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Older adults show poorer performance than young adults at word list recall, especially for order information. In contrast with this temporal association deficit, older adults are generally adept at using preexisting semantic associations, when present, to aid recall. We compared the use of temporal and semantic associations in young and older adults' word list recall following both free recall and serial recall instructions. Decomposition of serial position curves confirmed that older adults showed weakened use of temporal context in recall in relation to young adults, a difference that was amplified in serial recall. Older adults' temporal associations were also less effective than young adults' when correlated with serial recall performance. The differential age decrement for serial versus free recall was accompanied by a persistent influence of latent semantic associations in the older adults, even when maladaptive for serial recall. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Our visual world consists of multiple objects, necessitating the identification of individual objects. Nevertheless, the representation of visual objects often exerts influence on each other. Even when we selectively attend to a subset of visual objects, the representations of surrounding items are encoded and influence the processing of the attended item(s). However, it remains unclear whether the effect of group ensemble representation on individual item representation occurs at the perceptual encoding phase, during the memory maintenance period, or both. Therefore, the current study conducted visual psychophysics experiments to investigate the contributions of perceptual and mnemonic bias on the observed effect of ensemble representation on individual size representation. Across five experiments, we found a consistent pattern of repulsive ensemble bias, such that the size of an individual target circle was consistently reported to be smaller than it actually was when presented alongside other circles with larger mean size, and vice versa. There was a perceptual component to the bias, but mnemonic factors also influenced its magnitude. Specifically, the repulsion bias was strongest with a short retention period (0-50 ms), then reduced within a second to a weaker magnitude that remained stable for a longer retention period (5,000 ms). Such patterns of results persisted when we facilitated the processing of ensemble representation by increasing the set size (Experiment 1B) or post-cueing the target circle so that attention was distributed across all items (Experiment 2B)., (© 2024. The Author(s).)

In adults, spatial location plays a special role in visual object processing. People are more likely to judge two sequentially presented objects as being identical when they appear in the same location compared to in different locations (a phenomenon referred to as Spatial Congruency Bias [SCB]). However, no comparable Identity Congruency Bias (ICB) is found, suggesting an asymmetric location-identity relationship in object binding. What gives rise to this asymmetric congruency bias? This paper considered two possible hypotheses. Hypothesis 1 suggests that the asymmetric congruency bias results from an inherently special role of location in the visual system. In contrast, Hypothesis 2 suggests that the asymmetric congruency bias is a product of development, reflecting people's experience with the world. To distinguish the two hypotheses, we tested both adults' and 5-year-old children's SCB and ICB by Identity Judgment Experiments and Spatial Judgment Experiments, respectively. The study found that adults only exhibited a SCB, but no ICB. However, young children exhibited both SCB and ICB, suggesting a symmetric congruency bias and reciprocal influences between location and identity in early development. The results indicate that the asymmetric location-identity relationship develops as object identity's influence on location gets pruned away, while location's influence on identity is preserved, possibly due to people's gained experiences with regularities of the world. RESEARCH HIGHLIGHTS: Adults exhibit Spatial Congruency Bias-an asymmetric location-identity relationship with location biasing their judgment of object identities, but not vice versa. Asymmetric congruency bias may result from an inherently special role of location in visual system (Hypothesis 1) or accumulated experiences with the world (Hypothesis 2). To distinguish the two hypotheses, the study investigated the Spatial Congruency Bias and Identity Congruency Bias in both adults and 5-year-old children. Unlike adults who exhibited only Spatial Congruency Bias, 5-year-old children exhibited both Spatial Congruency Bias and Identity Congruency Bias., (© 2024 The Authors. Developmental Science published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd.)

Our visual systems rapidly perceive and integrate information about object identities and locations. There is long-standing debate about if and how we achieve world-centered (spatiotopic) object representations across eye movements, with many studies reporting persistent retinotopic (eye-centered) effects even for higher level object-location binding. But these studies are generally conducted in fairly static experimental contexts. Might spatiotopic object-location binding only emerge in more dynamic saccade contexts? In the present study, we investigated this using the spatial congruency bias paradigm in healthy adults. In the static (single-saccade) context, we found purely retinotopic binding, as before. However, robust spatiotopic binding emerged in the dynamic saccade context (multiple frequent saccades and saccades during stimulus presentation). We further isolated specific factors that modulate retinotopic and spatiotopic binding. Our results provide strong evidence that dynamic saccade context can trigger more stable object-location binding in ecologically relevant spatiotopic coordinates, perhaps via a more flexible brain state that accommodates improved visual stability in the dynamic world. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).

We are often bombarded with salient stimuli that capture our attention and distract us from our current goals. Decades of research have shown the robust detrimental impacts of salient distractors on search performance and, of late, in leading to altered feature perception. These feature errors can be quite extreme, and thus, undesirable. In search tasks, salient distractors can be suppressed if they appear more frequently in one location, and this learned spatial suppression can lead to reductions in the cost of distraction as measured by reaction time slowing. Can learned spatial suppression also protect against visual feature errors? To investigate this question, participants were cued to report one of four briefly presented colored squares on a color wheel. On two-thirds of trials, a salient distractor appeared around one of the nontarget squares, appearing more frequently in one location over the course of the experiment. Participants' responses were fit to a model estimating performance parameters and compared across conditions. Our results showed that general performance (guessing and precision) improved when the salient distractor appeared in a likely location relative to elsewhere. Critically, feature swap errors (probability of misreporting the color at the salient distractor's location) were also significantly reduced when the distractor appeared in a likely location, suggesting that learned spatial suppression of a salient distractor helps protect the processing of target features. This study provides evidence that, in addition to helping us avoid salient distractors, suppression likely plays a larger role in helping to prevent distracting information from being encoded., (© 2023. The Psychonomic Society, Inc.)

Learning to ignore distractors is critical for navigating the visual world. Research has suggested that a location frequently containing a salient distractor can be suppressed. How does such suppression work? Previous studies provided evidence for proactive suppression, but methodological limitations preclude firm conclusions. We sought to overcome these limitations with a new search-probe paradigm. On search trials, participants searched for a shape oddball target while a salient color singleton distractor frequently appeared in a high-probability location. On randomly interleaved probe trials, participants discriminated the orientation of a tilted bar presented briefly at one of the search locations, allowing us to index the spatial distribution of attention at the moment the search would have begun. Results on search trials replicated previous findings: reduced attentional capture when a salient distractor appeared in the high-probability location. However, critically, probe discrimination was no different at the high-probability and low-probability locations. We increased the incentive to ignore the high-probability location in Experiment 2 and found, strikingly, that probe discrimination accuracy was greater at the high-probability location. These results suggest that the high-probability location was initially selected before being suppressed, consistent with a reactive mechanism. Overall, the accuracy probe procedure demonstrates that learned spatial suppression is not always proactive, even when response time metrics seem consistent with such an inference. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2023 APA, all rights reserved).

