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Acidic substances were known for thousands of years, and their macroscopic-sensory characteristics were reflected by words in most ancient languages. In the Western canon, the history of the concept of acidity goes back to Ancient Greece. In Greek, the word associated with acidity from its early literary references was ὀξύς ("sharp"), and still in contemporary Greek the words "sour" and "acidic" have the same root. This paper makes a short presentation of the appearance of the abstract concept in the works of Plato and Aristotle and relates it, on one side to the already existing theological-philosophical tradition, starting with Hesiod´s Theogony and on the other, to the then available to the Greeks organoleptic experiences of sourness-vinegar and sour milk. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the controversy between ancient Greek dramatists and their fellow philosophers over the vertical axis, with special reference to Socrates. I begin with a discussion of the vertical axis in Greek theatre, and turn to Sophocles’ Oedipus Tyrannus to discuss the vertical as a manifestation of the tragic preference ascribed to our “divine” upper body over our “bestial” lower body. Then, I discuss the deus ex machina as an image of divine vertical intervention in the horizontal human plot, and claim that Plato’s and Aristotle’s philosophical critique of this theatrical convention fails to notice that the dramatists made a subversive use of the illogicality of this convention. The second part of the article is dedicated to the vertical as an expression of man’s desire to transcend the boundaries of the human sphere. I discuss the negative treatment of this desire by Greek dramatists, who regard it as an unworthy aspiration, compared to its positive treatment by Greek philosophers, who presents it as a worthy aspiration, since it is only through such an ascent that one can get a glimpse of the eternal. In this context, I examine two representations of Socrates: his deus ex machina appearance in Aristophanes’ Clouds, implying the hubristic stance of philosophers; and his habit of long immobile standings as introduced in Plato’s Symposium, implying the philosophers’ superiority over the dramatists. However, the publicly-visible nature of Socrates’ standstills also turns them into a display of philosophizing, meaning that Socrates of the Symposium is a philosopher who (perhaps unfairly) theatricalizes his verticality so as to challenge the art of theatre.

Epicureanism, a Greek philosophical school founded in Athens c. 307 BCE, conceives of “pleasure” (αταρξία) as the ultimate human good. This essay aims to investigate the reception of Epicureanism at Rome in the mid-1st century BCE, drawing on Cicero’s In Pisonem and Lucretius’ De Rerum Natura as case studies. Each work addresses the question of whether Epicurus could operate within the framework of Roman cultural and political values and, consequently, whether he should be appropriated into Roman thinking. Through close examination of these two texts, I argue that each author ultimately builds his own version of “Epicurus” to serve his distinctive rhetorical aims. Cicero and Lucretius therefore come together to provide examples of a broader phenomenon surrounding the issue of Hellenization at Rome, namely, that of Greek figures being rewritten and repurposed in different contexts to serve different Roman agendas, revealing the flexible nature of Greek models at Rome and of Romans’ engagement with the Greek past.

Copyright of Larq Journal for Philosophy, Linguistics & Social Sciences is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Around 333BC, Diogenes Laertius cited (Greek quote): "οὐκ ἐν τῷ μεγάλῳ τὸ εὖ…, ἀλλ᾿ ἐν τῷ εὖ τὸ μέγα", which means that volume (big data: tera, peta, velocity and variety) doesn't guarantee quality. Furthermore, Protagoras's doctrine about homo mensura and the Socratic Maieutic method evidences demonstrated the way that queries (SQL) on big data can play on specific needs when crafted, such as turning big data into knowledge and a competitive advantage. In this research, an alternative to the data-driven approach will be propounded with the development of the strategic alignment model (SAM) based on the principles of Greek philosophy. The SAM model will support decisions of big data analytics structure with strategies to fit and align in a way to create a competitive advantage. Mathematical formulation of the model will help to optimize a competitive advantage through the economic value added (EVA) to guide the proper strategy and big data analytics structure in a holistic framework. Conclusions will be drawn on how strategy and the structure of big data analytics can be aligned.

