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In 2009, the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) brought an end to the long reign of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). However, despite high expectations, this politically transformative event has [...]

The literatures of both federalism and urban politics conclude that economic, technological and political changes on a global scale have produced limitations on the capacities of national governments, while enhancing the economic and political importance of urban-centred regions. A practical implication is that cities have become central to the study of federalism. This article attempts a synthesis of what we can learn from the federalism and urban politics literatures about the governance of cities in the twenty-first century. It considers the argument in favour of charter cities, as well as the advocacy of a stronger central government to preserve the social safety net, and concludes that both positions are premised on a traditional, hierarchical view of intergovernmental relations, a view that is out of keeping with the exigencies of a borderless world. Instead, it poses the following question: How can we have policies that are truly national and yet fully take into account the very significant differences among regions and communities? The article draws on recent research on the impact of federal policies regarding homelessness and immigration in Vancouver, Winnipeg and Saint John, as well as other research, to consider whether the federal government is doing the best it can to preserve national standards while respecting community difference. It concludes by defining three policy models that show varying degrees of promise in achieving that objective. Les recherches courantes sur le federalisme et sur la politique urbaine avancent que les changements economiques, technologiques et politiques qui se produisent a l'echelle mondiale affaiblissent les capacites des gouvernements nationaux tout en renforcant l'importance economique et politique des centres urbains. Il en decoule, sur le plan pratique, que les centres urbains sont devenus un sujet essentiel de l'etude du federalisme. Le present article tente de faire une synthese de ce que les recherches sur le federalisme et la politique urbaine peuvent nous enseigner sur la gouvernance des villes au 21e siecle. Apres avoir examine l'argument en faveur des villes a charte et celui qui preconise un renforcement du gouvernement central pour preserver le filet de securite sociale, l'article conclut que les deux arguments sont fondes sur une conception traditionnelle et hierarchique des relations intergouvernementales, et que cette conception ne repond plus aux exigences d'un monde sans frontieres. Puis, il pose la question suivante : comment peut-on formuler des politiques qui soient veritablement nationales et qui, en meme temps, tiennent compte des differences importantes entre les regions et les communautes? S'inspirant principalement d'une enquete recente sur le retentissement des politiques federales sur les problemes des sans-abri et de l'immigration a Vancouver, a Winnipeg et a Saint-Jean N.-B., l'article examine dans quelle mesure le gouvernement federal s'efforce de sauvegarder des normes nationales tout en respectant les differences regionales. En conclusion, il propose trois modeles politiques qui seraient susceptibles, a des degres divers, d'atteindre cet objectif.

This research is part of a project that examines the nature of political ideology in the United States and its impact on the formulation of public policy. Here we explore the bases of liberal conservative dissensus in areas of domestic policy other than business and the economy using a model developed by Janda, Berry, and Goldman. We find that the major elements of dissensus are: a strong conservative disposition to defend order; with a few exceptions a liberal indifference to order as conservatives define it; conservative opposition to the expansion of federal power over states or individuals and/or expansion in federal (and often state and local government) spending unless order is threatened; much greater liberal emphasis on equality; and varying conceptualizations of basic values to the degree that liberals and conservatives seem almost to be talking past each other using two different languages.

Political communicators can frame the debate over controversial public issues by emphasizing which policy goals deserve highest priority. This research examines how such rhetoric affects political attitudes by influencing the importance individuals attribute to competing values. I examine three specific rhetorical strategies: goal ranking, issue categorization, and institutional role assignment. Support for this approach comes from experimental studies in laboratory and survey settings. Frames affected not only opinions on the issues, but also the participants' judgments of the relative importance of competing policy goals. These findings should deepen our understanding of how political persuaders can shape public opinion through the framing of policy choices.

A new era began in Oct 1996 in New Zealand with the advent of a system of proportional representation based on the German model. Although much attention has been given to the political system, few have addressed how this might impact the public sector. Reports suggest that despite these changes, the impact on the public sector will be minimal.

The article argues that the adoption and persistence of many failed inward-looking development strategies can be attributed to political clientelism. A political system consisting of aggregations of patron-client networks bound together by the exchange of material benefits for political support is liable to be dominated by factionalism, politicisation, a high level of administrative corruption and a low degree of legitimacy and autonomy. In such an environment, welfare-reducing inward-looking development strategies result from the attempt to satisfy the demands of political supporters. The analysis suggests that political changes can be a prerequisite to a permanent transition to superior development strategies, and thus to the success of structural reform programmes., I. INTRODUCTION This article explores the value of political clientelism as an explanation of the origin of the failed inward-looking development strategies pursued by many Third World countries since the [...]

IT IS HARD TO FIND A NEWS ARTICLE ON Congress these days in which the word 'gridlock' does not figure prominently. After months of tense negotiations, Congress and President Barack [...]

Why are ministers so intent on playing with fire when it comes to the legal aspects of public policy? Although the High Court's striking down the government energy review in [...]

The economic and political system in Argentina is examined in the light of the Presidential elections that are due to begin in the country in April 2003. It is argued that the problems that Argentina has faced over the last two years have been as a result of an incompetent leadership that has been unable to deal with the complex problems of the day, unable to look beyond the short-term and develop sustainable solutions and unwilling to enter into political reforms and rebuild a good quality representative democracy.