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Social movements in Eastern Europe have a long history. Despite problems with defining the region, most scholars tend to locate it in the postsocialist countries of Europe, which re-gained independ ...

Two years after the peak of the 2020 street protests for reproductive rights in Poland, Magdalena Muszel and Grzegorz Piotrowski explore the movement's effects on Polish society. Despite the dissipating energy of the participants and continued intransigence of most major parties, this cycle of protests shifted the values and political preferences of specific gender and age groups, as well as affecting the common perception of protest movements in Poland.

In the era of modern, targeted oncological treatment, physicians of all specialties face a challenge of optimal management of adverse effects. Arrhythmias directly related to anticancer drugs administration, although common, rarely lead to patients’ death (provided adequate monitoring) and often resolve soon after drugs discontinuation. Due to the lack of strict guidelines, the decision to discontinue drugs should only be made by a team of experienced oncologists and cardiologists.

Late 2020 witnessed one of the biggest cycles of protests in contemporary Poland that were sparked by the decision of the Constitutional Tribunal further restricting the abortion law. This cycle of contention was somewhat similar to of the protests organized in 2016 and later but stood out in terms of scale and geographic distribution. The 2016 protests were surprising as they also emerged in Polish small and provincial towns. The scale of 2020’s protests in small towns belies the common assumption about the string conservatism of Poland and in particular Polish small towns and rural areas. Besides the scale, there are other surprising elements in these protests, one of them being the harsher and more direct language used during the protests and the generational composition of the protesting crowds. Our hypothesis is that these protests mark the emergence of a new generation of feminist activists, while the whole cycle of protests marks deeper changes in Polish society. The inclusion of the Roman Catholic Church as one of the targets of the protests’ claims can be linked to the increasing secularization of the Polish society; the growing and observed intersectionality during women’s protests (i.e. inclusion of social claims, support for LGBT+ community, antifascism) points out to the changing nature of feminist activism in Poland; and finally the new language used during protests suggests a significant change in defining the protest arena s and a shift of scale from locality to the translocal reality of social media.

Over the last few years, a significant increase in the production, sales, and consumption of painkillers available without prescription has been observed in Poland. The amounts spent annually by pharmaceutical companies on the promotion and advertising of this type of preparations place Poland among the top European countries. The aim of this work is to indicate the level of awareness and knowledge of the society about the safety of using painkillers available without prescription. The material analyzed was obtained based on the interpretation of the answers from the questionnaire created by means of an application that allows to indicate questions and archive the answers of the respondents using the Internet.

Aim: Our study aimed to identify the clinical variables associated with long-term mortality after MI and to construct a simple, easy to use clinical practice model for the prediction of 5 year mortality after MI. Material and Methods: This is a prospective 5-year observation study of MI patients admitted to the Department of Cardiology at the Copernicus Memorial Hospital in Lodz in 2010 and 2011. The data were collected during hospitalization and again after a period of 1 and 5 years. A multi-factor multi-level Cox regression model was constructed to investigate the impact of clinical factors on long-term survival.results: 92 patients (39 STEMI, 53 NSTEMI) were included in the study and their data were used to construct a Cox regression model with satisfactory fit (R 2 =0.7945). Factors associated with a decrease in 5-year risk are: age (1.06, 95%CI: 1.01-1.11), SYNTAX score (1.05, 95%CI: 1.02-1.08), WBC level (1.16, 95%CI: 1.08-1.26), and glycemia at enrollment (1.01, 95%CI: 1.01-1.01). Higher values of HDL at enrollment were associated with a decrease in 5-year risk (HR=0.97, 95%CI: 0.93-0.99).conclusion: The model we created is a valuable tool that is useful and easy to employ in everyday practice for assessing the 5-year prognosis of patients after MI. What is new: The study presents the new model for prediction of 5-year mortality after myocardial infarction. This model is based on simple clinical parameters and may by applied in everyday practice.

