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Over the past decades, truth-telling commissions aimed at uncovering, confronting and providing justice for the past treatment of children have been established in many countries, including the Australian Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse (RCIRCSA 2013-2017) and the Norwegian Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) (2018-2023). Journalism plays important roles both in triggering commissions of inquiry and in attracting public attention to their work and findings. This paper investigates media reporting on the RCIRCSA and the TRC. The Commissions were not similar in scale, scope or legal powers, however, they both generated spaces for public listening to stories about the consequences of past policies and present practices of child removal, abuse and racism that potentially could change the grand narratives of each nation. Our findings suggest that future commissions should pay particular attention to the structural power of news logics and mediation. We find, despite the widely different cases, consistent patterns of uneven and hierarchical media reporting and overshadowing of First Nations voices and aspirations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Corruption - and the organized crime that it enables - is a major impediment to the attainment of peace, justice and sustainable development. The Judicial Commission of Inquiry into State Capture in South Africa (the 'Zondo Commission') provides a powerful illustration of how such malfeasance can unravel the state-societal fabric, causing deep-seated conflict between state and citizen. More positively, however, the Zondo Commission also reveals the irreplicable curative properties of commissions of inquiry as part of a 'just institutional approach to conflict prevention and resolution'. This is especially so where they deal properly with matters of public concern and, in particular, the integrity and accountability of public power. In my article, I argue for the recognition of such commissions of inquiry as part of South Africa's 'integrity and accountability' (I&A) fourth branch of state. My argument is made against the backdrop of an account of the state, and thus constitutionalism, that is positive in nature insofar as it focuses on the state's role in (pro)actively advancing the public interest. Giving proper recognition to I&A Commissions in the nature of the Zondo Commission will in turn enhance their remedial powers and effectiveness. In light of these arguments, I encourage the implementation of the Zondo Commission recommendation that a 'permanent anti-state capture and corruption commission' be provided for in Chapter 9 of the South African Constitution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Our work on Indian South Africans combed the colonial archives, which are trespassed on by racial lenses, power and silences. Reading against the grain, we supplemented the archival information based on commissions of inquiry, estate records, court cases, and government correspondence with private documents, photographs and oral histories. But this well of detail began to run dry, especially when trying to follow the afterlives of indenture. The period post-2010, when Indians commemorated the 150th anniversary of the arrival of the first Indian indentured migrants to Natal, has witnessed an explosion of community histories, family histories, historical fiction, social media, memorialisation, and the establishment of heritage and documentary centres. These localised histories might be celebratory and involve selective remembering. Still, they have been a boon to our work as they provide a sense of how communities and identities are shaped and evolve. In many ways, this allows us, as historians, to stretch the archives, bring people rarely mentioned in the public domain to life, get a sense of their sense of place, and immerse ourselves in their everyday lives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Taiwan Law Review is the property of Angle Publishing Co., Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Bulletin of Legal Medicine / Adli Tıp Bülteni is the property of Galenos Yayinevi Tic. LTD. STI and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper investigates the role of corporate financial reports in the Environmental Protection Agency's (EPA) regulatory activities. By tracking the EPA's direct retrieval of SEC filings, we identify three key findings. First, the EPA retrieves a large volume of financial reports, especially from firms in high‐pollution industries. Second, the EPA is more likely to access financial reports during enforcement investigations and significant rule proposals, but less so during compliance monitoring, with patterns varying predictably across firms. Third, the EPA's reliance on financial reports is potentially driven by its demand for information on firm liquidity, solvency, and profitability. Overall, our study highlights the usefulness of financial reports for the EPA as an environmental regulator. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Several U.S. government investigations have examined the 6 January 2021 attack on the US Capitol, and all assign at least some blame to intelligence failure. Their reports tended to focus on poor dissemination of intelligence and inadequacies in social media analysis as main defects. What the reports oddly ignore is how inadequate human intelligence (HUMINT) collection may have contributed to that failure. Would better HUMINT collection have made a different in helping prevent the attack? This article evaluates the key findings of January 6 as an alleged intelligence failure event, how HUMINT has been collected in the U.S. on extremist groups, and the feasibility of using such collection for preventive strategies. ‘January 6’ offers a unique case study on the inherent obstacles to domestic intelligence collection, especially in a polarized political environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1937, Max Gluckman submitted a memorandum to a commission of inquiry into the shortage of farm labour in South Africa. In the memorandum, he criticised the presumption that the government should induce African male migrants from the reserves to work on white-owned farms and