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İstanbul experienced significant changes in its urban pattern as a result of Westernization that took place in the nineteenth century. Galata, a neighbourhood located in the Beyoğlu District, represents the occidental and cosmopolitan face of the city during that time. This study examines the spatial effects of these social and political changesby integrating old city maps of Beyoğlu and Galata with geographic information system programmes (GIS). This methodology affords novel interpretations of historical maps thanks to these new ways of analyzing, displaying, and managing geographical information. The maps of G. d’Ostoya (1858–1860), R. Huber (1887–1891), and Charles E. Goad (1904–1906) have been coordinated with GIS software. Items such as buildings, roads, and empty spaces included as raster data have been transformed into vector data to make comparisons and superpositions possible within the GIS environment. Thus, the transformation of urban space can be revealed, and conclusions about how Galata experienced broader change across the nineteenth century can be perceived. Publisher's Version

Focus on Grendel's Mother leads us to expect a feminist attack on male heroic narrative, but Maria Dahvana Headley offers us a complex and nuanced look at parent-child, upper-lower class, and male-female patterns of interaction in this novel symbiotic upon the Anglo-Saxon BEOWULF. Since the attacks sometimes seem contradictory, I use diffused satire theory to separate the various kinds of satire, show where contradictions and ambiguities occur, and show how they can be resolved. Headley makes the point that you need to hear from all the voices in an event, not just from the last one who writes the history. What she does is give us those various voices and goad us to work out our personal positions on the issues for which she offers no easy satiric answer.

Twenty years after the creation of the Roman Catholic diocese of Melbourne, which encompassed the whole of modern-day Victoria, a local reporter claimed: “There is no place where it is harder to believe Melbourne but twenty-five years old than in St. Patrick’s Church. The scene presented there on Wednesday made one feel as if suddenly transported to where antique cathedral towers are flinging their long shadows on the winding Rhine” (fig. 1). St...

This interesting volume faces simultaneously in two directions. It informs the Australian audience about the precepts of the Bauhaus school of art and design, which flourished in Germany in the 1920s, while at the same time interrogating the development in Australia of a modernist art pedagogy. Rather strangely, given the universal repute and global influence of the Bauhaus, the authors of the book’s Introduction suggest that “the Bauhaus story itself is arguably well known”. The argument is ...

Organizational culture constitutes a fundamental characteristic of the educational organism because, on one hand, it contributes to the shaping of its character and the way of thinking of its members and, on the other hand, it is connected to the productivity of educators and the academic performance of students. Pivotal is the role of the educator in shaping the culture of the educational organism, a culture that moulds the imprint and identity of the school unit and constitutes a criterion for its effectiveness. Culture constitutes a tool in the hands of the leader in order to goad the members of the school community into a developmental trajectory, creating organizational conditions which contribute to learning outcomes and positive change. We conducted a survey using semi-structured interviews on a number of principals of secondary education school units within Attica Prefecture, relative to the way in which they promote organizational culture in their school unit, the role that other stakeholders have, the promotion of cooperative climate and the association of culture and learning outcomes. A lack of strategic orientation for the promotion of culture is clearly evident from the results. The ways in which the members of educational community are involved in organizational culture, cumulatively evaluated, indicate a strategic handling of the promotion of organizational culture. Evaluated, though, separately they are deprived of potency and reassert the incapability in approaching culture holistically. Practices for the consolidation of cooperative climate and the principal's relationship with learning outcomes are confirmed. Article visualizations

