideological account of history, and how China, Russia, and North Korea manipulate historical narratives to legitimize their politics and consolidate power. The article raises concerns about the decline of the West and the rise of militarized authoritarianism. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses the relationship between the medical profession and the pharmaceutical trade and industry in Pakistan. It acknowledges that there are unethical practices in both fields, but also highlights the presence of ethical practitioners. The author shares comments from members of the medical profession and the pharmaceutical industry, praising the analysis of the Pakistani health system and advocating for changes within the profession. The article emphasizes the need for self-monitoring and accountability in order to address the issues at hand. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses the book "Born of Fire and Ash: Australian operations in response to the East Timor crisis 1999–2000" by Craig Stockings. The book provides a comprehensive and detailed account of Australia's military intervention in East Timor during a critical period in 1999 and 2000. It explores the diplomatic and military maneuvers, the challenges faced by Australian officials, and the aftermath of the intervention. The book sheds light on the complex dynamics between Australia and Indonesia and offers valuable insights into this period of history in Timor-Leste and Australia. [Extracted from the article]

The International Journal of Military History & Historiography features articles on various historical topics, including the security relations between America and France, military revolutions and revolutions in military affairs, Swedish maritime studies, and the role of the military in peace-making efforts. In "Philip Skippon and the British Civil Wars: The 'Christian Centurion'", Ismini Pells provides a comprehensive biography of Philip Skippon, a general in the New Model Army during the British Civil Wars, exploring his values and attitudes. "The Austro-Hungarian Army and the First World War" focuses on the army's experiences and fate during the war, highlighting its lack of preparation and challenges faced. "The Iberian Exception, 1: The Peninsula during the Cold War. The Pyrenean Curtain (1943–1949)" explores the relations between the dictatorships of Franco and Salazar during the Cold War. "Nautilus to Columbia: 70 Years of the US Navy's Nuclear Submarines" is a catalog of all nuclear submarines in the US Navy, providing insights into their history and significance. "The Battle of Bangui" provides a detailed account of the events in the capital of the Central African Republic in March 2013, exploring the political and financial contexts surrounding the battle. [Extracted from the article]

Voters and selectorates tend to prioritize domestic policy, so when and why do national political leaders choose to spend their time at international organizations (IOs)? Heads of state only began to address international assemblies such as the UN in recent decades; their appearances are puzzling, considering that leaders rarely get direct political benefit from multilateral cooperation, whose gains tend to be diffuse and slow-moving. This paper presents a theory of the motivations behind leaders' appearances at IOs. We argue that because multilateralism tends to be incidental to survival in office, heads of state tend to use IOs for prestige, not policy. But prestige is a luxury: both democrats and autocrats tend to prioritize international cooperation only when they can afford to do so domestically. Autocrats and democrats alike face domestic constraints—namely, the end of a term or gridlock in democracies, or under-institutionalized regimes in autocracies—when they consider international appearance, although the presence of other leaders amplifies the prestige value of a visit to an IO. Novel data on speakers at the United Nations General Assembly support our argument on leader appearances. We show that for the majority of leaders, domestic constraints temper their ability to appear at the UN, despite the draw of other leaders in recent years. Sabemos que los votantes y los selectorados tienden a priorizar la política interna, entonces, ¿cuándo y por qué eligen los líderes políticos nacionales pasar su tiempo en las organizaciones internacionales (OOII)? Los jefes de Estado solo comenzaron a dirigirse a asambleas internacionales como la ONU en las últimas décadas y sus apariciones en ellas aún resultan desconcertantes, teniendo en cuenta que los líderes rara vez obtienen beneficios políticos directos de la cooperación multilateral. Este artículo presenta una teoría con relación a las motivaciones existentes detrás de las apariciones de los líderes en las OOII. Argumentamos que, debido a que el multilateralismo tiende a ser incidental a la supervivencia en el cargo, los jefes de Estado tienden a utilizar a las OOII como una forma de ganar prestigio y no por motivaciones políticas. Sin embargo, el prestigio es un lujo: tanto los demócratas como los autócratas tienden a priorizar la cooperación internacional solo cuando pueden permitírselo a nivel nacional. Tanto los autócratas como los demócratas se enfrentan a limitaciones internas (por ejemplo, el final de un mandato o el estancamiento en las democracias, o los regímenes poco institucionalizados en las autocracias) cuando consideran una aparición internacional. Sin embargo, la presencia de otros líderes aumenta el valor en materia de prestigio que ofrece una visita a una OOII. Los nuevos datos sobre los oradores en la Asamblea General de las Naciones Unidas respaldan nuestro argumento acerca de las apariciones de los líderes. Demostramos que, para la mayoría de los líderes, las limitaciones internas atenúan su capacidad para comparecer en la ONU, a pesar de la atracción que han podido ejercer otros líderes durante los últimos años. Nuestras conclusiones tienen implicaciones importantes para el estudio de cómo los incentivos de los ejecutivos afectan a la atención que estos prestan a la cooperación internacional. Les électeurs et les sélectorats ont tendance à s'intéresser davantage à la politique nationale, alors pourquoi et quand les dirigeants politiques nationaux choisissent-ils de passer du temps dans des organisations internationales (OI) ? Les chefs d'État ne s'adressent aux assemblées internationales, comme l'ONU, que depuis ces dernières décennies. Leurs apparitions sont déconcertantes, étant donné que les dirigeants ne bénéficient que rarement sur le plan politique d'une coopération multilatérale. Cet article présente une théorie des motivations qui se cachent derrière les apparitions des dirigeants aux OI. Nous affirmons que puisque le multilatéralisme a tendance à ne pas avoir d'incidence sur un mandat, les chefs d'État utilisent les OI pour gagner en prestige, et non pour la politique. Or, le prestige est un luxe : tant les démocrates que les autocrates n'ont tendance à privilégier la coopération internationale que lorsqu'ils peuvent se le permettre sur le plan national. Autocrates comme démocrates sont confrontés à des contraintes nationales quand ils envisagent une apparition internationale : la fin d'un mandat ou les blocages politiques dans les démocraties, et les régimes sous-institutionnalisés dans les autocraties. Néanmoins, la présence d'autres dirigeants décuple la valeur prestigieuse d'une visite dans une OI. Des données inédites sur les intervenants lors de l'Assemblée générale des Nations unies soutiennent notre argument quant aux apparitions de dirigeants. Nous montrons que pour la majorité des dirigeants, les contraintes nationales restreignent leurs possibilités d'apparition à l'ONU, malgré le succès d'autres dirigeants ces dernières années. Nos conclusions s'accompagnent d'implications importantes pour l'étude des conséquences des motivations de l'exécutif sur son attention à la coopération internationale. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

