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Hunger, food insecurity and the ill-informed use of natural resources are issues that concern the whole world, while the excessive use of chemicals, the increasing demands for food, climate change and political instability are posing significant challenges to existing food systems and sustainability. The Green New Deal (GND) seeks to resolve these problems and to support the positive transformation of the agriculture and food sectors. Turkey can be considered an ideal country for an analysis of the GND concept and for understanding its potential impact on the agricultural and food sectors, given its population in the region of 82 million, and its status as the second most populous Mediterranean country. The present study analyzes how the agricultural and food sectors will be affected by the GND, and clarifies the current status of the agricultural and food sectors in Turkey to understand what needs to be done to meet the GND goals. The adverse conditions in Turkey that are of particular note include the lack of R&D activity in the field of renewable energy; micro-scale food security issues; instability in agricultural policy; high inflation affecting food prices; and food losses and problems related to food fraud. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Opponents of climate policy proposals frequently ground their objections in terms of costs. However, it is unclear whether these objections are persuasive to individuals considering whether to support such programs. Not only do people have difficulties in understanding large numbers, partisans in particular may place more weight on the originator of a given proposal—supporting it if their own party proposed it, and opposing it otherwise. We test these dynamics using a survey experiment that varied the costs associated with real-world climate policy proposals attributed to each of the two major US political parties, compared to a control group where no cost was made salient. Our study allows us to disentangle the effects of cost perception and partisan identity on policy preferences. We find little evidence that respondents are systematically sensitive to program cost. Rather, we find that climate policy preferences are shaped by partisan identities, with respondents showing little sensitivity towards increasing costs. The results provide reason for skepticism that cost-based objections to climate spending programs are persuasive at scale, after accounting for partisan cue-taking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Green New Deal (GND) has emerged as a crucial progressive agenda for sustainability transition, but there have been few attempts to develop it into a concrete programme for government. This paper considers one such attempt – the GND proposals put forth by the British Labour Party under Jeremy Corbyn – and how it tackled three key challenges faced by the broader GND agenda: its reliance on the state, its relationship with capital, and its Western centrism. The paper argues that these challenges gave rise to tensions within Labour’s proposals: treating the state both as an instrument and as an object of change, ambivalence towards capitalism as an economic system and struggling to reconcile the competing forces of nationalism and internationalism. By examining these challenges and Labour's efforts to overcome them, this study provides valuable insights into the messy politics of enacting Green New Deal visions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the concept of a "just transition" in the United States, specifically in relation to labor and climate action. It discusses the demands made by unions for workers in green jobs to have the same protections and benefits as workers in traditional industries. The article highlights the progress made at the federal, state, and local levels in implementing just transition policies, including legislation and initiatives in various states. It also emphasizes the importance of incorporating labor standards and community benefits in climate initiatives. While there have been successes in promoting climate protection and social justice, more work is needed to ensure a just transition for workers and communities as the country moves towards a climate-safe future. [Extracted from the article]

Sustainable urban regeneration, in particular with respect to energy, has become a very important issue for local communities currently as a result of the Green New Deal (GND). Renewable energy in domestic consumption is being used to initiate a transition to cleaner energy and limit environmental damage. Through the lens of social innovation, this paper highlights the continuous challenges faced in the transition to lower carbon energy by investigating the opportunity to change the classical top-down management approach to a bottom-up process. The paper fills a gap in the literature by presenting a regional overview of recent Italian community energy sector developments and outlines a number of national best practices in renewable community energy innovation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On August 16, 2022, President Joe Biden signed the Inflation Reduction Act. In terms of climate action, this is truly a game-changing achievement, which in all probability, would not have passed in Congress without the massive mobilization of American youths. Given the recurring failure of the federal government to pass a climate law, low expectations of the 117th Congress’ success in 2022 were widespread. The United States, compared to most OECD nations, is an outlier in its relative lack of support for climate measures. Polls show that global warming and climate change have never yet been the top priority for Americans as a whole. The extreme anti-environmental agenda of the Trump administration, of Republicans in power, and most recently of the Supreme Court, alarmed many Americans, and propelled scores of young people into the climate movement. Not only was there a crisis of global warming, but also one of representation and of democracy itself. Many youths were galvanized to act against the forces that were threatening their future and that of their country. This paper will attempt to show that, without the massive mobilization of American youths at multiple levels, from school strikes to concerted get-out-the vote campaigns to sustained pressure on elected officials, this climate law would not have passed. This article will explore the elements that motivated youth leaders to put their lives on hold and devote themselves entirely to the climate crisis before concentrating on the strategies that succeeded in achieving significant results – namely, passage of the Inflation Reduction Act – that had eluded the youth activists’ predecessors.