Disequilibrium, and complexity are the distinguishing characteristics of entrepreneurial phenomena. How do the entrepreneurs arbitrage, leverage and benefit in the disequilibria and what spur them to action? The force that drives entrepreneurial ventures, from creation to sustaining them through to exit, and then through innovation to extend the game or recreate another play, there is an imminent force that holds and sustains entrepreneurial momentum. Entrepreneurial energy, a coined terminology in this paper, is that endogenous force. There are scarce researches on energy relating to entrepreneurship, in particular, there is no specific mention of the “entrepreneurial energy” in the theory of entrepreneurship. The closest proxy is entrepreneurial passions. Passion cannot be held in equal doses throughout the venture pathway. John Maynard Keynes coined the phrase "animal spirits" in his 1936 book “The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money”. (Keynes, 1936) He used the term to describe emotions that influence human economic behaviour. Animal spirits create an ambience of trust and faith and are a necessary prerequisite for human actions, much more than quantitative logic. Keynes felt animal spirits were needed as a goad to economic action rather than inaction. Schumpeter (Schumpeter, 1942) came up with the German word Unternehmergeist, meaning entrepreneur-spirit, adding that these individuals controlled the economy because they are responsible for delivering innovation and technological change. Whether its entrepreneurial energy, animal spirit or entrepreneur-spirit, it is a force that needs reckoning with in entrepreneurship study. Entrepreneurial energy is the force that sustains the momentum and velocity of progression in the venture. Energy can rise through excitation/ agitation and fall through decay of the energy as a result of predicaments or failures. Entrepreneurial energy is an endogenous force that fuels motivation and sustains entrepreneurial action and momentum. Encapsulating hope, optimism and obsessiveness, the nature and experience of the entrepreneurial energy provides meaning to the entrepreneurial pursuit and venture. Entrepreneurial energy is a motivational construct characterised by positive intense feeling, emotional arousal and internal drive and engagement in the pursuit that is salient to the self-identify of the entrepreneur. The positive affective state also generates positivity in the cognitive state fostering creativity and recognition of new patterns of information critical to opportunity recognition and exploitation in the external environment. Entrepreneurship, after all, is a science of turbulence and change, not continuity. Turbulence is caused by certain force. Such is the force in entrepreneurship, like the wind is felt but not seen; or seen through the ruffle of the leaves but not the wind itself. To address this omission in this area of research, this paper will demonstrate that entrepreneurial energy can be better understood if examined through the lens of complexity and quantum science. The indeterminacy in uncertainties and chaos theories best describe the dynamically complex, fast, volatile, uncertain disrupted, diverse, ambiguous, hyper-turbulent and hyperconnected entrepreneurial ecosystem. This paper contributes to entrepreneurship research by developing a complexity-based and uncertainty-based definition of entrepreneurial energy. This energy will be referred in the context of the entrepreneurial ecosystem (space) where the entrepreneurs (object) exist over time. Building on this definition, this paper connects the research on entrepreneur to venture-level complexity and entrepreneurial multi-finalities/ pathways. This paper will explore how these force originates and is sustained- that will influence entrepreneurial emergence and continuation- from intentionality of entrepreneurs and the coherence of entrepreneurial activities, through to the exploration and exploitation of perceived opportunities within the entrepreneurial ecosystem. Beyond developing the theory, this paper will also explore how scholars can further examine entrepreneurial energy as a complex play of forces through interpretivist methods. The theorizations in this paper also have implications for entrepreneurs and policymakers.

In this commentary, I would like to support Goad and White’s (2019, henceforth G&W) claim that the morphosyntactic feature system in the L2 does not have to be defective due to certain syntactic features not being activated in the L1. I will base my point on the example of grammatical gender. Moreover, I would like to stress the importance of developing processing models for lexico-syntactic features in bilingual speakers. Processing models may be able to account for why L2 learners behave in a particular way. For instance, G&W (p. 791) refer to a study by Goad et al. (2011), suggesting that “beginners fluctuate between deletion of the plural and resorting to the structure for verbal inflection”. However, they do not provide an answer as to why L2 learners behave in that way. In other words, a processing account is missing. A comprehensive (neuro-)cognitive model of grammatical feature representation and processing may help understand error patterns in L2 production.

Existing architectural heritage provides information about the architectural and urban characteristics of the civilizations that built them. Their surviving façade compositions, plan organizations, structural and material elements, give clues about various architectural and urban characteristics of these buildings and the periods that they belong to. In the case of lost architectural heritage, it is challenging to know more about these attributes due to the fact that the accessible information about these buildings could be limited. At this point, cartographic and photographic resources provide valuable information about lost architectural heritage. In addition to their geographic locations, information about their dimensions, structural systems, material finishes, colours could be some of the information that can be collected through cartographic and photographic historic documents. This paper presents a summary of the methodological approach of using Geographical Information System (GIS) for 3D visualization of lost architectural heritage in the case of Izmir – Turkey, by using 1905 fire insurance plans of Charles E. Goad.

This paper investigates locational change in one street - King Street in Manchester, England – in an attempt to analyse broader retail trends and evaluate their implications. Analysis of Goad plans dating from the mid-1960s reveal King Street to be a microcosm of locational trends in retailing, such as the increasing prevalence of the multiple retailer in urban centres. Also highlighted is the micro-spatial impact of store (re-)location decisions within a city centre by retailers. A focus on such issues at the level of the individual street highlights the complex specificity and nuanced nature of such trends.