German Blood-Slavic Soil: How Nazi Königsberg Became Soviet Kaliningrad, written by Nicole Eaton and published by Cornell University Press, explores the history of Königsberg, a city that was ruled by both Hitler and Stalin. The book focuses on the five years between 1944 and 1948, drawing on Soviet sources and eyewitness accounts. However, the author fails to mention certain historical details, such as the city's status as a fief of the Polish crown and the policies of settlement implemented by Friedrich Wilhelm I. The book also discusses the violence and destruction that occurred during the Soviet conquest of East Prussia, as well as the treatment of the remaining German population under Soviet rule. Overall, the book provides a detailed account of the transformation of Königsberg into Kaliningrad, shedding light on the complex history of the region. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses the Khmer Rouge Tribunal, which was established in 2003 by the United Nations and the Cambodian authorities to deliver justice for the victims of the Khmer Rouge regime. However, the author of the book, Julie Bernath, suggests that future historians may not view the tribunal favorably. The delay in prosecuting the crimes was due to political interference and conflicts of interest between the UN and the Cambodian government. The tribunal convicted only three senior Khmer Rouge leaders, while others died before justice could be served. The author also criticizes the Cambodian government and the international community for their involvement with the Khmer Rouge. Bernath conducted interviews with various individuals, including victims, ECCC officers, and NGO staff, to explore their attitudes towards justice and the tribunal. The book highlights issues such as poverty, land grabbing, political dissent, and the plundering of natural resources in Cambodia's post-war transition. While the ECCC did secure convictions and put the crimes on record, questions remain about its impact on Cambodia's justice system and its potential as a model for future war crime prosecutions. The article concludes that the book is a valuable contribution to the literature on the Khmer Rouge and its crimes. [Extracted from the article]

"Thai Politics in Translation: Monarchy, Democracy and the Supra-Constitution" is a book that examines the political ideologies in Thailand during the reign of King Rama IX. The editors analyze various texts published between 1983 and 2016 to understand the "Bhumipol Consensus" and the legalistic characterizations of the monarch-led alliance. The book explores topics such as supra-constitutionalism, traditionalist versus western schools of thought, the need for a national ideology, the military's conception of Thai style democracy, civil society, the power relationship between the palace and the people, and the emergence of judicialization. The book provides valuable insights into the political forces shaping Thailand's struggles with democratization and political development. [Extracted from the article]

The article focuses on identifying three previously unrecognized analogues to the "doorway defense" scene in the story of Cynewulf and Cyneheard from the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle annal 755. The analysis explores similarities with Saxo Grammaticus's Gesta Danorum, shedding light on the stylistic and thematic aspects of the passage and challenging the interpretation of Cynewulf as a rash and negligent ruler. The identified analogues in Gesta Danorum involve heroic defenders.