This article is introductory in nature, seeking as it does to shed preliminary light on issues relating to the connections between philosophy and travel. Its primary claim is that it is valuable to conceive of philosophy as a specific type of journey, and to contrast it with the philosophical conception of travel. Both philosophy and travel may converge in a specific activity that is worth characterizing, at least in broad terms, in order to enrich each of them with aspects that would not be visible when considering them separately. Initially, some of the earliest uses of terms related to philosophical activity in early Greek thought, as well as an iconic fragment from Plato's Symposium, are analyzed. On this basis, certain characteristics of the philosophical journey will be demonstrated. Subsequently, the phenomenon of travel itself will be subjected to philosophical reflection, resulting in the delineation of one of its possible forms--the eidetic journey. As a result, it will be possible to outline selected connections between the philosophy of the journey and philosophy as a journey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Lalies is the property of Editions Rue d'Ulm and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this paper, I intend to propound that Socrates’ choice of abstaining himself from writing not only leads to the “Socratic Problem” but also renders him vulnerable to misappropriations; a vulnerability he attributes to writing while substantiating his downright dismissal of it. The paper has been divided into three sections. In section one; effort is to contemplate “The Socratic Problem” which has been baffling scholars across centuries. Whether, for example, in Plato’s works, is it Plato’s or the historical Socrates’ views? Absence of Socrates’ own work has put his historical existence in a blurry picture and his character under shadows of doubts. In section two, there is an attempt to outline the debate between Phonocentrism and Oral tradition. Socrates is seen projecting phonocentric viewpoints in Plato’s Phaedrus, when he censures writing by invoking an Egyptian myth. In the last section, I have put forth a surmise that Plato’s Socrates must be an apotheosized and misappropriated version of the historical Socrates. And I question, if it can be taken as an insinuation that we need to consider possibility of misappropriation every time we read history without historicity.

Plutarch's 'Delphic dialogues'— De E apud Delphos, De Pythiae oraculis , and De defectu oraculorum —contain a series of conversations held at Delphi regarding different aspects of the god, the oracle, and the oracular sanctuary. In these dialogues Delphi stands as a touchstone for humans to access divine knowledge through the oracular responses, but also through its physical presence. I argue that through these dialogues Plutarch presents Delphi as an ideal location for philosophical inquiry because it is a sanctuary to a philosophical god whose presence permeates Delphic ritual and cult as well as the physical dedications. The Delphic oracle may no longer play a pivotal role in the political sphere, but Plutarch makes the case for a new role for the sanctuary as a philosophical center where individuals from different schools of thought may gather to share knowledge and work together in their search for deeper understanding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The era in which Abū Na'r al-Fārābī emerged as a canonical scientist significantly contributed to his education and shaped his scientific worldview. The formation of al-Farabi's spiritual worldview and his ideas is directly associated with embracing the ancient philosophical tradition, more precisely, Aristotle's philosophy and logic. The focus of the article is al-Farabi's analysis of Aristotle's principles in the study of logic and their further development. Al-Farabi's worldwide reputation as the Second Teacher after Aristotle, the First Teacher, in the East is directly rooted in his mastery and advancement of the science of logic. In simple terms, the philosopher states that logic leads a person to a straight path to being capable of radically discerning between good and bad, truth and lies, and honesty and deceit. This, in turn, steers humanity away from succumbing to mistakes or getting into trouble. Al-Farabi constructs a comprehensive scientific analysis of the socio-cultural foundations of Aristotle's doctrine of logic and the ability to adapt it in his unique way to society. The study of the theoretical basis of al-Farabi's teachings on logic and its significance involves employing hermeneutic, comparative, and stylistic methods in the research of the texts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Adab Al-Kufa is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Mutefekkir, Faculty of Islamic Sciences is the property of Aksaray University, Faculty of Islamic Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Greek and Christian philosophy have formed Western culture. Both have strong and explicit spiritual roots resulting in a highly developed ethical code of conduct. Contemporary medicine takes a predominantly materialistic approach, placing more importance on expert opinion than individual responsibility. Our aim with this paper is to re-orient ethics of contemporary medical culture within the philosophical value systems that have given rise to that very culture. Approach: To examine fundamental ethical principles as indicated in the Corpus Hippocraticum and the Christian bible, with special attention to the placement of responsibility in the context of 'faith.' Central arguments: 1) The body is holy and God-given; responsibility for the body's health can never be transferred to another human being. 2) Healing of the body comes from faith which is essentially a healing of mind and spirit. From this derives a third argument: 3) Taking responsibility for a patient disempowers that patient and hinders the healing-process, turning him or her dependent and towards chronic conditions. Conclusion: The biggest problems of today's public health care systems is a materialistic development resulting in a reductionistic approach and paternalistic behaviours, disrespecting the patient's subjectivity or autonomy and thus the capacity to come to vital decisions with integrity and responsibility. The result of this is that a fair amount of physical and mental illnesses under the circumstances are beyond recovery. Returning to the philosophical and religious heritage of our own culture could help alleviate this situation substantially. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines early Jewish ideas of virtue that are usually ignored in presentations of the history of virtue discourse. We analyze the use of the Greek term ἀρετή in the Apocrypha of the Septuagint; all the occurrences of the term are in texts that were originally composed in Greek. We argue that the discussion on virtues – ideal human qualities and ways of living – in the Apocrypha has three thematic foci: (1) training, (2) courage, and (3) suffering and its postmortem rewards. Virtue prepares one to live well, encounter grave difficulties and even death with courage, and, finally, earn eternal life. We argue that it is implicit that virtuous Jews surpass, in ways that differ depending on the text, their more-or-less openly Greek antagonists who fail the virtue ideals that they would culturally be expected to uphold. Through their words and deeds, the exemplary Jews demonstrate that true virtue comes from a steadfast commitment to the Jewish tradition and the Mosaic law. Being a good Jew involves training that manifests itself in various desirable traits, but it also means acknowledging the divinity of the Jewish law as the basis of both the good life and the postmortem consequences of virtue.