Social media cannibalizes its users. Social media platforms like Twitter, Facebook, and Instagram are fraught with traps at every turn, which can cause even their most religious adherents to burn out or self destruct. These dangers run the gamut from the irritations of misinterpreted posts to combating those on a sole mission to goad co-users, to the career-ending, offensive statements that users regret for years-- or will seek penance for years from now. The perils of social media are something of a running joke among users who often comment that the best wisdom is to “never tweet” or who reply disapprovingly to a post with a curt “delete your account.” Notwithstanding the ironic title and the severe pitfalls associated with social media use, this essay stands to praise these platforms’ ability to democratize the law and encourages members of the legal community to harness its power to educate the public responsibly. It is the goal of this short symposium contribution to square the ideals associated with legal practice and social media use. The essay will then offer some basic norms for legal professionals’ consideration while using social media to communicate to the public.

In his essay of 1983, ‘Towards a Critical Regionalism’, Kenneth Frampton referred to the Bagsværd Church as a primary exemplar, briefly citing the architect's representation of ‘the Chinese pagoda roof’ in this project, to emphasise the importance of crosscultural inspiration in the creation of ‘critical regionalism’. Peter Myers followed Frampton in his 1993 ‘Une histoire inachevée’, arguing for the significant role that Chinese architecture played as a source for Utzon's Bagsværd Church design and further variations on the theme of Chinese and Japanese exemplars on Utzon's work follows. Françoise Fromonot established the importance of the 1925 edition of the Yingzao-fashi (State Building Standard, first published in 1103 ad) and Johannes Prip-Møller's 1937 Chinese Buddhist Monasteries for Utzon; Philip Drew pointed out the significance of the work of Chinese writer Lin Yutang (1895–1976) and historian Osvald Sirén (1879–1966) as important channels through which Utzon perceived East Asian art and architecture; while in 2002, Richard Weston suggested Das Japanische Wohnhaus (1935), written by Japanese architect Tetsuro Yoshida (1894–1956), as a formational influence in Utzon's early perception of Japanese building culture. However, none of these works attempt to clarify the precise role that Chinese and Japanese precedents play in Utzon's architectural career. Two more recent studies, by Philip Goad and Michael Asgaard Andersen, have confirmed the role of Chinese architecture in Utzon's church design and have introduced new evidence and details, but there are still unanswered questions about the exact nature of these influences. This article attempts to address the detailed process of Utzon's cross-cultural practices for his design of the Bagsværd Church in order to reveal how Utzon interpreted specific ideas, ideals, and artefacts from East Asian building culture.

Provocations stimulate, goad, probe, prod, egg people on, unleash and entice. The aptly titled “Provocations of Practice’ does this and so much more. The pages are flowing with rich, layered, excit...

The New York World of the 1920s is remembered by many journalists as a "newspapermans newspaper, brilliantly written, tautly edited, politically and commercially independent, effervescent, irreverent, combative, liberal."1 While The Worlds stature and influence during this decade can be, as James Boylan observes, overstated by its most enthusiastic supporters, the efforts of, in particular, its executive editor, Herbert Bayard Swope, and its most influential editorialist, Walter Lippmann, to scrape away the residue of the papers sensationalist past in order to provide its readers with a more sober and literary brand of crusading journalism made reading The World a daily ritual for many of New York's liberal elite.2 But only seven years after it had reached its peak circulation in 1924, The New York World was dead, the victim in part of some of the same shortsighted business practices that it had decried in its pages.The sale of The New York World in 1931 to the Scripps-Howard chain prompted Lippmann to confide to former Secretary of War Newton Baker, for whom Lippmann had served as an assistant in 1917, that he was happy that the paper could "die a clean death" rather than become "another instrument of power" for the press mogul William Randolph Hearst or the financier Bernard Baruch.3 The Worlds death was, however, more protracted and messy than Lippmann suggested. The paper had been in a slide since at least 1925, when the Pulitzer family had raised the price of the weekday edition from two to three cents in an ill-conceived attempt to goad its chief competitors, The New York Times and The New York Herald Tribune, to join it in resetting the market. When these two papers failed to match The Worlds price increase, the paper, according to Swope, "alienated from 75,000 to 100,000 readers."4 By the end of 1926, the paper's circulation had dropped from its peak of404,000 daily readers before the price increase to 285,000 daily readers, and Swope was convinced that even a return to the two-cent price would not lure back these lost readers. The best course instead was, according to Swope, to try to make a virtue out of the paper's higher price by framing it as "a tribute to [The Worlds] identity and uniqueness."5The Worlds problems, however, were not limited to a price increase. As a member of The Worlds editorial board observed in 1925, the "ideas of liberalism in vogue on The World . . . were playing hell with the interest of the paper."6 The price increase merely encouraged readers who were already drifting away from The Worlds crusading liberalism to hasten their departure from the paper's subscription lists. Because "the reading of a specific paper is a habit soon forgotten if a sense of injury or resentment is provoked," Swope maintained that it would "be difficult to regain even 25,000" of the readers who had fled to The Times or The Herald TribuneJ The paper hence needed to construct a strategy for re-imagining itself that could appease those who had persevered through the price increase but were becoming increasingly skeptical of The Worlds political slant.In a series of discussions, most of which occurred between 1925 and 1927, The Worlds editors sought to discern a way to navigate between the Scylla of its crusading past and the Charybdis of an emerging present whose outlines were still obscure. That The World failed to find this passage is evinced by Lippmanns claim that the paper had ultimately expired because it had "tried to be all things to all men ... as yellow as Hearst, as accurate as the Times, and as intellectual as the old Evening Post."* The Worlds editors' failure to develop a coherent response to their dilemma is understandable given the uncertainty they confronted. As Ira Katznelson observes in Fear Itself. The New Deal and the Origins of Our Time, "when deep uncertainty looms, the ability to choose is transformed."9 The Worlds editors were thrust into a context of what Katznelson calls "unmeasurable uncertainty,"10 in which "decision making had to proceed under conditions that made it uncommonly difficult to assign probabilities to what might lie ahead based on past experience. …