In February 2019, Representative Alexandria Ocasio‐Cortez and Senator Ed Markey introduced into the US Congress a non‐binding resolution for a Green New Deal, with the aim to catalyze policies and programs to rapidly decarbonize the US economy while achieving wider progressive economic, social and environmental goals. This motion sparked widespread interest, in and beyond the US, in the potential for more ambitious and solidaristic climate policy under the banner of a Green New Deal (GND). This Overview, after introducing the history of the GND concept and exploring its dimensions in theory, provides a snapshot of GNDs proposed (or adopted/enacted) by politicians, candidates for political office, political parties and governments around the world in the period 2019–2022. Drawing on theories of comparative politics and comparative political economy, the Overview illuminates key patterns in the prevalence and content of this set of GND proposals, as well as their ideological underpinnings and implicit "theories of change." Specifically, it ventures that: GND policies are more commonly proposed in high‐income, industrialized democracies; variation in GNDs' prevalence and content are associated with varieties of capitalism and electoral institutions; GND policies are more commonly proposed by left‐of‐center parties and candidates; and GNDs are being proposed at all levels of government, but their content is shaped by constraints on government powers. On the basis of this analysis, the concluding section proposes a detailed research agenda on GNDs, with an emphasis on comparative research. This article is categorized under:The Carbon Economy and Climate Mitigation > Benefits of MitigationPolicy and Governance > National Climate Change PolicyPolicy and Governance > Multilevel and Transnational Climate Change Governance [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Im Zuge der Wahlen zum Europäischen Parlament (EP) im Juni 2024 ist der Europäische Green Deal (EGD) in die Defensive geraten. Die Stimmungslage, die noch im Umfeld der Wahlen von 2019 herrschte, hat sich verändert. Damals wurde das Ergebnis der Wahlen als Plädoyer der Unionsbürger für eine ambitioniertere Klima- und Umweltpolitik verstanden und aufgegriffen. Aktuell sind andere berechtigte politische Anliegen wie Migration, Sicherheit und wirtschaftliche Stabilität in den Vordergrund gerückt. Nicht verändert hat sich demgegenüber die Klimalage. Nach wie vor drohen die von der Wissenschaft ermittelten planetaren Belastungsgrenzen überschritten zu werden, die nicht zuletzt durch das im internationalen Übereinkommen von Paris rechtsverbindlich verankerte 1,5 bis 2 Grad-Ziel verstärkt politische Relevanz entfaltet haben.

Atualmente, o Acordo de Paris é o documento que representa a ciência das nações acerca da emergência global climática. Os recentes relatórios publicados pelo Painel Intergovernamental sobre Mudanças Climáticas – IPCC alertam sobre a crise iminente no caso de manutenção dos padrões das atividades antrópicas. Nesse contexto parecem pouco eficazes os programas e os mecanismos desenvolvidos, até agora, para a persecução de um aumento de temperatura média global abaixo de 1,5ºC em comparação aos níveis pré-industriais. O presente trabalho, resultado de pesquisa bibliográfica e de documentos, com a aplicação do método hipotético-dedutivo, privilegia o âmbito disciplinar do direito internacional em diálogo com os estudos socioambientais e a ecologia para focalizar a justiça climática como demanda e prerrogativa das novas gerações. As hipóteses, ao final verificadas, seguem no sentido de afirmar que: 1) efetivamente ainda não foram produzidos resultados que contemplem plenamente os objetivos perseguidos pela UNFCCC; 2) para enfrentar os impactos da emergência climática, os pressupostos da justiça climática e as disposições do Acordo de Paris representam um impulso importante para um imprescindível Green New Deal global. A conclusão enfatiza que o enfrentamento da emergência global climática perpassa por uma abordagem multidisciplinar.