sugar plantations as "wrong". Gluckman observed that African men preferred more prestigious and better paid work in the mines and towns. Rather than increase the number of farm workers, he recommended that farm owners improve the conditions and productivity of labour tenants already resident in these farms. This required providing better nutrition and health care, more courteous treatment, the efficient coordination of labour and mechanisation. This intervention had no impact on the Commission's report, and Gluckman's outspokenness might well have contributed to the Native Affairs Department's decision to revoke their permission for him to do further fieldwork in Zululand. This article reproduces the memorandum with only minor editorial corrections. In the introduction, Niehaus outlines the historical context in which Gluckman wrote the memorandum and shows how it provides crucial insights into his early career and his later pessimism about the prospects for applied anthropology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Babylon Center for Humanities Studies is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In August 1916, in the aftermath of significant defeats in the Middle Eastern theatre of the First World War, the British government faced a crisis of confidence in its military power. In Mesopotamia, it was under significant pressure to reckon with its perceived poor strategic decision-making and its treatment and resourcing of British troops. The Mesopotamia Commission was established to investigate and reassure the wider public that the same mistakes would not be made again. Scholarly explorations of the commission have focused on the commission's report published in July 1917. But this neglects what came before: the construction, performance, and repercussions of the commission as it unfolded. This article undertakes a forensic archival analysis of the commission 'in process', revealing the political character of the commission—how it presented itself, the commissioner's decision-making, and the intra-imperial conflicts it aggravated during the war itself—all while operating under (and benefitting from) an expert, impartial guise. This granular approach to inquiry analysis not only contributes to new understandings of British imperial politics during the First World War but also demonstrates that, as a selective process of knowledge production, the commission's outcomes and impact went well beyond just a published report. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: The policy implemented in Israel with the purpose of eradicating the COVID‐19 pandemic restricted Israeli citizens' individual freedom. During this period, Israel was suffering from government instability that led to recurring election campaigns within a short period. In addition, the prime minister was under legal investigation for suspicions of government corruption. This study examines the legitimization of government by the Israeli public during the COVID‐19 pandemic. Methods: The research findings are based on a representative attitude survey conducted by a survey company among Israeli citizens (men and women older than 18), including 604 respondents from the Jewish population and others and another 135 respondents from the Arab sector, that is, a total of 739 respondents, where the sampling error was 4.4 percent. Results: The findings indicate that right‐wing voters tended to support governmental legitimization at a higher rate compared to voters from opposing blocs. Correspondingly, they tended to oppose claims attacking governmental legitimization at a lower rate in comparison to coalition party voters. Conclusion: The conclusion indicates that the party identification of the respondents is a mediating variable in their perception of governmental legitimacy vis‐à‐vis each of the three variables examined, thereby strengthening the perceptual screening. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the diversity of social and political assertions in the work of Vladimir M Bekhterev. Its findings reveal that he drew social and political conclusions based on his doctrine of reflexology. Moreover, he propagated the use of statistical investigations by scientific and governmental institutions to estimate the social and healthcare needs of the population. These conclusions accord with Bekhterev's desire for a transformation of society that would bring continued progress to people's social and living conditions. Additionally, the findings of this research work also support the idea that Bekhterev should be regarded as an important protagonist of neuroethics, a relatively recent field of research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this study is to investigate the influence of Government Embedment and Organizational Environment on farmers' Credible Commitment in regard to the Collective Governance of Rural Residential Land and to inform decision-making processes that promote farmers' compliance with Rural Residential Land management regulations and enhance the effectiveness of the Collective Governance of Rural Residential Land. The research employs various models, including Oprobit, Ologit, IV-2SLS, and moderated mediation. The research results show that (1) both Government Embedment and the Cultural Environment within the Organizational Context significantly enhance Farmers' Credible Commitment in regard to the Collective Governance of Rural Residential Land. Notably, the quality of the Cultural Environment, when improved by Government Embedment, boosts this commitment further. (2) Endogeneity issues can lead to an overestimation of the effects of these factors. (3) Punishment intensity only positively moderates the impact of the Cultural Environment on Farmers' Credible Commitment. (4) The moderating effect of punishment intensity correlates positively with its strength, exhibiting a threshold value. In conclusion, our research underscores the need to establish a robust regulatory framework for Rural Residential Land use, foster a conducive village cultural atmosphere, and consistently enhance the punishment intensity for illegal Rural Residential Land use. These measures will encourage farmers to adhere to Credible Commitment in regard to Rural Residential Land use, thereby facilitating the effective implementation of Collective Governance over Rural Residential Land. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The "International Labor Rights Case Law" journal covers various legal cases related to labor rights, including freedom of association, elimination of discrimination at the workplace, prohibition of forced and child labor, and health and safety. Each case is accompanied by commentary from experts in the field, providing insights and analysis. The journal aims to highlight important legal developments in labor rights across different countries and regions, offering a comprehensive overview of key issues in this area. [Extracted from the article]