Attention allows us to select relevant and ignore irrelevant information from our complex environments. What happens when attention shifts from one item to another? To answer this question, it is critical to have tools that accurately recover neural representations of both feature and location information with high temporal resolution. In the present study, we used human electroencephalography (EEG) and machine learning to explore how neural representations of object features and locations update across dynamic shifts of attention. We demonstrate that EEG can be used to create simultaneous time courses of neural representations of attended features (time point-by-time point inverted encoding model reconstructions) and attended location (time point-by-time point decoding) during both stable periods and across dynamic shifts of attention. Each trial presented two oriented gratings that flickered at the same frequency but had different orientations; participants were cued to attend one of them and on half of trials received a shift cue midtrial. We trained models on a stable period from Hold attention trials and then reconstructed/decoded the attended orientation/location at each time point on Shift attention trials. Our results showed that both feature reconstruction and location decoding dynamically track the shift of attention and that there may be time points during the shifting of attention when 1 ) feature and location representations become uncoupled and 2 ) both the previously attended and currently attended orientations are represented with roughly equal strength. The results offer insight into our understanding of attentional shifts, and the noninvasive techniques developed in the present study lend themselves well to a wide variety of future applications. NEW & NOTEWORTHY We used human EEG and machine learning to reconstruct neural response profiles during dynamic shifts of attention. Specifically, we demonstrated that we could simultaneously read out both location and feature information from an attended item in a multistimulus display. Moreover, we examined how that readout evolves over time during the dynamic process of attentional shifts. These results provide insight into our understanding of attention, and this technique carries substantial potential for versatile extensions and applications.

Spatial attention affects not only where we look, but also what we perceive and remember in attended and unattended locations. Previous work has shown that manipulating attention via top-down cues or bottom-up capture leads to characteristic patterns of feature errors. Here we investigated whether experience-driven attentional guidance-and probabilistic attentional guidance more generally-leads to similar feature errors. We conducted a series of pre-registered experiments employing a learned spatial probability or probabilistic pre-cue; all experiments involved reporting the color of one of four simultaneously presented stimuli using a continuous response modality. When the probabilistic cues guided attention to an invalid (nontarget) location, participants were less likely to report the target color, as expected. But strikingly, their errors tended to be clustered around a nontarget color opposite the color of the invalidly-cued nontarget. This "feature avoidance" was found for both experience-driven and top-down probabilistic cues, and appears to be the product of a strategic-but possibly subconscious-behavior, occurring when information about the features and/or feature-location bindings outside the focus of attention is limited. The findings emphasize the importance of considering how different types of attentional guidance can exert different effects on feature perception and memory reports. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2023 APA, all rights reserved).

Previous studies have posited that spatial location plays a special role in object recognition. Notably, the "spatial congruency bias (SCB)" is a tendency to report objects as the same identity if they are presented at the same location, compared to different locations. Here we found that even when statistical regularities were manipulated in the opposite direction (objects in the same location were three times more likely to be different identities), subjects still exhibited a robust SCB (more likely to report them as the same identity). We replicated this finding across two preregistered experiments. Only in a third experiment where we explicitly informed subjects of the manipulation did the SCB disappear, though the lack of a significantly reversed bias suggests the ingrained congruency bias was not completely overcome. The inclusion of catch trials where the second object was completely masked further bolsters previous evidence that the congruency bias is perceptual, not simply a guessing strategy. These results reinforce the dominant role of spatial information during object recognition and present the SCB as a strong perceptual phenomenon that is incredibly hard to overcome even in the face of opposing regularities and explicit instruction. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2023 APA, all rights reserved).

This opinion piece is part of a collection on the topic: "What is attention?" Despite the word's place in the common vernacular, a satisfying definition for "attention" remains elusive. Part of the challenge is there exist many different types of attention, which may or may not share common mechanisms. Here we review this literature and offer an intuitive definition that draws from aspects of prior theories and models of attention but is broad enough to recognize the various types of attention and modalities it acts upon: attention as a multi-level system of weights and balances. While the specific mechanism(s) governing the weighting/balancing may vary across levels, the fundamental role of attention is to dynamically weigh and balance all signals-both externally-generated and internally-generated-such that the highest weighted signals are selected and enhanced. Top-down, bottom-up, and experience-driven factors dynamically impact this balancing, and competition occurs both within and across multiple levels of processing. This idea of a multi-level system of weights and balances is intended to incorporate both external and internal attention and capture their myriad of constantly interacting processes. We review key findings and open questions related to external attention guidance, internal attention and working memory, and broader attentional control (e.g., ongoing competition between external stimuli and internal thoughts) within the framework of this analogy. We also speculate about the implications of failures of attention in terms of weights and balances, ranging from momentary one-off errors to clinical disorders, as well as attentional development and degradation across the lifespan. This article is categorized under: Psychology > Attention Neuroscience > Cognition., (© 2022 The Authors. WIREs Cognitive Science published by Wiley Periodicals LLC.)

Our behavioral goals shape how we process information via attentional filters that prioritize goal-relevant information, dictating both where we attend and what we attend to. When something unexpected or salient appears in the environment, it captures our spatial attention. Extensive research has focused on the spatiotemporal aspects of attentional capture, but what happens to concurrent nonspatial filters during visual distraction? Here, we demonstrate a novel, broader consequence of distraction: widespread disruption to filters that regulate category-specific object processing. We recorded fMRI while participants viewed arrays of face/house hybrid images. On distractor-absent trials, we found robust evidence for the standard signature of category-tuned attentional filtering: greater BOLD activation in fusiform face area during attend-faces blocks and in parahippocampal place area during attend-houses blocks. However, on trials where a salient distractor (white rectangle) flashed abruptly around a nontarget location, not only was spatial attention captured, but the concurrent category-tuned attentional filter was disrupted, revealing a boost in activation for the to-be-ignored category. This disruption was robust, resulting in errant processing-and early on, prioritization-of goal-inconsistent information. These findings provide a direct test of the filter disruption theory: that in addition to disrupting spatial attention, distraction also disrupts nonspatial attentional filters tuned to goal-relevant information. Moreover, these results reveal that, under certain circumstances, the filter disruption may be so profound as to induce a full reversal of the attentional control settings, which carries novel implications for both theory and real-world perception., (© 2022 Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Published under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0) license.)