This essay examines the conjecture that the Wisdom of Solomon was heavily influenced by Greek philosophy most notably in the form of Middle Platonism. In stating it this way, an argument is being made that "Middle Platonism" is a better description for the philosophical thought patterns in Wisdom than, for instance, "Greek philosophical thought" generally, or even "Stoicism." Therefore, the similarities of philosophical thought between Wisdom and the Middle Platonist Plutarch of Chaeroneia are considered, especially in regard to ethics and physics. No efforts have been made to argue that the naïve level of philosophical development within Wisdom is in any way approachable to the advanced level of philosophical development within Plutarch. However, scholars should feel certain in describing Wisdom as a Jewish writing that evinces Middle Platonic thought patterns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How does philosophy learn to speak a new language? That is, how does some particular language come to serve as the means for the expression of philosophical ideas? In this paper, I present an answer grounded in four historical case studies and suggest that this answer has broad implications for contemporary philosophy. I begin with Jonathan Rée's account of philosophical translation into English in the sixteenth century, and the debate between philosopher-translators who wanted to acquire – wholesale or with modifications – foreign terms, and those who wished to take existing words and transform them from their ordinary to a philosophical use. I sketch how these twin processes of 'acquisition' and 'transformation' manifested themselves in philosophical translations from Greek to Latin, Greek to Arabic and both Greek and Arabic to Gə'əz and argue that comparative work in this vein could yield interesting and significant results. I suggest that not only is Rée's approach useful for thinking about philosophical translation historically, but that philosophical translation between very different languages is important for contemporary philosophy insofar as it reveals the linguistic presuppositions of philosophical theories expressed in some particular language, and that this constitutes an argument against the prevailing monolingualism in philosophy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to examine to what extent jurists such as Labeo, Paulus or Ulpianus used causal analysis in the elaboration of answers to problems of contractual liability, specifically those related to the lease contract. To achieve this objective, the paper offers, firstly, an overview of Hellenistic philosophy on causation, in order to contextualize the coordinates of the doctrines on causation that may have influenced the thinking of Roman jurists. Next, it presents three problems solved by jurists, all, as already mentioned, relating to leasing, to explore the use of causal reasoning in them and the differences that would have occurred in this context. The result of the inquiry is the finding of differences between the thinking of Labeo and Paulus, as well as Ulpian's adherence to the former's type of analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Jadara Journal of Research & Studies is the property of Association of Arab Universities and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The representation of the ‘dying Socrates’ was extremely popular among artists during the 17th and 18th centuries, while there are several artworks with this concept during the early 19th century. This article's main aim is to use the methodological tool of the Grammar of Visual Design in forming a teaching proposal based on the Harvard University ‘Artful Thinking Project’. This teaching proposal can be applied to a Language, a Philosophy or a History course. As a second aim, we propose a new typology for that era's artworks on the subject of the last moments of Socrates.