This paper highlights the role of climate change as a persistent, systemic, long-term inflationary driver. The inflationary impacts of climate change have been commonly overlooked in the economic literature. As global temperatures rise and extreme weather events become more frequent and severe, the inflationary effects of climate change will only intensify. These effects could be further exacerbated by the considerable pricing power of the corporate sector. As a persistent inflationary driver, climate change poses a serious threat to central banks' ability to maintain price stability mandates. The traditional tools of monetary policy will be ineffective in curbing climate change-induced price pressures. Further, growth-based Green New Deal and related fiscal policies will be ineffective at mitigating climate change and reducing its inflationary impacts. Unless degrowth solutions are sought, climate change and its price effects will only intensify over time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to explore the relationship between imperialism and political ecology, the identifying characteristics of the historical development of ecological imperialism, and the ecosocial implications of its cosmetic adaptation—namely, green imperialism—in a context of growing threat and biophysical concern. We first provide a succinct updated definition of imperialism based on world-systems analysis, which serves to understand imperialism as the system of economic domination of global capitalism, placing countries at the core of the system at one pole of extraction of labor, energy, and material resources, and those at the periphery at the opposite pole of supply. This hierarchization helps to understand ecological imperialism as a series of externalizations that the core tends to implement globally, transforming the periphery into a drain for these externalizations. As part of it, green imperialism appears as a new mode of accumulation aimed at preserving the imperial mode of living in the core legitimized by supposedly environmentally beneficial policies and discourses. We conclude by addressing the need for a fruitful dialogue between the critiques of ecologically unequal exchange and the radical positions of contemporary degrowth in order to reduce the most harmful productive sectors and favor a socially just transition and development in the Global South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Foco (Interdisciplinary Studies Journal) is the property of Revista Foco and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Part of addressing the climate crisis means creating healthy resilient cities. That framework includes increasing locality, creating green recreational spaces, and decreasing pollution while restoring/revitalizing natural urban waterways to their natural habitat. Transforming our neighborhood spaces allows cities to function in a healthier way which increases the overall quality of life in those communities. In the City of La Mirada, California, there is a waterway called Milan Creek that flows through the city. This creek, now channelized into a hard bottom flood control channel and gated, has served as a dumping ground for trash, is consistently broken into, vandalized, and ultimately has served as an eyesore to the community. My proposal is to turn this creek into a recreational trail while revitalizing the creek as close to its natural habitat as possible. After conducting a qualitative survey of the 221 houses that have the creek to their backyards, results show residents overwhelmingly support the creation of the recreational trail and revitalization of the creek. With these results, I am proposing to repurpose the riverbed into a walking trail while putting forth three different concepts for the revitalization: 1) a full revitalization, 2) a partial revitalization, and 3) leaving as a concrete flood control channel. This proposal prioritizes green space equity, heals the land, and promotes the exploration of how urban waterways have been socially constructed through colonization to serve as borders while illuminating how a Green New Deal framework can help transform our cities to meet the demands of the climate crisis.