Eurasian Russia The second theme is Putin's Eurasian ideology and Alexander Dugin's essentialist take on Russia. Ukraine has been in US' sights since the fall of the USSR. In international forums the United States accuses Russia of war crimes and China of genocide in Xinjiang, but the United States is not a member of the ICC that investigates and adjudicates such crimes. By many assessments the conflict in Ukraine is a proxy war between the United States and Russia, which means a wider horizon. [Extracted from the article]

A devastating war broke out between the federal government and Tigray regional state of Ethiopia in November 2020. What is its cause and how does it affect the dynamics in Tigray and in Ethiopia in general? The article demonstrates using clear indicators that an authoritarian centrist elite and its policy that came to power in 2018 pursued a very centralised decision making, removing regional state heads and imposed new polices that violate self-government and autonomy of states. It brought back imperial Ethiopia's polity building narrative accusing its predecessors and the post-1991 federal polity as disruption. Yet Tigrayan nationalism has also long pedigree. Its relative homogeneity and centuries of self-conscious experiment with autonomy has always been fundamental check against the centrist elite. Following the new developments, Tigray is reconsidering whether it is worth staying within Ethiopia or should secede and have its own state. Ideally there are menu of options that could provide a solution to both sides short of secession, but the new elite in power is pushing Tigray to the edges, abrogating its constitutional autonomy, putting under siege and denying all basic services for nearly two years and pursuing age old policy of surrender or perish, literally imposing secession to the region. The study is informed by theories of ethno national based conflicts, political autonomy and secession. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On August 11, 2021, US President Joe Badin announced that he would bring together the leaders of a variety of democracies in the world for a virtual Summit on Democracy, to be followed by a second face-to-face summit about a year later. The summit will include commitments and initiatives centered around three main axes: resisting tyranny, combating corruption, and promoting respect for human rights. After a year of consultations, coordination and action, the leaders meet again, to present progress against their commitments. The two summits will bring together heads of state, civil society, the charitable sector and the private sector. In light of the above, this paper seeks to read the American move from the perspective of (international relations theories). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Birth of a New Nation" In the occasion of Jamaica's 50th anniversary of independence, the late former prime minister Edward Seaga - who at the time was the sole surviving member of the team that crafted Jamaica's 1962 Constitution - declared in a column in the I Jamaica Gleaner i : "Independence has not failed Jamaica; it is Jamaicans who have failed independence." Come to Jamaica it's no place like home!" In the very moment of independence, Jamaica's tourism product relied upon a neocolonial framework that both communed with and contravened the nation's anti-colonial self-imaginings upon independence. Indeed, the advertisement, which names the tourist industry as a major factor in Jamaica's continued economic development, read like a promise to potential visitors that independent Jamaica would be no different than colonial Jamaica. Straddling Empires, Jamaica Navigates Road to Republic Status: Sixty years after independence, the island could soon become the latest Caribbean nation to break ties with the British monarchy. [Extracted from the article]

Haiti's prime minister, Yvon Neptune, later reported that he did not have a say - nor did he participate, as dictated by Haitian law - in the swearing-in of Haiti's U.S.-installed interim president. Haiti as Empire's Laboratory: As the United States and its allies push renewed foreign intervention, the uses and abuses of the first Black republic as a testing ground of imperialism offer stark warnings. It must be noted that it is Haiti's Core Group-installed Prime Minister Henry who, along with the UN office in Haiti, is insisting on this violent solution to the crisis in the country - a crisis they themselves helped to create. In fact, a review of the actions of the United States and the so-called "international community" in Haiti from 2004 to the present demonstrates how Haiti has served as the testing ground - the laboratory - for much of what is encapsulated in the Global Fragilities Act. [Extracted from the article]