This chapter examines the implications of angelic spaces in the larger literary and ontological framework of Poe’s thought and work. Angels in Poe are not traditional Judeo-Christian sweet-singing seraphs; there are no harps and no hosannas. Instead, they create (and destroy) worlds through words; they guard and they goad; they sigh—and they mature over time. An amalgam of Neoplatonic, Gnostic, and Islamic attributes, angels in Poe bespeak an essential and fundamental place of cosmic wonder rooted squarely at the core of his poetic imagination.

Recently, the number of genome-wide transcriptome profiles of pure populations of glia cells has drastically increased, resulting in an unprecedented amount of data that offer opportunities to study glia phenotypes and functions in health and disease. To make genome-wide transcriptome data easily accessible, we developed the Glia Open Access Database (GOAD), available via cation. GOAD contains a collection of previously published and unpublished transcriptome data, including datasets from isolated microglia, astrocytes and oligodendrocytes both at homeostatic and pathological conditions. It contains an intuitive web-based interface that consists of three features that enable searching, browsing, analyzing, and downloading of the data. The first feature is differential gene expression (DE) analysis that provides genes that are significantly up and down-regulated with the associated fold changes and p-values between two conditions of interest. In addition, an interactive Venn diagram is generated to illustrate the overlap and differences between several DE gene lists. The second feature is quantitative gene expression (QE) analysis, to investigate which genes are expressed in a particular glial cell type and to what degree. The third feature is a search utility, which can be used to find a gene of interest and depict its expression in all available expression data sets by generating a gene card. In addition, quality guidelines and relevant concepts for transcriptome analysis are discussed. Finally, GOAD is discussed in relation to several online transcriptome tools developed in neuroscience and immunology. In conclusion, GOAD is a unique platform to facilitate integration of bioinformatics in glia biology. GLIA 2015;63:1495-1506

Existe un vínculo económico innegable entre estas ciudades, formando así un paisaje global (Sassen, 2004). Para afirmar su presencia a nivel internacional, estas ciudades están particularmente interesadas en realizar eventos importantes, incluidos los megaeventos y, más notablemente, los Juegos Olímpicos de Verano (Smith, 2012), a través de los cuales pueden garantizar su desarrollo metropolitano en múltiples direcciones. Los Juegos Olímpicos tienen la capacidad de organizar, dentro de la ciudad anfitriona, un verdadero ciclo de vida caracterizado por un evento previo y posterior al evento. El problema entonces es que la metrópolis encuentre formas de instrumentalizar este megaevento para dar una visión a largo plazo de su desarrollo cultural, económico y de infraestructura (Cashman y Hughes, 1999; Ritchie, 2000; Goad, 2001; Searle, 2002). ; Preuss, 2007; Hiller, 2006; Bondonio y Mela, 2008). Más específicamente, esta propotición se basa para llevar a una reflexión sobre la capacidad de transformación del paisaje urbano y su mutación a través de la elección de la concepción de los actores públicos y privados en torno a la misma controversia. Esta investigación está respaldada por un enfoque cualitativo basado en un diseño de investigación flexible. Se emprendió un enfoque estructuralista e interpretativo tanto para la recopilación de datos como para el análisis del contenido seleccionado. Más específicamente, este estudio considera los estudios de casos de Roma (1960), Montreal (1976) y Londres (2012), tanto en sus fases previas como posteriores al evento. El objetivo es evaluar la organización del evento desde su concepción hasta su gestión, así como la forma en que se consideró su patrimonio y su acción transformadora. Al final, esta investigación muestra que los Juegos Olímpicos tienen un valor operativo de concertación que entrelaza diferentes escalas: internacional, metropolitana y urbana.