The document titled "25 Committee on Freedom of Association (CFA) of the International Labor Organization (ILO): Interim Report – Report No 405, Case No. 3203 (Bangladesh), 1 March 2024" highlights serious violations of workers' and trade unionists' rights in the Bangladeshi ready-made garment sector. The Committee on Freedom of Association urges the government to thoroughly investigate the violent death of trade unionist Shahidul Islam and prosecute those responsible to prevent similar acts in the future. The document also discusses previous cases of labor rights violations and the government's responses, emphasizing the need for full investigations and justice to address anti-union violence and discrimination. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses the implementation and effectiveness of the National Intelligence Priorities Framework (NIPF) in the United States. The NIPF was created in 2003 to improve the coordination and prioritization of intelligence efforts. It focuses on addressing issues rather than specific nations and reflects the priorities of senior policymakers. The article highlights the challenges faced in creating and implementing the NIPF, as well as its success in gaining support from policymakers and its continued use in subsequent administrations. The author, Mark M. Lowenthal, is an experienced expert in intelligence analysis and evaluation. [Extracted from the article]

AbstractBackgroundMethodsResultsConclusionDocuments are influential in shaping drug policy debates and are valuable data for drug policy research. In this article we conduct a values analysis of one drug policy document. The objectives were to assess the values within a policy document; assess the utility of Schwartz’s values framework in documentary analysis; and consider the relationship between values and policy positions.We chose the report foreword of a Special Commission in Australia for analysis. We developed deductive, theoretically-informed codes following Schwartz’s values framework, and undertook reflexive analysis of the coding process. Individual and cultural values were coded at the paragraph level and summed to analyze dominant values.Values related to structural context and drug policy; drug policy values were primarily security and universalism values; policy positions did not neatly map onto values positions; and researcher interpretations of motivations shaped the value identified.Policy documents can reveal conflicting values; these should be interpreted through inflection and emphasis specific to each occurrence. This work provides a step to future analyses that can differentiate multiple contrasting values informing a single policy position. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Testimonial evidence in the form of verbal accounts by victims, witnesses, and suspects plays a critical role in investigations and judicial proceedings, often serving as the only evidence during a trial. The psychological nature of testimonies causes this form of evidence to be inherently limited, motivating psycho-legal scholars to identify both risk factors and solutions necessary to improve its reliability. To this end, the current perspective argues that sleeprelated fatigue is a formative factor that influences the fidelity of statements and confessions provided during legal interactions. Specifically, it considers the prevalence of sleep disruption among subjects interacting with the criminal justice system, its likely impact onmemory of victims and witnesses, and the role of sleep deprivation in confessions. In view of legal doctrines relevant to both evidentiary and constitutional considerations, this analysis is meant to motivate future work at the intersection of sleep-related fatigue and legal processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The report on the results of the investigation by the Jakarta Provincial Government's Financial Audit Agency in 2014 explained that there were irregularities in the purchase of 36,410 square meters of land belonging to the Sumber Waras Health Foundation by the Jakarta Provincial Government. The purpose of this study is to understand the indications of state financial irregularities or according to the rules when reviewed from the Corruption Eradication Commission. The method uses a normative juridical approach, using literature or secondary data as the basis for research, and is carried out by looking for regulations and literature related to the problem being studied. The results explained that the Financial Audit Agency claimed that the purchase of land for the Sumber Waras Health Foundation was found to have the potential to harm the state reaching Rp191 billion, which was reported during a hearing at Commission three of the House of Representatives of the Republic of Indonesia with the Corruption Eradication Commission on June 14, 2016. Based on Law 30 of 2002 concerning the Corruption Eradication Commission which has conducted an investigation, two crucial numbers are explained, including: first, the investigators of the Corruption Eradication Commission stated that they did not find any unlawful acts in the purchase of land for the Sumber Waras Health Foundation; Second, the Corruption Eradication Commission invited experts, including the Indonesian Appraiser Professional Association. According to the results reported by the Financial Audit Agency regarding the finances of the DKI Jakarta Provincial Government in 2014 and the investigation from the Audit of the Financial Audit Agency, there were six irregularities including planning, budgeting, team formation, procurement, price formation, and delivery of results. As