51 J.K. Matejov, "Moja spoved" [My Confession], I Slovensky národ i , 1 (1925): 1. 52 J. K. Matejov, "Moja spoved" [My Confession], I Slovensky národ i , 1 (1925): 1. 53 J. K. Matejov, "Moja spoved" [My Confession], I Slovensky národ i , 1 (1925): 1. 54 J.K. Matejov, "Mojim priatelom a ostatnym" [To my friends and others], I Slovensky národ i , 3 (1925): 1. 55 J.K. Matejov, "Preco prichádzame?" Notably, Koza-Matejov favoured Slovak autonomy but opposed the destruction of the interwar Czechoslovak state and the totalitarianism of the independent Slovak state. Unlike Koza-Matejov, who was quite introverted, while Pavel Machácek was an "entertainer" consumed by ambition - and it was his desire for power that led him to intrigue against the other editors of the I Slovák i , including Koza-Matejov, Jozef Niznánsky, and Augustín Nacina-Borin, who were also eventually dismissed from the editorial board.[43] Everyday disagreements resulted in Koza-Matejov and Machácek ceasing to communicate with each other. Despite their deep differences, Hlinka sought the return of Koza-Matejov, but the Party's general secretary, Machácek, opposed this for obvious reasons.[66] Koza-Matejov's last efforts to resist the totalitarian impulses of the HSLS focused on explaining his political and personal attitudes through the publication of brochures at the beginning of 1927, to which Andrej Hlinka also responded. [Extracted from the article]

On August 18, 2020, after months of popular unrest targeting the increasingly unpopular presidency of Ibrahim Boubacar Keita and rallies coordinated by Imam Mahmoud Dicko, a leading figure of Muslim opposition, a group of colonels from the Kati military base seized power and forced President Keita's resignation. Beetham's (1991a) framing of people's assessment of legitimacy on the basis of rule validity, rather than on the basis of legality, counters the tendency in political science and legal theory to equate legitimacy with legality. "The Rifle, the Quill, the Rosary and the Lineage in Debates over Authority and State Integration of the Kayes Region: Competing Actors and Subjectivities in Debates over Legacies of Slavery and Access to (State) Resources."Paper presented to the workshop "Rifle, Quill, and Rosary: Competing Sources and Corporate Struggles for Political Legitimacy in Mali,". [Extracted from the article]

The Deferral of Constitutional Monarchy Great Britain's propagation of the Anglican commonwealth model of world order entailed the ecclesiological negotiation of "similar issues to those in England" in the process of African national formation.[93] Following the cession of Lagos, the Saro-Egba intercepted Britain's efforts to negotiate a Yoruba monarchy, and declared a parliamentary body, the Egba United Board of Management (EUBM). In theory, modern bureaucracy presupposes a system wherein the duties of government are delegated to functionaries, fixed by laws, and administrative procedures.[94] The Egba government would not have known, however, that the established Western churches preconditioned the international system of sovereign territorial states established in the Peace of Westphalia.[95] The Egba-Yoruba would, consequently, struggle to reconcile the royal hierarchy and the bureaucratic state, without a national church of Western Nigeria. In 1841, the Church of England launched the Colonial Bishoprics' Fund to finance colonial episcopates and "missionary bishops separate from and independent of the state."[44] This missionary bishopric concept emerged in the context of the early American republic and was regarded as embodying a "primitive ideal of the early church, which the contemporary church had lost.". [Extracted from the article]

In Zubok's view, which I do not share, Gorbachev was foolish to do so, though Zubok is right that even the bold steps Gorbachev took did not mean that the breakup of the USSR was I bound i to follow. Because Gorbachev was determined to be bold from the beginning (unnecessarily so by most lights), he unleashed powerful forces of change, but in the process he gave up the powerful inherited instruments he needed to control their pace and shape their course: the intact centralized institutions of the CPSU, the Soviet government, and the Soviet State Security Committee (KGB). This evolution was evident to Gorbachev's long-time interpreter and aide, Pavel Palazchenko, who in 2020, looking back at how complete a break Gorbachev made with traditional Soviet dogma in his speech to the United Nations (UN) in December 1988, aptly observed: "Re-reading that speech today, it is difficult to find in it even traces of 'Marxism-Leninism.'"[6] To say, as Zubok does that Gorbachev was "the last true Leninist believer" (p. 21) is to underestimate the speed and profundity of his ideational evolution during the years in which he held the office of General Secretary. Faced with resistance from within, Gorbachev first sought support from reform-minded officials by devolving power, including control of economic resources, to the republics, and then, beginning in 1987-1988, by "democratization" that favored the state over the party. If Zubok's treatment of Gorbachev is sometimes one-sided, his portrayal of Gorbachev's great rival, Boris Yeltsin, who, whatever his undoubted flaws, remains the only Russian leader ever to be chosen in a genuine democratic election, is uniformly harsh, which seems surprising for someone like Zubok, who describes himself as having switched allegiance in his youth from Gorbachev to Yeltsin because he sought a radical break from the old order (p. 1). [Extracted from the article]