The issue of migration had become highly politicized in Poland already before the 2015 elections. The neoconservative Law and Justice (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, PiS) party made it one of the key topics in the electoral campaign both for the parliamentary and for the presidential elections, both of which the party won. Poland has switched from a country with the highest acceptance rate of refugees in the EU to the one with the lowest rate within about a year. The narrative about masses of refugees in Poland and at its borders threatening Polish culture, civilization and identity started to gather momentum and has provoked numerous intended and unintended consequences, political and social. On the one hand such statements and politics have sparked an increase in hate speech and incidents, and violent actions. On the other, as a reaction, there is an observable awakening of the civil society in Poland through more intensified actions of various groups and organizations. Both are outcomes of the situation in which the government and the ruling party take a strong and negative stance on the issue of migrants and refugees. At the same time, anti-racist activism has been instrumentalized as a tool for anti-government struggles, involving new actors into the struggle. The new alliances forged after 2015 are more than interesting and will be described below, based on the empirical research conducted for a comparative research project on anti-racist contention in the Baltic Sea region. I will show particularly the nature of cooperation between grassroots groups (often radical) and the more moderate NGOs, activists (of both stripes) and civil servants as well as politicians; and here point to the specific role of municipalities and the city-level.

Black Monday and the National Women’s Strike in 2016 caused a new wave of feminist/women’s activists to appear. One of the main determinants of the success of these protests was their geographical distribution: most of the demonstrations took place in small towns and cities. The main aim of this article is to present the civic practices of activists – organizers of the above-mentioned protests – from small towns and cities. On the basis of 24 in-depth interviews the authors intend to present the characteristics of civic practices in provincial Polish cities. The proposed article will present a look at civic practices from a completely new perspective, using the dividing lines so far ignored in research on social movements, especially pro-women’s movements in Poland.

Acute coronary syndrome (ACS) and oncological disease are more frequently observed in the general population as discussed in the part I of this article. Treatment of myocardial infarction in oncological patients becomes a real struggle for clinicians, especially that the data from clinical trials including cancer patients with ACS are very limited. The choice of treatment modality should consider many existing factors considering the type of ACS – non-ST-segment elevation myocardial infarction vs ST-segment elevation myocardial infarction, patient’s condition, type of cancer and oncological treatment applied. Taking into consideration above mentioned factors, clinicians have to face three therapeutic options: invasive, conservative or combination of both in order to choose the best and most beneficial treatment. This article summarizes the current therapeutic approach to the management of ACS in cancer patients.

The threats to democracy from populist political projects are more and more often commented on and analyzed around the world. The Polish case is not an exception as there are numerous scholarly papers on the changes in public discourse, politics, democratic institutions and the like. The case of civil society is, however, sometimes overlooked and downplayed in this stream of thought. This article looks at the recent reconfigurations within the sphere of civil society in Poland as well as in the ways this sector of activities is conceptualized and analyzed by scholars and commentators alike. This approach stems from understanding civil society in Poland as a political project, a process begun around the transition of 1989, but that also had political meaning during the years of consolidation of democracy. Only the recent reconfiguration and accumulation of power and consequent shift in politics and public discourse to the right has resulted - among other things - in higher levels of activism among citizens and politicization of numerous topics. The observed higher levels of citizen engagement have pushed some observers and scholars to re-define the concept of civil society in Poland and to include within it forms of activism previously excluded. With the numerous and often politicized collective actions of Poles - such as nationalist activism, urban activism, and participation in street protests - not only is the concept of civil society being stretched but also some previously used distinctions, such as the notion of ‘uncivil society’, are no longer in use.