Copyright of Selçuk University Journal of Faculty of Letters is the property of Selcuk Universitesi Edebiyat Fakultesi Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Comparative Literature / Primerjalna Književnost is the property of Slovenian Comparative Literature Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

There are two dominant approaches towards understanding medieval Muslim philosophy: (1) Greek ancestry approach and (2) religiopolitical context approach. In the Greek ancestry approach, medieval Muslim philosophy is interpreted in terms of its relation to classical Greek philosophy, particularly to the philosophy of Plato and Aristotle. The religiopolitical context approach, however, views a thorough understanding of the religious and political situation of that time as the key to the proper understanding of medieval Muslim philosophy. Notwithstanding the immense significance of the two approaches for understanding medieval Muslim philosophy, the question on the reason behind medieval Muslim philosophers’ preference for Plato’s Republic over Aristotle’s Politics in political philosophy is not accurately answered. This preference is usually attributed either to the availability or unavailability of the text or to the suitability or unsuitability of the text for Islamic theological views. However, this article shows that neither the availability or unavailability of text nor its suitability or unsuitability for Islamic religious and theological views can appropriately explain medieval Muslim philosophers’ preference for Plato’s Republic over Aristotle’s Politics in their political thought. This article proposes that the key to understand this preference lies in understanding the transmission of Greek philosophy to medieval Muslim philosophers. Contribution: This study highlights the significance of the thorough understanding of the transmission of Greek philosophy to medieval Muslim world as one of the important approaches towards proper understanding of medieval Muslim philosophy, particularly medieval Muslim political philosophy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is widely believed that the ancient Greeks thought that Thales was the first philosopher, and that they therefore maintained that philosophy had a Greek origin. This paper challenges these assumptions, arguing that most ancient Greek thinkers who expressed views about the history and development of philosophy rejected both positions. I argue that not even Aristotle presented Thales as the first philosopher, and that doing so would have undermined his philosophical commitments and interests. Beyond Aristotle, the view that Thales was the first philosopher is attested almost nowhere in antiquity. In the classical, Hellenistic, and post-Hellenistic periods, we witness a marked tendency to locate the beginning of philosophy in a time going back further than Thales. Remarkably, ancient Greek thinkers most often traced the origins of philosophy to earlier non-Greek peoples. Contrary to the received view, then, I argue that (1) vanishingly few Greek writers pronounced Thales the first philosopher; and (2) most Greek thinkers did not even advocate a Greek origin of philosophy. Finally, I show that the view that philosophy originated with Thales (along with its misleading attribution to the Greeks in general) has roots in problematic, and in some cases manifestly racist, eighteenth-century historiography of philosophy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are two dominant approaches towards understanding medieval Muslim philosophy: (1) Greek ancestry approach and (2) religiopolitical context approach. In the Greek ancestry approach, medieval Muslim philosophy is interpreted in terms of its relation to classical Greek philosophy, particularly to the philosophy of Plato and Aristotle. The religiopolitical context approach, however, views a thorough understanding of the religious and political situation of that time as the key to the proper understanding of medieval Muslim philosophy. Notwithstanding the immense significance of the two approaches for understanding medieval Muslim philosophy, the question on the reason behind medieval Muslim philosophers’ preference for Plato’s Republic over Aristotle’s Politics in political philosophy is not accurately answered. This preference is usually attributed either to the availability or unavailability of the text or to the suitability or unsuitability of the text for Islamic theological views. However, this article shows that neither the availability or unavailability of text nor its suitability or unsuitability for Islamic religious and theological views can appropriately explain medieval Muslim philosophers’ preference for Plato’s Republic over Aristotle’s Politics in their political thought. This article proposes that the key to understand this preference lies in understanding the transmission of Greek philosophy to medieval Muslim philosophers. Contribution: This study highlights the significance of the thorough understanding of the transmission of Greek philosophy to medieval Muslim world as one of the important approaches towards proper understanding of medieval Muslim philosophy, particularly medieval Muslim political philosophy.