Grimnes, Ole Kristian Norway in the Second World War: Politics, Society and Conflict, Frank Stewart, trans., Bloomsbury Academic: London, 2022; 304 pp., 4 b/w illus., 5 maps; 9781350214590, £75.00 (hbk); 9781350214606, £24.99 (pbk); 9781350214613, £22.49 (ebook) This book may be regarded as a manual of how the Second World War affected Norway. Grimnes deals with the internal politics of the wartime regime, with the civilian administration of Josef Terboven needing to find room for manoeuvre against the German army and the Norwegian Nazis. [Extracted from the article]

As with all other acts of worship there are rules for Friday prayer to be fard and to be performed. Some of these conditions have been agreed on while some have been disputed. In this article, the opinions of scholars and four sects on the issue of "izn-i am" that is the mosque allowed by the head of state to perform the Friday prayer should be open to the whole society and that it is not a special place for a certain class or group is discussed. It tries to form an opinion about the cause of the condition. Thus the causes of misunderstandings and the significant misunderstandings about this general permission and its effects on daily life are pointed out. Meanwhile, it gives answers to different views and covers the points of disagreement between scholars with different views. While making all these explanations based on the inductive and deductive methodsthe conditions of the Friday prayer according to the four sects and the conditions necessary for the "izn-i am" that is the general leave according to the four sects were discussed in detail. Thus it gives a conclusion about the most important results of the application of this condition and the points of alliance and disagreement among the scholars according to those who stipulate the general consent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is not enough information in the sources about the life of Muhammad b. Ismail al-Aksarâyi. As it is understood from his work called Nihâyat al-su'l wa al-amniyyah fî taallumi a'mal al-furusiyya, he is an important Hanafi jurist. The author has written the aforementioned book in order to explain the importance of jihad in general, to teach the use of war tools, horse riding, and the legal rules to be followed in war and after war. Among the subjects he dealt with, there are also legal issues such as booty (ganimat), captives, safety (aman), musta'man, renegade (murtad), highwayman (baghi), and dhimmat contract. Aman is a treaty that gives safety of life and property to non-Muslims who want to enter a country under Muslim rule or surrender to the Islamic army. By reason of the fact that the treaty of aman is given by considering an interest (maslahat), it is not considered binding according to Hanafis. If the head of state decides that this contract is not in the interest of the Muslims, he can break this contract. Whether he is a Muslim or a member of another religion, a person who enters another country from his own country for a temporary stay after obtaining security and permission is called musta'man. The musta'man in the Islamic country are under the protection and patronage of the state as a requirement of the security agreement made with them. The protection and patronage of the state provides them with the security of life and property. Therefore, it cannot violate the rights of musta'man in a Muslim country. In this study, we will consider the eman and musta'man parts of Ismail al-Aksarâyî's Nihâyat al-su'l wa al-amniyyah within the framework of the issues mentioned in the author's book. For this reason, we will not make use of other sources in matters deemed sufficient, and we will be satisfied with the information given in the work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Constantinople Academy professors and Patriarchate lay dignitaries, Antonios Spandones, Iakovos Argeios, Antonios Byzantios and his brother Chourmouzios composed elegant epigrams in poetic dialect to praise the ruler of Wallachia Constantine Brâncoveanu (1654‒1714) during his reign (1688‒1714). The aim of this study is to present and analyze this specific group of epigrams found so far, either in print or in manuscripts, since their existence or content, was only partially known to earlier scholars. In particular, their authors, their transmission and content, as well as the characteristics they attribute to the ruler, and also the motives behind their composition are elucidated. The writing of epigrams indicates the close connection existed between him and the Patriarchal Academy: The Wallachian ruler sought to create a circle of Greek intellectuals in Constantinople, who praised him as the Maecenas of Letters, the defender of the Orthodox Church, and the successor of the Byzantine emperors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the problems regarding one of the breaking points in the history of Islamic thought is the presidency. Muslims did not only fall into a theoretical conflict on this issue, but unfortunately, they also engaged in actual battles. The disagreement among Muslims has retained its influence to the present day and has shaped both the religious and worldly views of Muslims. The debate on the identity of the candidate who will assume the role of Muhammad and organize the religious and worldly affairs of Muslims has set the scene of historical conflicts that manifest themselves in the theoretical and practical fields. The religious references made in order to legitimize the political theses caused the said theses to be institutionalized, and matters basically of a political character were associated with religion. Among the Islamic sects, especially Shia, attributed an existential meaning to the problem of the presidency and shaped all their religious and worldly views on this axis. The Shia, who considered the presidency almost a basis of faith, assigned a rank close to prophethood to the heads of state. Zaydiyya stands out as the closest branch of the Shia to the Ahl al-Sunnah in terms of politics. They think more moderately about the characteristics of the head of state, heads of state other than Ali, and the Companions. Ahl as-Sunnah considers the presidency essentially as a juristically -political issue. Bringing this discussion into the field of belief, even with the aim of objecting to Shia, who sees the presidency as a problem of faith and systematizes this problem, shows the first effects of Shia on Sunni political thought. In order to defend Ali's presidency and to question the legitimacy of others, Shia brought the issue into the field of belief, and sought to prove that Ali was superior in the sight of Allah, and therefore, more worthy of the presidency, by referring to various religious texts. Shia examined the issue in a dogmatic way in order to prove his political theses strongly and establish absolute authority. As an inevitable consequence of this method, the institution of the presidency is endowed with divine powers. The theses that the heads of state are appointed with religious references and have the quality of ismah (infallibility) are the most concrete reflections of this approach. Ahl as-Sunnah tried to justify Abu Bakr's legitimacy by defending his superiority against Shia, who defended Ali's superiority. This approach reveals the methodical interaction as well as taking on the mission of responding to Shia effectively in its own way. Shamsaddin as-Samarqandī, whose political imagination we have examined, is a Sunni scholar belonging to the Hanafi - Maturidite kalam tradition. Due to his political views and style, he is also described as a Shiite by some. By examining Samarqandī's concept of politics in the context of his ideas on the general philosophy of theology, we can have clearer information about his sectarian belonging and political stance. He adopted the analytical method in politics, as in other issues, and revealed his own unique style and views, while adhering to the main vein of Ahl as-Sunnah. He adopted the analytical method in politics, as in other issues, and revealed his own unique style and views, while adhering to the main street of Ahl al-Sunnah. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Thus, the declaration of a state of emergency cannot have as a constitutional basis in Article 46 of the Constitution, since it was indeed an interim President and Article 57 of the Constitution did not allow him to take such measures. Adding to this, Article 72 of the Constitution states that 'The President of the Republic is the Head of State, symbol of its unity, he guarantees its independence and continuity and ensures compliance with the Constitution'. This article clearly states that it is the President of the Republic who is the guarantor of the continuity of the State and respect for the Constitution. He has also dissolved the Government when Article 80 says that when taking the exceptional measures 'the President of the Republic cannot dissolve the Assembly of People's Representatives and a motion of censure cannot be presented against the Government'. [Extracted from the article]