How are humans capable of maintaining detailed representations of visual items in memory? When required to make fine discriminations, we sometimes implicitly differentiate memory representations away from each other to reduce interitem confusion. However, this separation of representations can inadvertently lead memories to be recalled as biased away from other memory items, a phenomenon termed repulsion bias. Using a nonretinotopically specific working memory paradigm, we found stronger repulsion bias with longer working memory delays, but only when items were actively maintained. These results suggest that (a) repulsion bias can reflect a mnemonic phenomenon, distinct from perceptually driven observations of repulsion bias; and (b) mnemonic repulsion bias is ongoing during maintenance and dependent on attention to internally maintained memory items. These results support theories of working memory where items are represented interdependently and further reveals contexts where stronger attention to working memory items during maintenance increases repulsion bias between them. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved).

Given the complexity of our visual environments, a number of mechanisms help us prioritize goal-consistent visual information. When searching for a friend in a crowd, for instance, visual working memory (VWM) maintains a representation of your target (i.e., your friend's shirt) so that attention can be subsequently guided toward target-matching features. In turn, attentional filters gate access to VWM to ensure that only the most relevant information is encoded and used to guide behavior. Distracting (i.e., unexpected/salient) information, however, can also capture your attention, disrupting search. In the current study we ask: does distraction also disrupt control over the VWM filter? Although the effect of distraction on search behavior is heavily studied, we know little about its consequences for VWM. Participants performed two consecutive visual search tasks on each trial. Stimulus color was irrelevant for both search tasks, but on trials where a salient distractor appeared on Search 1, we found evidence that the color associated with this distractor was incidentally encoded into VWM, resulting in memory-driven capture on Search 2. In two different experiments we observed slower responses on Search 2 when a non-target item matched the color of the salient distractor from Search 1; this effect was specific to the color associated with salient distraction and not induced by other non-target colors from the Search 1 display. We propose a novel Filter Disruption Theory: distraction disrupts the attentional filter that controls access to VWM, resulting in the encoding of irrelevant inputs at the time of capture., (© 2021. The Psychonomic Society, Inc.)

Attention is dynamic, constantly shifting between different locations - sometimes imperfectly. How do goal-driven expectations impact dynamic spatial attention? A previous study (Dowd & Golomb, Psychological Science, 30(3), 343-361, 2019) explored object-feature binding when covert attention needed to be either maintained at a single location or shifted from one location to another. In addition to revealing feature-binding errors during dynamic shifts of attention, this study unexpectedly found that participants sometimes made correlated errors on trials when they did not have to shift attention, mistakenly reporting the features and location of an object at a different location. The authors posited that these errors represent "spatial lapses" attention, which are perhaps driven by the implicit sampling of other locations in anticipation of having to shift attention. To investigate whether these spatial lapses are indeed anticipatory, we conducted a series of four experiments. We first replicated in Psychological Science, 30(3), the original finding of spatial lapses, and then showed that these spatial lapses were not observed in contexts where participants are not expecting to have to shift attention. We then tested contexts where the direction of attentional shifts was spatially predictable, and found that participants lapse preferentially to more likely shift locations. Finally, we found that spatial lapses do not seem to be driven by explicit knowledge of likely shift locations. Combined, these results suggest that spatial lapses of attention are induced by the implicit anticipation of making an attentional shift, providing further insight into the interplay between implicit expectations, dynamic spatial attention, and visual perception., (© 2021. The Psychonomic Society, Inc.)

Our visual system is fundamentally retinotopic. When viewing a stable scene, each eye movement shifts object features and locations on the retina. Thus, sensory representations must be updated, or remapped, across saccades to align presaccadic and postsaccadic inputs. The earliest remapping studies focused on anticipatory, presaccadic shifts of neuronal spatial receptive fields. Over time, it has become clear that there are multiple forms of remapping and that different forms of remapping may be mediated by different neural mechanisms. This review attempts to organize the various forms of remapping into a functional taxonomy based on experimental data and ongoing debates about forward versus convergent remapping, presaccadic versus postsaccadic remapping, and spatial versus attentional remapping. We integrate findings from primate neurophysiological, human neuroimaging and behavioral, and computational modeling studies. We conclude by discussing persistent open questions related to remapping, with specific attention to binding of spatial and featural information during remapping and speculations about remapping's functional significance.

Humans use regularities in the environment to facilitate learning, often without awareness or intent. How might such regularities distort long-term memory? Here, participants studied and reported the colors of objects in a long-term memory paradigm, uninformed that certain colors were sampled more frequently overall. When participants misreported an object's color, these errors were often centered around the average studied color (i.e., "Rich" color), demonstrating swap errors in long-term memory due to imposed statistical regularities. We observed such swap errors regardless of memory load, explicit knowledge, or the distance in color space between the correct color of the tested object and the Rich color. An explicit guessing strategy where participants intentionally made swap errors when uncertain could not fully account for our results. We discuss other potential sources of observed swap errors such as false memory and implicit biased guessing. Although less robust than swap errors, evidence was also observed for subtle shift errors towards or away from the Rich color dependent on the color distance between the correct color and the Rich color. Together, these findings of swap and shift errors provide converging evidence for memory distortion mechanisms induced by a reference point, bridging a gap in the literature between how attention to regularities similarly influences visual working memory and visual long-term memory.

We can focus visuospatial attention by covertly attending to relevant locations, moving our eyes, or both simultaneously. How does shifting versus holding covert attention during fixation compare with maintaining covert attention across saccades? We acquired human fMRI data during a combined saccade and covert attention task. On Eyes-fixed trials, participants either held attention at the same initial location ("hold attention") or shifted attention to another location midway through the trial ("shift attention"). On Eyes-move trials, participants made a saccade midway through the trial, while maintaining attention in one of two reference frames: the "retinotopic attention" condition involved holding attention at a fixation-relative location but shifting to a different screen-centered location, whereas the "spatiotopic attention" condition involved holding attention on the same screen-centered location but shifting relative to fixation. We localized the brain network sensitive to attention shifts (shift > hold attention), and used multivoxel pattern time course (MVPTC) analyses to investigate the patterns of brain activity for spatiotopic and retinotopic attention across saccades. In the attention shift network, we found transient information about both whether covert shifts were made and whether saccades were executed. Moreover, in this network, both retinotopic and spatiotopic conditions were represented more similarly to shifting than to holding covert attention. An exploratory searchlight analysis revealed additional regions where spatiotopic was relatively more similar to shifting and retinotopic more to holding. Thus, maintaining retinotopic and spatiotopic attention across saccades may involve different types of updating that vary in similarity to covert attention "hold" and "shift" signals across different regions., (Copyright © 2021 Zhang and Golomb.)

