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With the case of Sweden as its focus, this article contributes to the research on state–Islam relations in Europe. From a comparative European perspective, it demonstrates that Sweden departs from what is generally presented as the common pattern when it comes to when, how and why state-Islam relations were first established. Previous theorising on this topic, primarily connected with Jonathan Laurence's seminal work on state–Islam relations in Europe, argues that such relations follow two phases, namely (1) Embassy Islam (1960–1990) and (2) the institutionalisation of domestic relations with (national) Muslim Councils (1990-onwards). Our conclusion, however, is that Sweden skipped the first phase and went directly to the second in the mid-1970s. This, we argue, can be explained as the (unplanned) result of a general change in church–state relations in Sweden. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on fieldwork in the Northern German town of Gifhorn, the article analyses the negotiation process of Germany's first Muslim–Christian kindergarten during its inception and consolidation phase between 2007 and 2020. Through the reconstruction of the kindergarten case, the study informs the literature on interreligious dialogue and governance of religious diversity from a local perspective. A temporal analysis is used for the study of dialogue to capture changing views and positions of different stakeholders during shifting opportunity structures, including the rise of far-right populism and deteriorating political relations between Germany and Turkey. Hence, the kindergarten, which mirrors Germanys' national policy framework of institutionalizing Islam through treaties and dialogue cooperation, can be seen as a stage on which local negotiations and interreligious dynamics play out, uncovering complex intersections within the local, national, and international arena of politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The contribution aims to provide an exposition of the recent dynamics in state-religion relations in Central Eastern Europe (specifically in Hungary, Lithuania, and Slovakia) and Russia through the prism of the typology of modes of governance of religious diversity. Additionally, the present research complements this framework by taking into account the unique characteristics of Central and Eastern Europe and Russia. Though the countries of the region of Central Eastern Europe and Russia share much common history and recent experiences, the case studies analysed in this contribution reveal that state-religion relations and modes of governance of religious diversity nonetheless differ across countries. From a liberal secular perspective, adopted by the current authors, the dynamics of state-religion relations in this region look problematic. Of particular concern are state-Islam relations, which in some of the countries covered, namely Slovakia and Hungary, are already at a very low point, with Muslims (particularly of immigrant background) being increasingly securitised by the media, public, and the national political elites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Governance of religious diversity" appears to be the latest term to address the relationship between the state and (immigrant) religious groups in Western Europe. Conventional/established arrangements and frameworks of state-church relations (i.e. secularism) need to be revisited to include new religions and religious groups to the equation. It is suggested that contemporary multicultural societies require a broader perspective and a sophisticated framework than established understandings of secularism, and receiving states' governmental policies. Today, the main concern of Western European states is not the relationship between the state and church, but how to deal with Islam and accommodate distinctive religious practices in public spaces. This review article examines the current debates on governance of religious diversity through elaborating on the six books reviewed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]