The purpose of this publication is to analyze air pollution on the example of the city of Krakow, as well as to consider the possibility of using geodata for environmental protection. In addition to case study analysis as the leading research method, the article also uses the observation, analysis, and statistical methods. The article presents the concept of using GIS spatial analyzes and spatial planning as an element of the Green New Deal in the process of ventilating the city of Krakow. When developing a project related to city ventilation, it is extremely important to have the most accurate data on the strength, direction of the wind, type of pollution, and the number of emitters. Spatial analyzes are also able to indicate the main ventilation corridors of the city. These include, above all, areas located on the Vistula River, but also the widest city streets. Such results make it possible to more consciously manage space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Demands of system change are common in the climate movement but there is little agreement on what this entails or how it might be achieved. This has contributed to discord and division between seemingly allied positions, each seeking to address the climate crisis through alternative strategies for change. We argue that these strategic differences also reflect, and for that reason can be better understood in terms of, alternative stances towards capitalism. Adopting a critical political economy approach, we assess a number of these debates and divisions as they have played out in the UK environmentalist movement. We highlight both the connections between alternative strategic positions within these debates and the broader stances towards capitalism that underpin them, and offer a critical evaluation of their likely limitations. In doing so, we identify potential points of overlap and cooperation between those holding seemingly contrasting positions in ongoing debates within climate politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of PRAKSIS is the property of PRAKSIS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper deals with the vocabulary of sustainability born in the struggles against extractivism in Latin America and the Caribbean, by focussing on the Pacto Ecosocial e Intercultural del Sur/Ecosocial and Intercultural Pact of the South – an initiative launched in 2020 by a group of critical scholars and activists. In the era of Green New Deals, the Pact calls for a socially conscious green transition benefiting the many. The article shows that the Pact is a counter-hegemonic proposal with a strong biocentric component. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research is devoted to the consideration of the US-Mexican relations in the context of ratification of a new trilateral US - Mexico - Canada trade agreement - USMCA, that replaced NAFTA. Since the end of 2018, after the singing of USMCA and the general elections of Mexican President, the US-Mexican relations during 2019 developed under challenging conditions of political confrontation, which consisted in the pressure of US president D. Trump Administration and the US Congress on the Mexican government to include additional conditions in the agreement, related to the Mexican workers’ salary, new rules of origin for Mexican goods, customs duties on steel and aluminium, evaluation of the cost of pharmaceutical products, the increase in environmental standards, as well as the inclusion of government measures to stop transit migration from Central America to the USA through Mexican territory. These innovations in bilateral relations determine the relevance of this article. The purpose of the study is to assess the changes that have occurred in the bilateral relations while the states were discussing the terms of USMCA agreement and the first two years of its application. As a method, a comparative analysis of texts was used, including interim negotiations results between the heads of states, trade representatives, and the representatives of the Mexican Foreign Ministry and the US State Department, texts of speeches by parliamentarians, and materials from the American and Mexican media. The article highlights the changes in the US-Mexican relations during 2019-2021 after USMCA ratification, and provides the author’s forecast of their development in the near future, considering the strict American trade requirements to Mexico that formed in the process. The author comes to the conclusion that the United States will be guided by its own interests and may unfairly fulfil some of the conditions of USMCA agreement.

The Green New Deal has been defined as "an unprecedented mobilization of resources to achieve 100% renewable energy to eliminate greenhouse gas emissions" (NEF, 2019, p.4). Currently there is consensus about its purpose, however, little has been theorized about its establishment in Colombia. In this sense, our objective is to identify the institutional changes required to establish a Green New Deal in Colombia, using a Delphi methodology, appropriate for interviewing experts. As a result of this research, it was found that, of the twelve useful public policies for their establishment identified in the theoretical framework, seven comply with the guidelines for assessing environmental policy instruments proposed by Labandeira et al. (2007) and therefore are considered necessary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This commentary turns a critical lens on the perspectives of labour in the potential green transition. It shows what changes when we focus on worldwide social labour—the labour which most of humanity currently performs—and its worldwide impact, going beyond climate to damages from mining and to biodiversity and other elements of the ecology. Such an optic forces scepticism about approaches which only consider the North when it comes to a large-scale green transition. Indeed, this paper argues, using illustrative examples, how such approaches rely on suppressing the historical role of colonialism and imperialism in making First World (core) development possible. It shows how lenses such as "social reproduction" or policies such as "universal health care" focused only on the core reproduction of worldwide patterns of domination. It then puts forward the outlines of an alternative approach to decent work in the context of a worldwide green transition toward a non-hierarchical world system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent research suggests that public support for climate action can be increased by bundling environmental policy with social and economic programs – the Green New Deal being one of the most widely known iterations of this strategy. Yet, party cue theory suggests that public support for the policy will be shaped by the strong Democratic associations of the proposal. In a preregistered survey experiment conducted among 1,203 residents of the rural western United States, I find strong evidence that the phrase 'the Green New Deal' functions as a partisan cue, lowering support for a bundled climate policy among rural residents by 9.1 percentage points. This depressive effect is robust even when framing around region-specific climate impacts is added to the survey question. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

El Green New Deal se ha definido como “una movilización de recursos sin precedentes para lograr un 100% de energía renovable para eliminar las emisiones de gas efecto invernadero” (NEF, 2019, p.4). Actualmente existe consenso sobre su propósito, aunque se ha teorizado poco sobre su instauración en Colombia. En ese sentido, nuestro objetivo es identificar los cambios institucionales requeridos para establecer un Green New Deal en Colombia, utilizando una metodología Delphi, apropiada para entrevistar a expertos. Como resultado de esta investigación se encontró que, de las doce políticas públicas útiles para su instauración identificadas en el marco teórico, siete cumplen con las pautas de valoración de instrumentos de política ambiental planteadas por Labandeira et al. (2007) y por tanto, se consideran necesarias.