a result, the state's financial losses amounted to Rp191 billion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background/Objective: Witness' interviews within a judicial investigation represent a complex procedure because human memory is subjected to suggestions and personal re-elaboration processes. Therefore, it is necessary to use an interview method that guarantees the accuracy of the testimony. Method: This research focused on the development a modified version of the Cognitive Interview based on the use of the five Ws (who, what, where, when and why), commonly used in journalism, which we named the 5Ws-CI. The goal of the present study is to compare this method with two interrogation techniques already present in the literature, the Enhanced Cognitive Interview (ECI) and the Cognitive Interview with the Category Clustering Recall (CCR) and to test the moderating role of Machiavellianism. Seventy-two subjects individually watched a video-clip of a robbery and were randomly assigned to one of the three interview groups (ECI, CCR-CI, or 5Ws-CI) and the veracity condition (truth tellers vs. lie tellers). Results: Subjects in the 5Ws-CI and CCR groups remembered significantly more information than subjects in the ECI condition, without impacting on accuracy. Also, truth tellers reported more details than lie tellers. No significant difference was found between the 5Ws-CI and CI-CCR interview groups. Conclusions: In conclusion, the results indicate that the 5Ws-CI and CCR techniques might be effective methods and outperform the ECI. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The significance of the research lies in addressing the critical issue of judicial misinterpretation by the Supreme Court of the Republic of Kazakhstan, which is subsequently mirrored by subordinate courts, potentially infringing upon citizens' rights and freedoms. This study aims to thoroughly develop theoretical frameworks to enhance constitutional and legislative measures in Kazakhstan, thereby increasing the efficacy of legal norm interpretation and its impact on criminal justice administration. Utilizing analysis and comparative legal methods, this research examines various statutes and scholarly theories to ensure the theoretical and practical soundness, objectivity, and credibility of the findings. The investigation identifies legislative gaps, particularly in the Constitution of the Republic of Kazakhstan and the Law of the Republic of Kazakhstan No. 480-V "On Legal Acts" and administration of criminal justice, proposing amendments for legislative enhancement and advocating for the incorporation of case law into the Kazakh legal system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Governmental organizations face the challenge to integrate different sectoral policy perspectives and interests to deal effectively with the wicked issues of late-modern societies. This article delves into attempts of governmental organizations to realize such integrated policies and unravels the intra-organizational dynamics of collaborating on policy integration. Based on two in-depth case studies from The Netherlands, one focusing on public transport for specific target groups in the city of Rotterdam and the other focusing on a national policy program for criminal youth groups, we show how attempts at policy integration take place in the periphery of bureaucracies by temporary program teams. After the abolishment of the program team, the integrated policy easily volatilizes because of the lack of foothold and ownership in the line organization. Ironically, policy integration becomes a differentiated activity in the margins of public organizations rather than a joint exercise of sectoral organizational units. We present three explanatory hypotheses of this dynamic of marginalization. First, from a system-psychodynamic perspective, the line organization and the program team maintain distance from each other to reduce the tensions that are inherent in policy integration. Second, from an institutional perspective, the line organization marginalizes policy integration to protect their sectoral and vested interests. Third, from an innovation perspective, however, innovative policy integration does need the margins of organizations to protect itself against conservative reflexes from bureaucracies at risk of becoming marginalized and alienated. To facilitate a productive dynamic of policy integration in governmental organizations, this article concludes with providing the components for such an organizational design. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Stakeholders heavily rely on companies' environmental, social, and governance (ESG reports) to assess ESG performance and inform investment decisions. Given the significant influence of boards of directors on ESG disclosure, understanding how board characteristics impact this disclosure is crucial. A systematic literature review of 26 articles from 2012 to 2023, explores the relationship between board characteristics (BC) and ESG disclosure, aiming at identifying the academic trend of the relationship. Notably, 35% of the studies adopt a multicountry perspective, considering country-level factors. The results reveal the application of various theories--stakeholder, agency, legitimacy, resource dependency, signaling, and upper echelons--to explain the relationship. Key board characteristics identified include board size, independence, gender diversity, expertise, the presence of board committees. Research methods, particularly content analysis, are prevalent in the studied articles, with a focus on comprehensive ESG indices covering diverse dimensions. This research makes substantial contributions to the expanding ESG literature by offering valuable perspectives on how BC influence on ESG disclosure and suggesting avenues for future research, including industry comparative studies, the development of new theoretical frameworks, exploration of specific board characteristics, reference to national ESG guidelines, in-depth analysis of particular facets of ESG disclosure, and investigation of government mechanisms' role in the relationship between these variables. Furthermore, the most recent sources including papers from the Covid-19 Pandemic period, constitute the novelty of the research and this