The "spatial congruency bias" is a behavioral phenomenon where 2 objects presented sequentially are more likely to be judged as being the same object if they are presented in the same location (Golomb, Kupitz, & Thiemann, 2014), suggesting that irrelevant spatial location information may be bound to object representations. Here, we examine whether the spatial congruency bias extends to higher-level object judgments of facial identity and expression. On each trial, 2 real-world faces were sequentially presented in variable screen locations, and subjects were asked to make same-different judgments on the facial expression (Experiments 1-2) or facial identity (Experiment 3) of the stimuli. We observed a robust spatial congruency bias for judgments of facial identity, yet a more fragile one for judgments of facial expression. Subjects were more likely to judge 2 faces as displaying the same expression if they were presented in the same location (compared to in different locations), but only when the faces shared the same identity. On the other hand, a spatial congruency bias was found when subjects made judgments on facial identity, even across faces displaying different facial expressions. These findings suggest a possible difference between the binding of facial identity and facial expression to spatial location. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2020 APA, all rights reserved).

Spatial attention is thought to be the "glue" that binds features together (e.g., Treisman & Gelade, 1980, Psychology, 12[1], 97-136)-but attention is dynamic, constantly moving across multiple goals and locations. For example, when a person moves her eyes, visual inputs that are coded relative to the eyes (retinotopic) must be rapidly updated to maintain stable world-centered (spatiotopic) representations. Here, we examined how dynamic updating of spatial attention after a saccadic eye movement affects object-feature binding. Immediately after a saccade, participants were simultaneously presented with four colored and oriented bars (one at a precued spatiotopic target location) and instructed to reproduce both the color and orientation of the target item. Object-feature binding was assessed by applying probabilistic mixture models to the joint distribution of feature errors: feature reports for the target item could be correlated (and thus bound together) or independent. We found that compared with holding attention without an eye movement, attentional updating after an eye movement produced more independent errors, including illusory conjunctions, in which one feature of the item at the spatiotopic target location was misbound with the other feature of the item at the initial retinotopic location. These findings suggest that even when only one spatiotopic location is task relevant, spatial attention-and thus object-feature binding-is malleable across and after eye movements, heightening the challenge that eye movements pose for the binding problem and for visual stability.

We live in a dynamic, distracting world. When distracting information captures attention, what are the consequences for perception? Previous literature has focused on effects such as reaction time (RT) slowing, accuracy decrements, and oculomotor capture by distractors. In the current study, we asked whether attentional capture by distractors can also more fundamentally alter target feature representations, and if so, whether participants are aware of such errors. Using a continuous report task and novel confidence range report paradigm, we discovered 2 types of feature-binding errors when a distractor was presented along with the target: First, when attention is strongly captured by the distractor, participants commit swapping errors (misreporting the color at the distractor location instead of the target color), which remarkably seem to occur without awareness. Second, when participants successfully resist capture, they tend to exhibit repulsion (perceptual distortion away from the color at the distractor location). Thus, we found that capture not only induces a spatial shift of attention, it also alters feature perception in striking ways. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2019 APA, all rights reserved).

How do we maintain visual stability across eye movements? Much work has focused on how visual information is rapidly updated to maintain spatiotopic representations. However, predictive spatial remapping is only part of the story. Here I review key findings, recent debates, and open questions regarding remapping and its implications for visual attention and perception. This review focuses on two key questions: when does remapping occur, and what is the impact on feature perception? Findings are reviewed within the framework of a two-stage, or dual- spotlight, remapping process, where spatial attention must be both updated to the new location (fast, predictive stage) and withdrawn from the previous retinotopic location (slow, post-saccadic stage), with a particular focus on the link between spatial and feature information across eye movements., (Copyright © 2019 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

Multiple regions in the human brain are dedicated to accomplish the feat of object recognition; yet our brains must also compute the 2D and 3D locations of the objects we encounter in order to make sense of our visual environments. A number of studies have explored how various object category-selective regions are sensitive to and have preferences for specific 2D spatial locations in addition to processing their preferred-stimulus categories, but there is no survey of how these regions respond to depth information. In a blocked functional MRI experiment, subjects viewed a series of category-specific (i.e., faces, objects, scenes) and unspecific (e.g., random moving dots) stimuli with red/green anaglyph glasses. Critically, these stimuli were presented at different depth planes such that they appeared in front of, behind, or at the same (i.e., middle) depth plane as the fixation point (Experiment 1) or simultaneously in front of and behind fixation (i.e., mixed depth; Experiment 2). Comparisons of mean response magnitudes between back, middle, and front depth planes reveal that face and object regions OFA and LOC exhibit a preference for front depths, and motion area MT+ exhibits a strong linear preference for front, followed by middle, followed by back depth planes. In contrast, scene-selective regions PPA and OPA prefer front and/or back depth planes (relative to middle). Moreover, the occipital place area demonstrates a strong preference for "mixed" depth above and beyond back alone, raising potential implications about its particular role in scene perception. Crucially, the observed depth preferences in nearly all areas were evoked irrespective of the semantic stimulus category being viewed. These results reveal that the object category-selective regions may play a role in processing or incorporating depth information that is orthogonal to their primary processing of object category information., (Copyright © 2019 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.)

Visual object perception requires integration of multiple features; spatial attention is thought to be critical to this binding. But attention is rarely static-how does dynamic attention impact object integrity? Here, we manipulated covert spatial attention and had participants (total N = 48) reproduce multiple properties (color, orientation, location) of a target item. Object-feature binding was assessed by applying probabilistic models to the joint distribution of feature errors: Feature reports for the same object could be correlated (and thus bound together) or independent. We found that splitting attention across multiple locations degrades object integrity, whereas rapid shifts of spatial attention maintain bound objects. Moreover, we document a novel attentional phenomenon, wherein participants exhibit unintentional fluctuations- lapses of spatial attention-yet nevertheless preserve object integrity at the wrong location. These findings emphasize the importance of a single focus of spatial attention for object-feature binding, even when that focus is dynamically moving across the visual field.