Globally, several governments have adopted various forms of green stimulus policies (GSP) to manage environmental challenges and revitalize their national economies during crises. However, research on the varieties of GSPs within a country and the possible drivers of this diversity remain scarce. This study qualitatively compares the green growth and green new deal policies adopted under two different administrations in South Korea. Although both GSPs share similar components, they vary in their focus on nuclear energy and international cooperation. This study postulates that these differences are associated with the degree to which each administration saw GSP through the lens of a developmental state. Besides providing a comparative tool for examining GSPs and their elements, this research contributes to GSP research in a non-Western developed-country setting by highlighting how domestic factors shape the nature and composition of GSPs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ecological Marxists have succeeded in developing compelling ecological critiques of capitalism and principles for alternative ecosocialist political-economies. However, they have devoted relatively little attention to strategic questions, such as: How might ecosocialist transitions take place? What are the challenges, trade-offs, and risks they would likely confront? And how may ecosocialists and allied movements best strategize to navigate them? In particular, these approaches are limited by two problematic tendencies, which I focus on in this essay: 1) an "abstract utopian" tendency that describes idealized ecosocialist futures without deeply considering how they might emerge; and 2) a tendency to ignore or downplay possible trade-offs, dilemmas, and dangers that ecosocialisms-in-transition would likely confront. In contrast, I propose what I call a "realist utopian" approach to ecosocialism, which will more deeply investigate the possible dynamics of ecosocialist transitions; the possible trade-offs, dilemmas, and dangers they would likely face; and how ecosocialists may best strategize to confront them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Moving beyond technocratic approaches to climate action, climate justice articulates a paradigm shift in how organizations think about their response to the climate crisis. This paper makes a conceptual contribution by exploring the potential of this paradigm shift in higher education. Through a commitment to advancing transformative climate justice, colleges and universities around the world could realign and redefine their priorities in teaching, research, and community engagement to shape a more just, stable, and healthy future. As inequitable climate vulnerabilities increase, higher education has multiple emerging opportunities to resist, reverse, and repair climate injustices and related socioeconomic and health disparities. Rather than continuing to perpetuate the concentration of wealth and power by promoting climate isolationism’s narrow focus on technological innovation and by prioritizing the financial success of alumni and the institution, colleges and universities have an opportunity to leverage their unique role as powerful anchor institutions to demonstrate climate justice innovations and catalyze social change toward a more equitable, renewable-based future. This paper explores how higher education can advance societal transformation toward climate justice, by teaching climate engagement, supporting impactful justice-centered research, embracing non-extractive hiring and purchasing practices, and integrating community-engaged climate justice innovations across campus operations. Two climate justice frameworks, Green New Deal-type policies and energy democracy, provide structure for reviewing a breadth of proposed transformational climate justice initiatives in higher education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reconciling wind energy development with biodiversity conservation requires accurate maps. As the coordinates of wind turbines are often not publicly available, many conservationists use datasets curated by research groups or volunteers, whose accuracy is unclear. We used satellite images to assess the accuracy of three of these datasets, at portraying onshore turbines currently operating in Sardinia (Italy). We recorded 1155 turbines, far more than those reported by Smeraldo et al. (n = 914), Open Street Map (n = 766) and Atlaimpianti, the only public map of wind turbines in Italy (n = 507). Our findings question the accuracy of open-source datasets about onshore wind energy infrastructures, particularly where the development of renewables is going fast. Before being used for research or policy these data should be validated on the field. Create, validate and disclose accurate data about these infrastructures should become a priority for environmental agencies worldwide. • The accuracy of datasets about onshore wind turbines has never been tested. • We used Google Satellite to validate three of them for Sardinia (Italy). • We recorded far more turbines than those reported in the datasets. • Before being used for research or policy, these data should be validated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]