This chapter talks about the ways in which issues of sex and sexuality are taken up in and through international and national legal discourses of 'prostitution' and trafficking. The Department of Health and Human Services has partnered with faith-based and community organisations to form anti-trafficking coalitions in seventeen major cities across our country. Levine's film constitutes part of a well-intentioned liberal initiative to address the issue of trafficking and goad the international community to respond to the issue. The chapter explores the contours of female sexual subjectivity as constituted in and through anti-trafficking interventions in law by both the conservative or religious right, as well as by some feminist and human rights scholars and advocates. In the arena of anti-trafficking laws, Levine's film exemplifies how the colonial past continues to discursively influence the post-colonial present, even in the liberal response.

This article explores the history of Somali piracy in the nineteenth century. Focusing on the Majerteen Sultans, and especially the late nineteenth century rulers Uthman Mahmud Yusuf and Yusuf ‘Ali, who ruled over the coast of contemporary Puntland, I argue that Majerteen rulers used piracy as a political tool to consolidate their power over the Somali littoral in the face of colonial conquest. They used piracy to goad the European powers into signing treaties of mutual protection and channelled European patronage to buttress their rule over the Majerteen population. In contrast to the literature which frames piracy in terms of state collapse and maritime anarchy, I argue piracy was a diplomatic strategy to exploit inter-imperial competition. As well as offering a historical perspective on Somali piracy, the article takes a comparative approach, drawing on theories about non-state actors and violence to bring interdisciplinary and historical insight to bear on the topic of the Somali piracy.

Proletarian writer Michael Gold famously adopts a pose of exaggerated virility in his theoretical writing as a defense against charges of the effemi- nacy that was associated with intellectuals, with mass culture, and with Jewish men. But the portraits Gold draws in his autobiographical novel, Jews Without Money, suggest a more complex gendered and ethnic rheto- ric through which he idealizes feminized, sentimental domesticity as a counterpoint to gangsterism, the myth of the wild west, and the drive for an authentic, manly American identity. By yoking together the registers of the sentimental and the violent in his writing, Gold seeks not only to move his readers emotionally, but also to goad them toward revolution- ary action. This motivational mission justifies Gold's writing as valuable labor rather than the intellectual parasitism and aesthetic prostitution he consistently condemns.

In their ontogeny and phylogeny all living beings are historical entities. The revolution in biology of the 18th and 19th centuries that did away with the scala naturae according to which we humans, the acme of creation, “made a little lower than the angels,” also led to the gradual realization that a humble one-celled protist (“protoctist”), such as Entamoeba histolytica of ill repute [Margulis and Chapman, 2010] has the same 4-billion-year phylogeny as that of Homo sapiens, vivid testimony to common ancestry and the relatedness of all living beings on earth. The group of medical geneticists who assembled at the NIH, Bethesda, MD this January to address terms pertaining to human ontogeny, did so in the long tradition of Sydenham, Linnaeus, Meckel, Geoffroy St-Hilaire pere et fils, Wilhelm His and so many others before who had over the previous two centuries wrestled as earnestly as they could with concepts of “classification” and nomenclature of developmental anomalies. The prior massive need for classification per se in medical morphology has diminished over the years in favor of ever more sophisticated understanding of pathogenesis and cause through experimental biology and genetics; however, in the winter of 2013 it was still found prudent to respect terminological precedent on general terms while recognizing recent advances in developmental pathology requiring clarification and definition of special terms. Efforts along similar lines instigated by the German Society of Anatomists at their first meeting in Leipzig in 1887 culminated, after intense years of work by hundreds of experts and consultants under the goad of Wilhelm His, in the Basel Nomina Anatomica [BNA, His (1895)]. His, himself, stated prefatorily that the BNA had no legislative weight, only an evanescent consensus of many to be amended in the future as needed and indicated. Without hubris, no one before or after will do the same. The more substantial the consensus the more permanent the structure. After some 120 years the BNA is alive and flourishing. Now retitled Terminologia Anatomica, it has been amended and added to many times, is still in Latin but now with synonyms in English, the new lingua franca of science, for every anatomical, histological and embryological term. May our successors be equally effective. © 2013 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.