The contents of working memory (WM) can influence where we attend-but can it also interfere with what we see? Active maintenance of visual items in WM biases attention towards WM-matching objects, and also enhances early perceptual processing of WM-matching items (e.g., more accurate perceptual discrimination). Here, we asked whether a WM-matching distractor interferes with perceptual processing of a target's features. In a dual-task paradigm, participants maintained a shape in WM across an intervening visual search task, during which they had to reproduce the colour of a designated target item using a continuous-report technique. Importantly, the WM shape could match the target item, a distractor item, or no item in the search array. When the WM shape matched a distractor, we found no evidence of systematic perceptual interference (i.e., swapping or mixing with the distractor colour), but observed only general disruptions in target processing (i.e., decreased target accuracy). These results suggest that when visual attention is inadvertently drawn to a WM-matching distractor, any resultant automatic perceptual processing may be too transient or weak to significantly interfere with perceptual processing of the target's features.

To interact successfully with objects, we must maintain stable representations of their locations in the world. However, their images on the retina may be displaced several times per second by large, rapid eye movements. A number of studies have demonstrated that visual processing is heavily influenced by gaze-centered (retinotopic) information, including a recent finding that memory for an object's location is more accurate and precise in gaze-centered (retinotopic) than world-centered (spatiotopic) coordinates (Golomb & Kanwisher, 2012b). This effect is somewhat surprising, given our intuition that behavior is successfully guided by spatiotopic representations. In the present experiment, we asked whether the visual system may rely on a more spatiotopic memory store depending on the mode of responding. Specifically, we tested whether reaching toward and tapping directly on an object's location could improve memory for its spatiotopic location. Participants performed a spatial working memory task under four conditions: retinotopic vs. spatiotopic task, and computer mouse click vs. touchscreen reaching response. When participants responded by clicking with a mouse on the screen, we replicated Golomb & Kanwisher's original results, finding that memory was more accurate in retinotopic than spatiotopic coordinates and that the accuracy of spatiotopic memory deteriorated substantially more than retinotopic memory with additional eye movements during the memory delay. Critically, we found the same pattern of results when participants responded by using their finger to reach and tap the remembered location on the monitor. These results further support the hypothesis that spatial memory is natively retinotopic; we found no evidence that engaging the motor system improves spatiotopic memory across saccades.

The image on our retina changes every time we make an eye movement. To maintain visual stability after saccades, specifically to locate visual targets, we may use nontarget objects as "landmarks". In the current study, we compared how the presence of nontargets affects target localization after saccades and during sustained fixation. Participants fixated a target object, which either maintained its location on the screen (sustained-fixation trials), or displaced to trigger a saccade (saccade trials). After the target disappeared, participants reported the most recent target location with a mouse click. We found that the presence of nontargets decreased response error magnitude and variability. However, this nontarget facilitation effect was not larger for saccade trials than sustained-fixation trials, indicating that nontarget facilitation might be a general effect for target localization, rather than of particular importance to post-saccadic stability. Additionally, participants' responses were biased towards the nontarget locations, particularly when the nontarget-target relationships were preserved in relative coordinates across the saccade. This nontarget bias interacted with biases from other spatial references, e.g. eye movement paths, possibly in a way that emphasized non-redundant information. In summary, the presence of nontargets is one of several sources of reference that combine to influence (both facilitate and bias) target localization., Competing Interests: Declaration of Interest The authors declare no conflict of interest.

In complex real-world scenes, image content is conveyed by a large collection of intertwined visual features. The visual system disentangles these features in order to extract information about image content. Here, we investigate the role of one integral component: the content of spatial frequencies in an image. Specifically, we measure the amount of image content carried by low versus high spatial frequencies for the representation of real-world scenes in scene-selective regions of human visual cortex. To this end, we attempted to decode scene categories from the brain activity patterns of participants viewing scene images that contained the full spatial frequency spectrum, only low spatial frequencies, or only high spatial frequencies, all carefully controlled for contrast and luminance. Contrary to the findings from numerous behavioral studies and computational models that have highlighted how low spatial frequencies preferentially encode image content, decoding of scene categories from the scene-selective brain regions, including the parahippocampal place area (PPA), was significantly more accurate for high than low spatial frequency images. In fact, decoding accuracy was just as high for high spatial frequency images as for images containing the full spatial frequency spectrum in scene-selective areas PPA, RSC, OPA and object selective area LOC. We also found an interesting dissociation between the posterior and anterior subdivisions of PPA: categories were decodable from both high and low spatial frequency scenes in posterior PPA but only from high spatial frequency scenes in anterior PPA; and spatial frequency was explicitly decodable from posterior but not anterior PPA. Our results are consistent with recent findings that line drawings, which consist almost entirely of high spatial frequencies, elicit a neural representation of scene categories that is equivalent to that of full-spectrum color photographs. Collectively, these findings demonstrate the importance of high spatial frequencies for conveying the content of complex real-world scenes.

One of the fundamental challenges of visual cognition is how our visual systems combine information about an object's features with its spatial location. A recent phenomenon related to object-location binding, the "spatial congruency bias," revealed that two objects are more likely to be perceived as having the same identity or features if they appear in the same spatial location, versus if the second object appears in a different location. The spatial congruency bias suggests that irrelevant location information is automatically encoded with and bound to other object properties, biasing perceptual judgments. Here we further explored this new phenomenon and its role in object-location binding by asking what happens when an object moves to a new location: Is the spatial congruency bias sensitive to spatiotemporal contiguity cues, or does it remain linked to the original object location? Across four experiments, we found that the spatial congruency bias remained strongly linked to the original object location. However, under certain circumstances-for instance, when the first object paused and remained visible for a brief time after the movement-the congruency bias was found at both the original location and the updated location. These data suggest that the spatial congruency bias is based more on low-level visual information than on spatiotemporal contiguity cues, and reflects a type of object-location binding that is primarily tied to the original object location and that may only update to the object's new location if there is time for the features to be re-encoded and rebound following the movement.