Aim of the study: To assess the occurrence of cardiac arrhythmias caused by high doses of levothyroxine in patients with thyroid cancer with subclinical hyperthyroidism. Materials and Methods: This prospective study included 98 women divided into three groups according to plasma thyroid stimulating hormone (TSH) concentration

The risk of ischemic events gradually decreases after acute coronary syndrome (ACS), reaching a stable level after 1 month, while the risk of bleeding remains steady during the whole period of dual antiplatelet treatment (DAPT). Several de-escalation strategies of antiplatelet treatment aiming to enhance safety of DAPT without depriving it of its efficacy have been evaluated so far. We hypothesized that reduction of the ticagrelor maintenance dose 1 month after ACS and its continuation until 12 months after ACS may improve adherence to antiplatelet treatment due to better tolerability compared with the standard dose of ticagrelor. Moreover, improved safety of treatment and preserved anti-ischemic benefit may also be expected with additional acetylsalicylic acid (ASA) withdrawal. To evaluate these hypotheses, we designed the Evaluating Safety and Efficacy of Two Ticagrelor-based De-escalation Antiplatelet Strategies in Acute Coronary Syndrome - a randomized clinical trial (ELECTRA-SIRIO 2), to assess the influence of ticagrelor dose reduction with or without continuation of ASA versus DAPT with standard dose ticagrelor in reducing clinically relevant bleeding and maintaining anti-ischemic efficacy in ACS patients. The study was designed as a phase III, randomized, multicenter, double-blind, investigator-initiated clinical study with a 12-month follow-up (ClinicalTrials.gov Identifier: NCT04718025; EudraCT number: 2020-005130-15).

Jak to jest być aktywistką w małym lub prowincjonalnym miasteczku? Czy wyzwania strukturalne, które stoją przed aktywistkami z małych miast, są jakie same jak ich odpowiedniki z dużych miast, które zwykle są studiowane i opisywane w literaturze naukowej? Jeśli środowisko jest inne, to czy małomiasteczkowi aktywiści i aktywistki podejmują inne praktyki, aby poradzić sobie z wyzwaniami wynikającymi z różnych kontekstów, w których działają? W artykule staramy się odpowiedzieć na niektóre z tych pytań, przyglądając się organizatorkom Czarnych Protestów z 2016 roku i późniejszego okresu w prowincjonalnych miastach Polski. Protesty te, zorganizowane w celu przeciwstawienia się planowanym zmianom w już i tak represyjnej ustawie antyaborcyjnej, nie tylko zaskoczyły wszystkich swoją skalą i intensywnością, ale także zasięgiem, ponieważ większość protestów miała miejsce w małych i prowincjonalnych miastach w Polsce. Artykuł ten ma na celu wypełnienie luki w literaturze dotyczącej ruchów społecznych między analizą aktywizmu w dużych miastach (na których buduje się większość teorii) a aktywizmem na wsi.

Our paper deals with the establishment of the container settlements in Poland and the grassroots response to it: by the inhabitants and by political activists. In particular we are interested in how local authorities strategically frame housing issues to create social acceptance of diminishing standards of social housing in Poland and the involvement of the mainstream media in the process. We are focusing on strategies as well as tactical efforts to overcome structural and discursive opportunities emerging in the process of the anti- container campaign. Exclusionary discourse about the ‘container ghettos’ becomes a justification for local authorities to use social containers as tool of social and spatial segregation as well as to discipline communal tenants. In response of this process activists had to develop new diagnostic mobilizing frames and put considerable effort into frame alignment processes and forged new alliances with other actors. We analyze the campaign from the perspective of social movement studies, in particular structural theories of collective action. One side effect of such policies is unspoken racism, which we - after E. Balibar - interpret mostly in class terms aimed at the economically maladjusted. Empirically, our paper draws upon sociological intervention and 40 in-depth interviews with the inhabitants of the container settlements in Poland in 7 different cities conducted in 2008-2012; participantobservations of the settlements and of the campaign against them due to personal involvement of one of the authors.