In his fifteenth century treatise on building, De re aedificatoria, Leon Battista Alberti argued for the expansion of architectural purview through the inclusion of objects such as sundials and dovecotes on the grounds that the former marks and fundamentally registers human beings in time and space, while the latter acknowledges the possibility of constructed environments for other species. The long march of coincidence that denoted the inimitable life of Marie Antoinette has provided cover for leveraging subjects that have not yet been mined as architecture; much less as possibilities for critical exploration. The Vanity and Entombment of Marie Antoinette attempts to goad the limits of critical spatial inquiry by examining a series of salient artefacts from the queen’s monarchical life: the guillotine as incontrovertible threshold, cleaving life from death, mind from body, thought from matter; the carriage, which widened the experience of the world past the limits of human physiology, and placed architecture on the move; curtains and crinolines, those soft precincts between body and berth, which beg the question, ‘Is there architecture in the occupation of a material condition, however tight the stays of the corset may be?’ The Vanity is a conceptual project imagined for the Hall of Mirrors; an object that is indeterminately a diminutive architecture, occupiable furniture, and a sculptural deviation made to house the remains of Marie Antoinette and her lost wedding trousseau. The essay that follows is a fictional test of The Vanity’s measure – of its elasticity as a demarcation of narrative and milieu.

This article recovers the figure of the ancient satyr as a mythic modality of satire by reimagining Kenneth Burke's own satires as exemplary of satyric rhetoric. First, it dispels the notion that, on one hand, satire and the satyr are unrelated because of uncertain etymologies and, on the other, that satire is an inherently destructive critical enterprise. Myth is deployed as a constructive means of juxtaposing Burke's conceptualization of satyrs with that of Friedrich Nietzsche. The Helhaven satire and “Epilogue: Prologue in Heaven” are then presented as illustrations of the satyric lurking throughout Burke's philosophy. Ultimately, a case is made for the figure of the satyr as a mythic goad by which to revise our understanding of contemporary satire as a comic enterprise. The article also serves as a resource for conceiving satyric correctives as the comic corrective pushed to the end of its line.

This chapter examines the extensive editorial interventions made by Anglican clergyman Thomas Goad into Elizabeth Joscelin’s The Mothers Legacy to her Vnborn Childe (1624). My analysis begins with a consideration of factors that led Goad to conclude that Joscelin’s manuscript was incomplete. This paves the way for an analysis of the relationship between Joscelin and her editor. I argue that Goad’s emendations aimed to “repair” the text by making it conform to conventional early modern notions of appropriate female piety. By paying attention to his emendations—to the gaps he sought to fill in Joscelin’s text—we can also fill gaps in our understanding of the role women played in religious debates of seventeenth-century England.

The Mystery of Matter Vital Matters: Eighteenth-Century Views of Conception, Life, and Death. Ed. Helen Deutsch and Mary Terrall Toronto: University of Toronto Press in association with UCLA Center for Seventeenth- and Eighteenth-Century Studies and the William Andrews Clark Memorial Library, 2012. 333 pages. $70.00.The larger question framing Helen Deutsch and Mary Terrall's Vital Matters: Eighteenth-Century Views of Conception, Life, and Death is this: is it possible to historicize matter itself? This problem is a stirring one in our own era marked by the upheaval of conceptions of the nature of matter and its correlate, space-time, including the puzzles of observer-influence, of dark matter, and of string theory. The history of physics, however, is to be distinguished from what this book is designed to consider: the history of matter, meaning the study of the quality of temporality found in the object itself rather than the history of the development of a discipline.In the introduction, Deutsch and Terrall position their primary inquiry in relation to the immaterialism of George Berkeley, whose radical claim was that matter did not fundamentally exist. Samuel Johnson's agitated response to Berkeley's claim-kicking a large stone and shouting, "I refute it thus"-incites a debate that Vital Matters deliberately seeks to revivify. But Deutsch and Terrall erode the strictly oppositional nature of the Johnson-Berkeley debate by noting that at "the heart of eighteenth-century materialism in its myriad forms is the mystery of matter" (4).The study of matter was greatly complicated in the early modern period by the conundrum of living bodies, as one philosopher after another found previous assumptions about animate matter to be a shifting sand. Though Descartes has structured our notions of consciousness and its relation to the body, Cartesian mechanism did not successfully lay the foundation for the study of biological matter. Theories of generation proliferated. Georges Buffon, concerned with the tendency of matter to organize itself, theorized "internal molds" that directed development. But Diderot, as the editors point out, embraced the enigma that the "procreative power that operates perpetually . . . is for us . . . a mystery whose depths it seems we will not be allowed to sound" (6). This volume offers twelve often exhilarating essays that engage the history of materialism and consider, especially, "how material objects, the evidence of our senses, the body's insensible operations, the nature of life and movement, lend themselves to historical and textual analysis" (3).Jonathan Kramnick confronts what philosophers now call "the hard problem of consciousness" by first returning to Thomas Creech's 1682 translation of Lucretius's On The Nature of Things and beginning with the observation that Lucretius had turned the universe into matter, composed only of "atoms and void" (13). The problem of consciousness follows from the question, "how do material things like atoms produce ephemeral things like thoughts?" (14). Like so many other questions that have followed us into the twenty-first century, this one came to the fore at the moment when secular ideas about agency began to goad us. Kramnick elegantly applies twentieth-century perspectives on the hard problem to seventeenth-century perspectives, a feat he achieves in part because the most crucial puzzle remains unchanged: at no point has the bottomless chasm between mental and physical worlds ever been successfully spanned.Lucretius was happy to "explain and predict mental phenomenon according to the laws of atomic motion" (18), however, accepting his explanation would mean allowing that thoughts are not actually identified with persons, but merely with shape and order. The notion that a self could be separated from consciousness was not one that could be tolerated by John Locke or almost any of Lucretius's (Western) successors.Besides the hard problem, there is also the question of mental causation and free will. …