The tale of the tripod that the Seven Wise Men exchanged, until one of them decided to offer it to Apollo, the most knowledgeable in their circle, seems to form the subtext of the well-known episode of Delphi’s Oracle addressed to Socrates, recounted by Plato in his Apology. The philosopher rejects the title of “wisest of the Greeks” and reaffirms the superiority of divine wisdom. Drawing upon this template, Plato places the figure of Socrates within the context of ancient erudition and traditional pietas, categorically eschewing any affinity with the Sophists.

Thus the topic had an impact on the minds and opinions of critics in all their directions Hence the situation required that we stand on this archaelogical stretch of Hazem Cartagni by investigating the opinions that indicate this problematic by answering the following questions _DoesHazemCartagni Have a philosophical extension in the Greek heritage? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The influential Greek philosopher Aristotle (384-322 BCE) is almost unanimously acclaimed as the founder of zoology. There is a consensus that he was interested in attributes of animals, but whether or not he tried to develop a zoological taxonomy remains controversial. Fürst von Lieven and Humar compiled a data matrix from Aristotle's Historia animalium and showed, through a parsimony analysis published in 2008, that these data produced a hierarchy that matched several taxa recognized by Aristotle. However, their analysis leaves some questions unanswered because random data can sometimes yield fairly resolved trees. In this study, we update the scores of many cells and add four new characters to the data matrix (147 taxa scored for 161 characters) and quote passages from Aristotle's Historia animalium to justify these changes. We confirm the presence of a phylogenetic signal in these data through a test using skewness in length distribution of a million random trees, which shows that many of the characters discussed by Aristotle were systematically relevant. Our parsimony analyses on the updated matrix recover far more trees than reported by Fürst von Lieven and Humar, but their consensus includes many taxa that Aristotle recognized and apparently named for the first time, such as selachē (selachians) and dithyra (Bivalvia Linnaeus, 1758). This study suggests that even though taxonomy was obviously not Aristotle's chief interest in Historia animalium, it was probably among his secondary interests. These results may pave the way for further taxonomic studies in Aristotle's zoological writings in general. Despite being almost peripheral to Aristotle's writings, his taxonomic contributions are clearly major achievements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this essay, I examine Hobbes's interpretation of Scriptural passages that figure prominently in contemporaneous political debates. Hobbes's interpretative practices affirm his major systematic aims but also contribute to his inventive reenvisioning of Hebraic and Christian political history. The privileged position Hobbes gives Hebraic forms of rule together with his treatment of I Samuel 8 are motivated, in part, by a need to counter Aristotle's influence on an exegetical tradition that opposes monarchy-as-tyranny in connection with this central, much-debated text. Hobbes conjoins his counter-revolutionary interpretation of 1 Samuel 8 with specific passages in the Christian New Testament that permit him to insert Jesus as "king of the Jews" into a startlingly unique conception of Hebraic and Christian history. This revisionary history and eschatology support Hobbes's theorization of absolute sovereignty and undercut fantastical beliefs in an immaterial world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The theme presented in this article is not a new one and is fairly commonplace in countless studies of Islamic philosophy. However, the description in this article is written with a special emphasis, namely that Islamic philosophy is an attempt to explain religious teaching in a philosophical manner and that philosophy is useful for defending religious doctrines through rational-demonstrative arguments. This emphasis is present amidst the persistence of negative sentiments and even rejection raised by some Muslims, as well as criticism from philosophical reviewers who doubt originality of religious philosophy. For this reason, the author tries to present a brief history of the emergence of Islamic philosophy along with the motives that prompted Muslim scholars to build this philosophy and the influence that surrounded it. Next, the author will explain how Muslim philosophers defend and proved the originality of their philosophy. Everything is conveyed to state that Islamic philosophy is not as alleged by its opponents. Tema yang disajikan pada artikel ini bukanlah tema yang baru dan terbilang lumrah dalam kajian filsafat Islam yang sudah tak terhitung banyaknya. Namun uraian tentang permulaan filsafat Islam pada artikel ini ditulis dengan penekanan khusus, yaitu bahwa filsafat Islam merupakan upaya untuk menjelaskan ajaran agama secara filosofis dan bahwa filsafat bermanfaat untuk membela doktrin-doktrin agama melalui argumentasi rasional-demonstratif. Penekanan tersebut hadir di tengah masih adanya sentimen negatif dan bahkan penolakan terhadap filsafat Islam yang dilontarkan oleh sebagian umat Islam, serta adanya kritik dari kalangan pengkaji filsafat yang meragukan orisinalitas filsafat keagamaan. Untuk itu, penulis mencoba mengetengahkan sejarah singkat kemunculan filsafat Islam bersama dengan motif-motif yang mendorong pada sarjana muslim membangun filsafat ini dan pengaruh yang melingkupinya. Selanjutnya, pengarang akan menjelaskan bagaimana para filsuf Muslim membela dan membuktikan orisinalitas filsafat mereka. Semuanya disampaikan untuk menyatakan bahwa filsafat Islam tidaklah seperti yang dituduhkan oleh para penolaknya.