Despite frequent eye movements that rapidly shift the locations of objects on our retinas, our visual system creates a stable perception of the world. To do this, it must convert eye-centered (retinotopic) input to world-centered (spatiotopic) percepts. Moreover, for successful behavior we must also incorporate information about object features/identities during this updating - a fundamental challenge that remains to be understood. Here we adapted a recent behavioral paradigm, the "spatial congruency bias," to investigate object-location binding across an eye movement. In two initial baseline experiments, we showed that the spatial congruency bias was present for both gabor and face stimuli in addition to the object stimuli used in the original paradigm. Then, across three main experiments, we found the bias was preserved across an eye movement, but only in retinotopic coordinates: Subjects were more likely to perceive two stimuli as having the same features/identity when they were presented in the same retinotopic location. Strikingly, there was no evidence of location binding in the more ecologically relevant spatiotopic (world-centered) coordinates; the reference frame did not update to spatiotopic even at longer post-saccade delays, nor did it transition to spatiotopic with more complex stimuli (gabors, shapes, and faces all showed a retinotopic congruency bias). Our results suggest that object-location binding may be tied to retinotopic coordinates, and that it may need to be re-established following each eye movement rather than being automatically updated to spatiotopic coordinates.

Visual information is initially represented as 2D images on the retina, but our brains are able to transform this input to perceive our rich 3D environment. While many studies have explored 2D spatial representations or depth perception in isolation, it remains unknown if or how these processes interact in human visual cortex. Here we used functional MRI and multi-voxel pattern analysis to investigate the relationship between 2D location and position-in-depth information. We stimulated different 3D locations in a blocked design: each location was defined by horizontal, vertical, and depth position. Participants remained fixated at the center of the screen while passively viewing the peripheral stimuli with red/green anaglyph glasses. Our results revealed a widespread, systematic transition throughout visual cortex. As expected, 2D location information (horizontal and vertical) could be strongly decoded in early visual areas, with reduced decoding higher along the visual hierarchy, consistent with known changes in receptive field sizes. Critically, we found that the decoding of position-in-depth information tracked inversely with the 2D location pattern, with the magnitude of depth decoding gradually increasing from intermediate to higher visual and category regions. Representations of 2D location information became increasingly location-tolerant in later areas, where depth information was also tolerant to changes in 2D location. We propose that spatial representations gradually transition from 2D-dominant to balanced 3D (2D and depth) along the visual hierarchy., (Copyright © 2016 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.)

Visual cognition in our 3D world requires understanding how we accurately localize objects in 2D and depth, and what influence both types of location information have on visual processing. Spatial location is known to play a special role in visual processing, but most of these findings have focused on the special role of 2D location. One such phenomena is the spatial congruency bias (Golomb, Kupitz, & Thiemann, 2014), where 2D location biases judgments of object features but features do not bias location judgments. This paradigm has recently been used to compare different types of location information in terms of how much they bias different types of features. Here we used this paradigm to ask a related question: whether 2D and depth-from-disparity location bias localization judgments for each other. We found that presenting two objects in the same 2D location biased position-in-depth judgments, but presenting two objects at the same depth (disparity) did not bias 2D location judgments. We conclude that an object's 2D location may be automatically incorporated into perception of its depth location, but not vice versa, which is consistent with a fundamentally special role for 2D location in visual processing.

A fundamental aspect of human visual perception is the ability to recognize and locate objects in the environment. Importantly, our environment is predominantly three-dimensional (3D), but while there is considerable research exploring the binding of object features and location, it is unknown how depth information interacts with features in the object binding process. A recent paradigm called the spatial congruency bias demonstrated that 2D location is fundamentally bound to object features, such that irrelevant location information biases judgments of object features, but irrelevant feature information does not bias judgments of location or other features. Here, using the spatial congruency bias paradigm, we asked whether depth is processed as another type of location, or more like other features. We initially found that depth cued by binocular disparity biased judgments of object color. However, this result seemed to be driven more by the disparity differences than the depth percept: Depth cued by occlusion and size did not bias color judgments, whereas vertical disparity information (with no depth percept) did bias color judgments. Our results suggest that despite the 3D nature of our visual environment, only 2D location information - not position-in-depth - seems to be automatically bound to object features, with depth information processed more similarly to other features than to 2D location., (Copyright © 2016 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

The input to our visual system shifts every time we move our eyes. To maintain a stable percept of the world, visual representations must be updated with each saccade. Near the time of a saccade, neurons in several visual areas become sensitive to the regions of visual space that their receptive fields occupy after the saccade. This process, known as remapping, transfers information from one set of neurons to another, and may provide a mechanism for visual stability. However, it is not clear whether remapping transfers information about stimulus features in addition to information about stimulus location. To investigate this issue, we recorded blood-oxygen-level dependent (BOLD) functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) responses while human subjects viewed images of faces and houses (two visual categories with many feature differences). Immediately after some image presentations, subjects made a saccade that moved the previously stimulated location to the opposite side of the visual field. We then used a combination of univariate analyses and multivariate pattern analyses to test whether information about stimulus location and stimulus features were remapped to the ipsilateral hemisphere after the saccades. We found no reliable indication of stimulus feature remapping in any region. However, we also found no reliable indication of stimulus location remapping, despite the fact that our paradigm was highly similar to previous fMRI studies of remapping. The absence of location remapping in our study precludes strong conclusions regarding feature remapping. However, these results also suggest that measurement of location remapping with fMRI depends strongly on the details of the experimental paradigm used. We highlight differences in our approach from the original fMRI studies of remapping, discuss potential reasons for the failure to generalize prior location remapping results, and suggest directions for future research.

By combining different facial muscle actions, called action units, humans can produce an extraordinarily large number of facial expressions. Computational models and studies in cognitive science and social psychology have long hypothesized that the brain needs to visually interpret these action units to understand other people's actions and intentions. Surprisingly, no studies have identified the neural basis of the visual recognition of these action units. Here, using functional magnetic resonance imaging and an innovative machine learning analysis approach, we identify a consistent and differential coding of action units in the brain. Crucially, in a brain region thought to be responsible for the processing of changeable aspects of the face, multivoxel pattern analysis could decode the presence of specific action units in an image. This coding was found to be consistent across people, facilitating the estimation of the perceived action units on participants not used to train the multivoxel decoder. Furthermore, this coding of action units was identified when participants attended to the emotion category of the facial expression, suggesting an interaction between the visual analysis of action units and emotion categorization as predicted by the computational models mentioned above. These results provide the first evidence for a representation of action units in the brain and suggest a mechanism for the analysis of large numbers of facial actions and a loss of this capacity in psychopathologies., Significance Statement: Computational models and studies in cognitive and social psychology propound that visual recognition of facial expressions requires an intermediate step to identify visible facial changes caused by the movement of specific facial muscles. Because facial expressions are indeed created by moving one's facial muscles, it is logical to assume that our visual system solves this inverse problem. Here, using an innovative machine learning method and neuroimaging data, we identify for the first time a brain region responsible for the recognition of actions associated with specific facial muscles. Furthermore, this representation is preserved across subjects. Our machine learning analysis does not require mapping the data to a standard brain and may serve as an alternative to hyperalignment., (Copyright © 2016 the authors 0270-6474/16/364434-09$15.00/0.)