study offers valuable guidance for scholars seeking to enhance the understanding of BC and ESG disclosure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study is a continuation of the presentation of some practical hypotheses for sending the criminal cases for retrial in consideration of the principle of the double degree of jurisdiction in criminal matters, as they were retained in the relevant jurisprudence consulted, in this matter. Thus, the following main situations are analyzed: the omission of the court to rule on some claims (other than those concerning the civil action) or applications, raised even ex officio, possibly following the omission of the correct (re)qualification of the object of the application in law; the wrong admission by the first court of the defendant's application for trial in the simplified procedure of the recognition of guilt or the absence of the judicial investigation in general; the non-compliance with the provisions of Article 406 (1) of the Criminal Procedure Code regarding the drafting of the decision at the time of the pronouncement, following the Decision of the Constitutional Court of Romania No 233/2021; the existence of some irreconcilable contradictions between different parts of the judgment or its pronouncement prior to the finalization of the procedural phase of the preliminary chamber; the non-inclusion in the case of some interested persons, in order to ensure the opposability of the jurisdictional act; the settlement of the case in the absence of the file or in the absence of any means of evidence subsequently referred to in the considerations of the decision. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Congress's constitutional responsibility to oversee and investigate the executive branch of government demands that instances of waste, fraud, and abuse in the administrative state be checked via both legislation and nonlegislative committee hearings. In this article, I establish an oversight agenda for Congress using the nonpartisan Government Accountability Office's (GAO) biennial identification of the most vulnerable federal agencies and programs. I then assess whether and how government-wide partisanship affects Congress's ability to address this slate of issues. I find that, when government is divided, Congress is more legislatively productive on high-risk issues, and the House of Representatives is more likely to prioritize investigative hearings on high-risk issues. My results suggest a silver lining to the reality of partisan agenda control: preexisting administrative problems identified by well-positioned and well-informed observers at GAO may get more attention when there is a partisan incentive for the legislature to investigate an opposition-controlled government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This Note assesses whether the provisions in the Gauvain Bill Proposal could be a solution to two issues related to interviewee rights plaguing the United States' current anti-corruption framework--namely "watered-down Upjohn warnings" and the Connolly case's concern of "outsourcing" governmentcompelled testimony. The United States has been a leader in anti-corruption efforts due to its reliance on negotiated settlements, a framework in which internal investigations are key tools. This Note will first explain France's historical lag in the fight against corruption, as well as the pressures that pushed it to adopt a U.S.-style approach. Next, it will outline the two issues mentioned above which are present in the United States and explain the relevance of enhanced interviewee rights within anti-corruption efforts. Finally, it will consider Article 7 of the Gauvain Bill Proposal, finding that while it bolsters interviewee rights by essentially codifying a clear Upjohn warning standard and reducing conflicts of interest, it is only a partial solution to combat corruption. The Gauvain Bill Proposal establishes a number of rights for interviewees; however, these only apply to internal investigations which occur simultaneously with criminal investigations. Additionally, while the proposed bill would create an independent ad hoc committee designed to lead the internal investigation on behalf of the corporation and diminish any potential conflicts of interest should corporate executives be incriminated, it remains unclear whether this would in fact clarify the scope of representation for interviewees. Finally, the Gauvain proposals codify a right to silence which at first glance would seem to address Connolly issues. Paired with the need for close government cooperation, the proposal's failure to create guarantees against retaliation and the inference of guilt contribute to the likelihood of governmentcompelled testimony. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How can a country meaningfully commit to transitional justice interventions when ethnocracy and majoritarianism remain deeply entrenched in its political, legal and constitutional structures? Despite the creation of several commissions of inquiry and other mechanisms over the years to deal with the past, including those set up during the civil war, transitional justice and reconciliation have not been an integral part of Sri Lanka's nation-building campaign and socio-cultural consciousness. Sri Lanka's transitional justice interventions have historically been top-down, state-driven and elitist that lacked wider consultations with various groups and take their interests and demands into account. The oscillation between different political parties and their domestic and foreign policy orientations have had little impact. This article argues that the top-down and 'one-size-fits-all' transitional justice model does not work in certain societies, including Sri Lanka, and a shift to a unique and contexualised approach is imperative not only for longer-term sustainability but also to allow voices from the ground to be heard and included. This paper critiques the dominant transitional justice process and examines the challenges of achieving transitional justice in deeply divided societies where majoritarianism strengthens after the end of a violent conflict. Nonetheless, it acknowledges the risks of over-eulogising the bottom-up and local approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]