Gregory of Nyssa was concerned that his brother Basilius the Great didn’t analyze the creation of man in his “Hexaemeron”. For this reason, he wrote this treatise. In this paper we are going to deal with the fifth and the sixth chapters of it. In these chapters analyses how the kingdom of God is connected with the creation of man and which is the real goal of the man. In the other chapter, sixth, Gregory based on the biblical words about human’s creation in order to respond to Anomies’ teaching about the differences in nature for the persons of the Triune God. Of course, for all of these, he uses arguments which have a great influence from ancient Greek philosophy and they are employed by Gregory most of times in these two chapters with indirect way.

This paper is a review of the book: Michel Onfray, Sagesse: Savoir vivre au pied d’un volcan (Paris: Albin Michel, 2019). The author highlights that: (1) by arguing that Roman philosophy surpasses Greek thought on account of its practicality, Onfray sees Roman masculine virtue as part of a solution to the postmodern, post-Christian condition; (2) Onfray’s book provides Christians with understanding why many are tuning out to the Christian message even while feeling dissatisfied with the modern post-Christian world.

Written ages ago, insights from the Fathers of the Church have shed light upon the way of doing theology from generation to generation until today. Their contribution is long-lived and such is also true in the case of St. Justin Martyr. His pivotal idea of logos spermatikos, developed to cross and connect the then seemingly unbridgeable systems—Greek philosophy and Christianity—proves to be valuable to this day. A rereading of his thought can be fruitful for constructing a way of doing theology that is open to the world, for the key concept of this apologetic father invites one to do theology not from one’s small enclosed world, but from the perspective of a dialogue; hence the related metaphors are encounter, connectedness, and conversation. Contemporary theologians whose concern is to keep creating a more dialogical theology may benefit from Justin Martyr’s exploration of logos. His legacy helps theologians today obtain a new vision. In this way, reading the Church Fathers is not so much of a study on some irrelevant fossils as a leap towards an ever- better future of doing theology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Adab Al-Kufa is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)