IntroductionTrastuzumab is a monoclonal antibody directed against the HER-2 receptor that has led, in an adjuvant setting, to higher disease-free (DFS) and overall survival (OS) in HER-2 positive breast cancer (BC) compared with chemotherapy alone. Cardiotoxicity often results in early discontinuation of trastuzumab, which may elevate the risk of cancer recurrence or mortality. Our study aimed to assess how early interruption or early permanent termination of adjuvant trastuzumab treatment influences DFS and OS of patients with HER-2 positive BC.Material and methodsThis is a prospective observation of 253 women (55 ±10 years of age) with HER-2 positive unilateral, non-metastatic BC treated with trastuzumab in an adjuvant setting. To monitor the safety of the treatment echocardiography was performed at baseline and every 3 months up to 12 months after the end of therapy. If cardiotoxicity developed, trastuzumab was stopped early. Overall survival and DFS were assessed.ResultsTrastuzumab-associated cardiac complications resulting in treatment discontinuation developed in 52 (20.55%) patients. Median DFS time was 21.1 months in the group with interruption compared with 25.7 months in the group with full trastuzumab treatment, being significantly shorter (HR = 2.32, 95% CI: 1.15–4.71, p = 0.0106). Two year OS in the interruption and no-interruption groups were 80.8% and 88.5%, respectively, which were not statistically significantly different (p = 0.268). In a multivariate regression analysis the cumulative dose of anthracycline (OR = 1.01, 95% CI: 1.00–1.01, p = 0.002) and LVEF at baseline (OR = 0.83, 95% CI: 0.70–0.99, p = 0.0344) were independent predictors of a cardiotoxic effect.ConclusionsTrastuzumab-related cardiotoxicity resulting in early treatment discontinuation negatively influences DFS, but does not seem to influence OS.

Radical left is regaining political importance, as well as interest of scholars. In Central and Eastern Europe, the situation is similar. However, the specific historical, socioeconomic and political circumstances explain the particularities of social movements and of the left as a whole in the region. In the introduction to the symposium “Radical left in central and Eastern Europe. Constraints and opportunities” we aim at briefly presenting not only the content of the symposium and of the cases coming from the Czech Republic, Serbia and Romania, but also a more general background for the activities of the extra-parliamentary radical left in the region.

Ischemic stroke is the leading cause of morbidity and mortality in developed countries. In 40% of cases etiology of stroke is unclear. Patent foramen ovale (PFO) is present in more than half, while atrial septum aneurysm (ASA) appears in 25% of patients with cryptogenic stroke. However, available data on the correlation between a cryptogenic stroke and the coexistence of PFO and ASA are limited. A lack of knowledge and recommendations in this field makes clinicians unsure in terms of their approach to a patient with a stroke and PFO with concomitant ASA. The authors describe the case of a 72-year-old patient with ischemic stroke and PFO with concomitant ASA. The diagnostic process and treatment methods are presented. The approach is discussed in detail.

To evaluate the prognostic potential of lipopolysaccharide-binding protein (LBP) levels after breast cancer radiation therapy (RT) for incipient cardiac dysfunction.In this single-centered study, we prospectively enrolled female patients treated for left breast cancer. Healthy age- and sex-matched participants were recruited as controls. LBP levels, cardiac troponin T, N-terminal propeptide of the brain natriuretic peptide, fatty acid binding protein, and C-reactive protein were assessed at three timepoints-before RT, after the last RT fraction, and 1 month after the last fraction. Echocardiographic evaluation was done 3 to 3.75 years after RT.We recruited 51 patients and 78 controls. Baseline LBP concentrations in the study group were significantly higher than in controls at baseline (P .001), at 24 hours, and at 1 month after RT (P = .003 and P .001, respectively). Other biomarkers (cardiac troponin T, N-terminal propeptide of the brain natriuretic peptide, fatty acid binding protein, and C-reactive protein) did not differ in any of the timepoints. Posttreatment LBP concentrations were significantly and positively correlated with heart- and lung-associated dose-volume histogram variables. Posttreatment and follow-up LBP levels correlated positively with the E/E' echocardiographic index reflective of the diastolic function. After adjustment for left anterior descending artery mean dose, left ventricle mean dose, mean heart dose, and type of surgery, LBP remained significantly correlated with E/E' when measured 24 hours after RT (beta = 0.41, P = .032) and 1 month after RT (beta = 0.43, P = .028).Serum LBP concentrations correlate with diastolic function evaluated 3 years after the completion of RT, making LBP a potentially useful prognostic parameter.