Pauline Kael: A Life in the Dark. Brian Kellow. New York, NY: Viking Books, 2011. 360 pp. $27.95 hbk. $18 pbk.Pauline Kael has been described as the preeminent film critic of the twentieth century. If this is hyperbole, it is right in synch with her style, both personal and on the written page. With the ranks of film critics being decimated, as they frequently are among the first to be cut from the editorial staffs of struggling publications, Brian Kellow's illuminating biography, Pauline Kael: A Life in the Dark, seems almost like a relic of a distant age. It is also an irresistible read.It was one of those harmonic convergences of luck and timing (and more than a little talent) that brought Kael to The New Yorker in 1967, at a time when American movies were crawling out from under the strictures of the Production Code and into a renaissance of filmmaking that lasted until the conglomerates, which now owned the studios, brought in a new and for the most part soulless age to motion pictures.Although Kael had written for other publications, her career really got rolling with a long takeout on the film Bonnie and Clyde running in the Oct. 21, 1967, issue of the magazine. She never looked back. The New Yorker might not have been her first choice of publications, but editor William Shawn gave her the one thing she truly craved: space, and lots of it. Shawn's editorial policy included his non-interference with his writers, and Kael's reviews ran as long as she cared to make them. And she wrote and wrote and wrote. Kael had a consuming passion for the movies that lasted until she died. In fact, it seems to have been the one consuming passion of her life. Although she had one daughter, Gina James, she never married, and many of her relationships were with homosexual and bisexual men, one of whom was Gina's father.A film critic, and one as controversial as Kael proved to be, might seem an outre subject for author Kellow, who is the features editor for Opera News, and whose previous books include biographies of Ether Merman, Eileen Farrell, and the acting Bennett family. But his treatment of Kael is even-handed and his writing is fluid and comprehensive. She was, after all, a diva. In his acknowledgements, he cites almost 150 interviews and the bibliography lists over ninety books, including all thirteen of Kael's own.The book is organized chronologically, beginning with Kael's childhood on a Petaluma, California, chicken ranch, where her Polish immigrant Jewish parents figured they could make a life for a growing family. Just before the stock market crash in 1929, her father lost the ranch and the family moved to San Francisco. Her West Coast roots never lefther and provoked in her a kind of intellectual defensiveness and a reflexive dislike of the New York publishing establishment, even though her career and influence were solidified at that most East Coast establishment publication, The New Yorker.In her reviews (and in conversation), she could be arrogant, self-serving, mean spirited, and in print as scatological as the proper gentleman editor of The New Yorker, William Shawn, would let her be. In fact, her taste for the audacious and trashy and her desire to goad Shawn led to shouting matches between them that lasted for decades. She was a bully, but unlike most bullies, she never backed down. When she found directors she truly admired (Robert Altman, Sam Peckinpah, Paul Mazursky), she would turn them into drinking buddies, often offering advice on scripts and casting, essentially trouncing the accepted boundaries of the critic-filmmaker relationship. But she could as easily turn on them and cut them out of her life either for some perceived personal slight, or the seeming loss of that director's particular gifts. She had favorite actors: Streisand, Debra Winger, Michelle Pfeiffer, Brando, DeNiro, but was also quick to write exactly what she thought of them when they failed to live up to what she thought their performances should be. …

Robin Boyd's reputation as one of Australia's foremost public intellectuals appears to remain intact forty years after his untimely death. The factors that contribute to the continuing fascination with Boyd, and indeed his celebrity, are numerous: the early death of his father Penleigh; his Brahmin pedigree as a Boyd in Anglo-Australian genealogies; his modest suburban upbringing; his practice with Grounds and Romberg and the controversy over their split; and his association with an international vanguard of modern architects. Boyd was one of the very few Australian public intellectuals to critically benchmark Australia's post war urban development. The recent reprint of The Australian Ugliness, fifty years after its first publication, attests to a continuing industry of Boyd scholarship. The revised edition contains a new foreword from the Australian novelist Christos Tsiolkas and an afterword by John Denton, Philip Goad, and Geoffrey London. Boyd's books, articles, public lectures (including the Boyer lectures of 1969), radio and television appearances underpin his public reputation and remain fertile ground for cultural historians and architects alike. Yet despite all this attention, or perhaps because of it, he remains, to some extent, an enigma.