During the late 1500s, the imperial centres of London and Marrakech could not have been more different. Both Queen Elizabeth I (1553–1603) and Sultan Ahmad al-Mansūr (1549–1603) reigned over kingdoms whose political, cultural, and religious landscapes appeared to be worlds apart. Yet despite these divergent realities of Tudor England and Sa'di Morocco, both Elizabeth I and Ahmad al-Mansūr shared one common goal that eventually brought them together to form an unlikely alliance: empire-building. From a shared curiosity of one another's fledgling empires to a desire to strike a mutually beneficial alliance, Elizabeth I and Ahmad al-Mansūr forged ties that were unprecedented for both Tudor England (1485–1603) and Saʿdi Morocco (1554–1660). Moreover, their alliance was not necessarily one of power imbalances, as one might anachronistically presume. During their reigns, England had yet to establish its first colony in the Atlantic, while Morocco had extended its territorial control deep into the Niger Delta after successfully invading the West African Songhay Empire in 1591. Elizabeth I and Ahmad al-Mansūr each held a significant amount of leverage in setting the terms for their alliance. Throughout their communications, these two rulers contrived plots against foes, negotiated trade agreements, and, most importantly, took steps to secure their respective imperial interests. By situating the correspondences between Elizabeth I and Ahmad al-Mansūr alongside historical developments, this paper argues that the alliance between these two rulers was foundational in each of their ascents to the ranks of Atlantic powers and that the fates of their empire-building projects were intertwined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]