This chapter presents the historical context of the anarchist movement in Poland from its beginnings in the early 1900s. It discusses the re-emergence of the movement during the 1980s and the re-introduction of anarchist ideas to Poland through youth subcultures and punk rock in particular. Then The chapter addresses the current situation of the anarchist movement in Poland and the challenges it faces. The Polish anarchist movement grew out of radical leftist and democratic currents that were gaining popularity among workers and Jewish minorities in 19th-century partitioned Poland. For Polish anarchists, the most important structural challenge is the socio-political reality of post-socialism, a factor that seems to have had a stronger impact than in other post-socialist countries or for other kinds of social movements. The rise of the rightist politics in Poland strongly affects the political opportunity structure of anarchist groups.

Environmental movements are often credited with their role in overthrowing communist regimes in Central and Eastern Europe. The examples of Poland and Hungary are mentioned in the literature as evi...

One of the greatest turning points in Poland’s modern history were the 1980s. The decade started with the emergence of the Solidarnośc trade union and the 16-month ‘carnival of Solidarnośc’, ending in martial law in December 1981. From this perspective, the 1980s ended with the semi-free elections of 1989 that marked the beginning of democratic change. The people involved in these movements and developments were a very heterogeneous group that cannot be reduced to the well-known democratic dissidents. By showing the significance of the lesser-known Polish groups in the process of overthrowing of communism — in particular youth groups and grassroots mobilizations connected to the punk rock subculture — this chapter addresses the question of whether punk rock helped to overthrow Poland’s communist regime. My claim is that these youth groups, their subcultures (and punk rock in particular) have played an important role in mobilizing different cohorts of society and introducing previously unmentioned issues into public debate. Moreover, the groups that emerged in the mid-1980s have laid the foundations for future grassroots mobilizations. Therefore the analysis of the rise and the development of youth subcultures should not only be carried out from a cultural perspective, but should also take into account the democratizing potential of subcultures. In order to do so, I first describe the background of the events, after which I move on to an analysis of the emerging youth subcultures, with particular focus on punk rock and the Jarocin rock festival. Subsequently, I assess the significance of this festival — and the youth subcultures associated with it — for the democratic struggles and transitions at the end of the 1980s.

An enlarged left atrium is associated with increased risk for stroke. However, there are controversies regarding how left atrial size should be measured.Echocardiography and carotid artery ultrasound were performed in 120 patients with essential hypertension (HT group) and in 64 hypertensive patients admitted with a first-ever ischemic stroke (HT-stroke group). Left atrial size was measured as antero-posterior diameter (LAD) and as left atrial volume (LAV) and indexed to body surface area (LADi/LAVi). All patients were in sinus rhythm and without mitral valve disease.In the HT-stroke group, LAVi and LADi were significantly larger as compared with the HT group (P ≤ 0.03 for all). In bivariate correlations, larger left atrial size was associated with higher SBPs and DBPs and significant carotid artery stenosis both in HT and HT-stroke groups (all P 0.05). In multivariate logistic regression analysis, stroke was associated significantly with larger LAVi [odds ratio (OR) 1.73, 95% confidence interval (CI) 1.06-2.65]; left ventricular mass index (OR 1.11, 95% CI 1.03-1.21); significant carotid artery stenosis (OR 1.09, 95% CI 1.03-1.24); and any carotid artery stenosis (OR 1.07, 95% CI 1.03-1.14). Analysis of receiver operating characteristic curves revealed that LAVi was the best left atrial measurement for prediction of stroke (OR 0.77, 95% CI 0.70-0.84).In hypertensive patients, a first-ever ischemic stroke was associated with larger left atrial size, left ventricular mass index and internal carotid artery stenosis. LAVi was the left atrial measurement most closely associated with ischemic stroke.