In recent years, researchers have observed many phenomena demonstrating how the visual system exploits spatial regularities in the environment in order to benefit behavior. In this paper, we question whether spatial priming can be considered one such phenomenon. Spatial priming is defined as a response time facilitation to a visual search target when its spatial position has been repeated in recent trials (Maljkovic & Nakayama, 1996, Perception & Psychophysics, 58, 977-991). Does this priming serve a behaviorally adaptive role or is it merely a byproduct of ongoing visual processing? Critically, an adaptive priming mechanism must actively transform visual inputs from native retinotopic (eye-centered) coordinates into ecologically relevant coordinates, e.g., spatiotopic (world-centered) and/or object-centered. In Experiment 1, we tested this hypothesis by having participants move their eyes between trials, which dissociated retinotopic and spatiotopic frames of reference. Results showed only weak retinotopic priming, but robust spatiotopic priming. The second experiment again had participants move their eyes between trials but also manipulated the placement of a grouped array of display objects from trial to trial. This allowed us to measure not just retinotopic and spatiotopic priming, but object-centered priming as well. Results from this experiment did not yield retinotopic priming but showed robust spatiotopic and object-centered priming. These findings demonstrate that spatial priming operates within ecologically relevant coordinate systems, and the findings support the notion that spatial priming serves an adaptive role in human behavior.

Spatial attention is thought to play a critical role in feature binding. However, often multiple objects or locations are of interest in our environment, and we need to shift or split attention between them. Recent evidence has demonstrated that shifting and splitting spatial attention results in different types of feature-binding errors. In particular, when two locations are simultaneously sharing attentional resources, subjects are susceptible to feature-mixing errors; that is, they tend to report a color that is a subtle blend of the target color and the color at the other attended location. The present study was designed to test whether these feature-mixing errors are influenced by target-distractor similarity. Subjects were cued to split attention across two different spatial locations, and were subsequently presented with an array of colored stimuli, followed by a postcue indicating which color to report. Target-distractor similarity was manipulated by varying the distance in color space between the two attended stimuli. Probabilistic modeling in all cases revealed shifts in the response distribution consistent with feature-mixing errors; however, the patterns differed considerably across target-distractor color distances. With large differences in color, the findings replicated the mixing result, but with small color differences, repulsion was instead observed, with the reported target color shifted away from the other attended color.

Objects can be characterized by a number of properties (e.g., shape, color, size, and location). How do our visual systems combine this information, and what allows us to recognize when 2 objects are the same? Previous work has pointed to a special role for location in the binding process, suggesting that location may be automatically encoded even when irrelevant to the task. Here we show that location is not only automatically attended but fundamentally bound to identity representations, influencing object perception in a far more profound way than simply speeding reaction times. Subjects viewed 2 sequentially presented novel objects and performed a same/different identity comparison. Object location was irrelevant to the identity task, but when the 2 objects shared the same location, subjects were more likely to judge them as the same identity. This "congruency bias" reflected an increase in both hits and false alarms when the objects shared the same location, indicating that subjects were unable to suppress the influence of object location--even when maladaptive to the task. Importantly, this bias was driven exclusively by location: Object location robustly and reliably biased identity judgments across 6 experimental scenarios, but the reverse was not true: Object identity did not exert any bias on location judgments. Furthermore, while location biased both shape and color judgments, neither shape nor color biased each other when irrelevant. The results suggest that location provides a unique, automatic, and insuppressible cue for object sameness., (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2014 APA, all rights reserved.)

When people move their eyes, the eye-centered (retinotopic) locations of objects must be updated to maintain world-centered (spatiotopic) stability. Here, we demonstrated that the attentional-updating process temporarily distorts the fundamental ability to bind object locations with their features. Subjects were simultaneously presented with four colors after a saccade-one in a precued spatiotopic target location-and were instructed to report the target's color using a color wheel. Subjects' reports were systematically shifted in color space toward the color of the distractor in the retinotopic location of the cue. Probabilistic modeling exposed both crude swapping errors and subtler feature mixing (as if the retinotopic color had blended into the spatiotopic percept). Additional experiments conducted without saccades revealed that the two types of errors stemmed from different attentional mechanisms (attention shifting vs. splitting). Feature mixing not only reflects a new perceptual phenomenon, but also provides novel insight into how attention is remapped across saccades.

Attention during encoding improves later memory, but how this happens is poorly understood. To investigate the role of attention in memory formation, we combined a variant of a spatial attention cuing task with a subsequent memory fMRI design. Scene stimuli were presented in the periphery to either the left or right of fixation, preceded by a central face cue whose gaze oriented attention to the probable location of the scene. We contrasted activity for scenes appearing in cued versus uncued locations to identify: (1) regions where cuing facilitated processing, and (2) regions involved in reorienting. We then tested how activity in these facilitation and reorienting regions of interest predicted subsequent long-term memory for individual scenes. In facilitation regions such as parahippocampal cortex, greater activity during encoding predicted memory success. In reorienting regions such as right temporoparietal junction, greater activity during encoding predicted memory failure. We interpret these results as evidence that memory formation benefits from attentional facilitation of perceptual processing combined with suppression of the ventral attention network to prevent reorienting to distractors., (Copyright © 2012 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.)

The crux of vision is to identify objects and determine their locations in the environment. Although initial visual representations are necessarily retinotopic (eye centered), interaction with the real world requires spatiotopic (absolute) location information. We asked whether higher level human visual cortex-important for stable object recognition and action-contains information about retinotopic and/or spatiotopic object position. Using functional magnetic resonance imaging multivariate pattern analysis techniques, we found information about both object category and object location in each of the ventral, dorsal, and early visual regions tested, replicating previous reports. By manipulating fixation position and stimulus position, we then tested whether these location representations were retinotopic or spatiotopic. Crucially, all location information was purely retinotopic. This pattern persisted when location information was irrelevant to the task, and even when spatiotopic (not retinotopic) stimulus position was explicitly emphasized. We also conducted a "searchlight" analysis across our entire scanned volume to explore additional cortex but again found predominantly retinotopic representations. The lack of explicit spatiotopic representations suggests that spatiotopic object position may instead be computed indirectly and continually reconstructed with each eye movement. Thus, despite our subjective impression that visual information is spatiotopic, even in higher level visual cortex, object location continues to be represented in retinotopic coordinates.

Successful visually guided behavior requires information about spatiotopic (i.e., world-centered) locations, but how accurately is this information actually derived from initial retinotopic (i.e., eye-centered) visual input? We conducted a spatial working memory task in which subjects remembered a cued location in spatiotopic or retinotopic coordinates while making guided eye movements during the memory delay. Surprisingly, after a saccade, subjects were significantly more accurate and precise at reporting retinotopic locations than spatiotopic locations. This difference grew with each eye movement, such that spatiotopic memory continued to deteriorate, whereas retinotopic memory did not accumulate error. The loss in spatiotopic fidelity is therefore not a generic consequence of eye movements, but a direct result of converting visual information from native retinotopic coordinates. Thus, despite our conscious experience of an effortlessly stable spatiotopic world and our lifetime of practice with spatiotopic tasks, memory is actually more reliable in raw retinotopic coordinates than in ecologically relevant spatiotopic coordinates.

To explore visual scenes in the everyday world, we constantly move our eyes, yet most neural studies of scene processing are conducted with the eyes held fixated. Such prior work in humans suggests that the parahippocampal place area (PPA) represents scenes in a highly specific manner that can differentiate between different but overlapping views of a panoramic scene. Using functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) adaptation to measure sensitivity to change, we asked how this specificity is affected when active eye movements across a stable scene generate retinotopically different views. The PPA adapted to successive views when subjects made a series of saccades across a stationary spatiotopic scene but not when the eyes remained fixed and a scene translated in the background, suggesting that active vision may provide important cues for the PPA to integrate different views over time as the "same." Adaptation was also robust when retinotopic information was preserved across views when the scene moved in tandem with the eyes. These data suggest that retinotopic physical similarity is fundamental, but the visual system may also utilize oculomotor cues and/or global spatiotopic information to generate more ecologically relevant representations of scenes across different views.

Attention is a core property of all perceptual and cognitive operations. Given limited capacity to process competing options, attentional mechanisms select, modulate, and sustain focus on information most relevant for behavior. A significant problem, however, is that attention is so ubiquitous that it is unwieldy to study. We propose a taxonomy based on the types of information that attention operates over--the targets of attention. At the broadest level, the taxonomy distinguishes between external attention and internal attention. External attention refers to the selection and modulation of sensory information. External attention selects locations in space, points in time, or modality-specific input. Such perceptual attention can also select features defined across any of these dimensions, or object representations that integrate over space, time, and modality. Internal attention refers to the selection, modulation, and maintenance of internally generated information, such as task rules, responses, long-term memory, or working memory. Working memory, in particular, lies closest to the intersection between external and internal attention. The taxonomy provides an organizing framework that recasts classic debates, raises new issues, and frames understanding of neural mechanisms.

During natural vision, eye movements can drastically alter the retinotopic (eye-centered) coordinates of locations and objects, yet the spatiotopic (world-centered) percept remains stable. Maintaining visuospatial attention in spatiotopic coordinates requires updating of attentional representations following each eye movement. However, this updating is not instantaneous; attentional facilitation temporarily lingers at the previous retinotopic location after a saccade, a phenomenon known as the retinotopic attentional trace. At various times after a saccade, we probed attention at an intermediate location between the retinotopic and spatiotopic locations to determine whether a single locus of attentional facilitation slides progressively from the previous retinotopic location to the appropriate spatiotopic location, or whether retinotopic facilitation decays while a new, independent spatiotopic locus concurrently becomes active. Facilitation at the intermediate location was not significant at any time, suggesting that top-down attention can result in enhancement of discrete retinotopic and spatiotopic locations without passing through intermediate locations.

Impaired consciousness requires altered cortical function. This can occur either directly from disorders that impair widespread bilateral regions of the cortex or indirectly through effects on subcortical arousal systems. It has therefore long been puzzling why focal temporal lobe seizures so often impair consciousness. Early work suggested that altered consciousness may occur with bilateral or dominant temporal lobe seizure involvement. However, other bilateral temporal lobe disorders do not impair consciousness. More recent work supports a 'network inhibition hypothesis' in which temporal lobe seizures disrupt brainstem-diencephalic arousal systems, leading indirectly to depressed cortical function and impaired consciousness. Indeed, prior studies show subcortical involvement in temporal lobe seizures and bilateral frontoparietal slow wave activity on intracranial electroencephalography. However, the relationships between frontoparietal slow waves and impaired consciousness and between cortical slowing and fast seizure activity have not been directly investigated. We analysed intracranial electroencephalography recordings during 63 partial seizures in 26 patients with surgically confirmed mesial temporal lobe epilepsy. Behavioural responsiveness was determined based on blinded review of video during seizures and classified as impaired (complex-partial seizures) or unimpaired (simple-partial seizures). We observed significantly increased delta-range 1-2 Hz slow wave activity in the bilateral frontal and parietal neocortices during complex-partial compared with simple-partial seizures. In addition, we confirmed prior work suggesting that propagation of unilateral mesial temporal fast seizure activity to the bilateral temporal lobes was significantly greater in complex-partial than in simple-partial seizures. Interestingly, we found that the signal power of frontoparietal slow wave activity was significantly correlated with the temporal lobe fast seizure activity in each hemisphere. Finally, we observed that complex-partial seizures were somewhat more common with onset in the language-dominant temporal lobe. These findings provide direct evidence for cortical dysfunction in the form of bilateral frontoparietal slow waves associated with impaired consciousness in temporal lobe seizures. We hypothesize that bilateral temporal lobe seizures may exert a powerful inhibitory effect on subcortical arousal systems. Further investigations will be needed to fully determine the role of cortical-subcortical networks in ictal neocortical dysfunction and may reveal treatments to prevent this important negative consequence of temporal lobe epilepsy.