[Jarocin in Poland is usually associated with one of the biggest rock festivals behind the Iron Curtain. It was not only a birthplace of many music groups in the 1980s, but also an enclave of freedom in communist Poland. It was a place where young people could manifest their music and fashion tastes, listen to their favorite bands and enjoy few days of relative freedom. This article highlights the main events in the history of the festival and also tries to assess its significance for the broader political and cultural life of Poland in the 1980s. It also looks at the role the festival played in the creation of youth subcultures and in catalyzing political changes in “late socialist” Poland., Jarocin in Poland is usually associated with one of the biggest rock festivals behind the Iron Curtain. It was not only a birthplace of many music groups in the 1980s, but also an enclave of freedom in communist Poland. It was a place where young people could manifest their music and fashion tastes, listen to their favorite bands and enjoy few days of relative freedom. This article highlights the main events in the history of the festival and also tries to assess its significance for the broader political and cultural life of Poland in the 1980s. It also looks at the role the festival played in the creation of youth subcultures and in catalyzing political changes in “late socialist” Poland.]

Paraoxonases (PONs) may exert anti-atherogenic action by reducing lipid peroxidation. We evaluated the influence of 2 polymorphisms within PON1 (192 Gln/ Arg) and PON2 (311 Ser/Cys) genes in 407 young Poles: 273 patients who experienced a first myocardial infarction (MI) under the age of 45 (study group) and 134 healthy volunteers (control group) with a HEART Score ≤2 (low risk). Paraoxonase 1 polymorphism 192Gln/Arg influenced the risk of premature MI (P = .0054). A positive family history of coronary artery disease (CAD) was associated with the 192Arg allele (P = .0107). The association between PON1 genotype (192 Gln/Arg) and low-density lipoprotein cholesterol (LDL-C) (P = .036) levels was also observed. However, we did not find any relationship between polymorphism 311Ser/Cys and CAD risk (P = .418). PON1 polymorphism 192Gln/Arg influenced the risk of premature MI. The association between PON1 genotype (192 Gln/Arg) and serum LDL-C levels may be explained by PON participation in reverse cholesterol transport.

BACKGROUND: Our study aimed to assess left atrium (LA) and left atrial appendage (LAA) function in patients with atrial septum aneurysm (ASA) and to relate it to thromboembolic complications. METHODS: The study group comprised 25 patients with isolated ASA (group I) and 17 clinically healthy subjects (control group = group II). Transthoracic and transesophageal echocardiography were performed in all investigated patients. RESULTS: In group I, the following parameters were significantly higher than in the controls: LA minimal dimension (LA min ) was 2.13 vs. 1.7 cm; LA presystolic dimension (LA a ) was 2.66 vs. 2.29 cm and LA pre-ejection period/LA ejection time index (PEP/ETLA) was 1.26 vs. 0.41 ( P < 0.05). There were no statistically significant differences between groups as to P wave and PR-interval duration, which were 69 vs. 72 ms and 167 vs. 173 ms, respectively. All LAA parameters were investigated, but LAA minimal areas (LAA area min ) were higher in the study group than in controls: LAA transversal dimension (LAA trans ) was 1.89 vs. 1.32 cm; LAA longitudinal dimension (LAA long ) was 4.24 vs. 3.11 cm; LAA maximal area (LAA area max ) was 4.35 vs. 3.1 cm 2 ; LAA ejection fraction (EFLAA) was 56 vs. 33 %; LAA peak emptying (LAAE) was 0.64 vs. 0.41 m/s, and filling velocities (LAAF) was 0.55 vs. 0.42 m/s ( P < 0.05). The results indicate a depression of LA systolic and an enhancement of LAA function in patients with ASA compared with clinically healthy subjects. CONCLUSION: (1) Atrial septum aneurysm impairs left atrium systolic function. (2) In patients with atrial septum aneurysm, left atrium appendage function changes; its systolic as well as a reservoir function improve. (3) The enhancement of LAA function in ASA may be a compensatory mechanism for LA systolic function deterioration. (4) As LAA systolic function is enhanced, it is rather unlikely that LAA is the place of origin of thrombi, which occur relatively frequently (according to the literature) in patients with ASA. The thrombi seem to be formed in the bulging sack of ASA, i.e., in the part of the LA whose systolic function is depressed.