In the full-text databases of Latin sources from Europe from the period between 400 and 1500, the Latin word for violence crops up around two thousand times, about as often as “justice” (2,400) though not as often as other interesting words like “envy” (6,000) or “vengeance” (3,800). The frequency of use of the word, adjusted for the vagaries of survival, reveals an interesting trend. From the tenth to the eleventh centuries, an age of predatory castellans and violent territorial expansion, the frequency nearly doubles in the extant literature, and remains high for several centuries to come. The word often appears in texts alongside nauseating tales of violence, of hands lopped off and eyes plucked out and intestines dragged from their hidden recesses. There is the story told by Guibert of Nogent about the predatory castellan Thomas de Marle, who hung his captives by their testicles until the weight of their own bodies tore them off. These were exempla. They painted verbal pictures of the behavior of those who were surely doomed to hell. In the hands of clerical authors like Guibert, they served as a goad to kings and princes who, in their indolence, might allow this stuff to go unavenged.

On 10 October 19 C.E., Germanicus, the popular heir apparent to Tiberius, died, allegedly poisoned by Piso and Plancina, the couple whose prosecution for misconduct in the East is memorialized in the senatus consultum de Cn. Pisone patre. (1) On his deathbed, as Tacitus narrates, Germanicus advised his wife Agrippina, the granddaughter of Augustus and the daughter of Julia Maior, as follows: tum ad uxorem versus per memoriam sui, per communis liberos oravit exueret ferociam, saevienti fortunae summitteret animum, neu regressa in urbem aemulatione potentiae validiores inritaret. haec palam et alia secreto per quae ostendisse credebatur metum ex Tiberio. (2) Then, turning to his wife he begged her, by her memory of him, by their mutual children, to cast aside her defiance, to submit her spirit to the savagery of fortune, and not, on her return to the City, to goad her superiors in power by rivaling them for it. These words openly; others were in secret, by which he was believed to have shown dread of Tiberius. (3) Germanicus, therefore, told Agrippina to put aside her harsh manner (ferociam) and to soften her spirit in the face of savage fortune, and also cautioned her not to provoke those more powerful than her in a competition (aemulatione) for power. And, finally, while he openly (palam) made these remarks to Agrippina, he said more to her privately, warning her of danger (so it was said) from Tiberius. In this deathbed scene and, indeed, throughout the Annales, the vocabulary Tacitus uses to describe Agrippina resounds with words that, like ferocia, typically describe fierce, angry, and even savage, animal-like behavior. (4) The adjective ferox and others like it--atrox (cruel, dreadful, unrelenting) and contumax (unyielding, defiant, willfully disobedient to civil authority)--have typically been interpreted as laudatory if applied to a man, indicating a bold, fighting spirit, but wholly pejorative when applied to a woman. (5) Modern commentators of Tacitus have judged the qualities of being warlike, savage, fierce, and stubborn as appropriate for a soldier but less so for the respectable Roman matrona. (6) Does this choice of language imply that Tacitus the historian had a negative opinion of Agrippina? A number of scholars assert that the above and similar passages are Tacitus's own unfavorable judgments of Agrippina. (7) While I do not seek to rehabilitate the memory of Agrippina, nor to condemn it, I would like to suggest that our appreciation of the subtleties of the Tacitus's portraits of Agrippina might be enhanced by a detailed analysis of his characteristic use of ambiguity. Scholars all too often have tended to think in terms of absolutes, in this case, of whether or not Tacitus was a misogynist. (8) Some argue that Tacitus admired Agrippina's tragic heroism, while still others would have Tacitus condemn Agrippina's transgression of traditional gender boundaries. (9) I do not think that Tacitus worked with such a harsh contrast of absolutes, of extremes of the spectrum, but rather he painted his portraits in shades of grey, understanding the complexity of human nature and appreciating that most characters, men and women, have their share of both virtues and vices. (10) This technique ultimately leaves to the reader the subjective judgment of whether Agrippina was a heroine or a villain. Thus, while I will argue that Tacitus's use of typically pejorative adjectives in describing Agrippina need not be understood as harshly as they have often been interpreted, I appreciate that Tacitean style is such that a multiplicity of meanings can be gleaned from the text. Notwithstanding, I will also argue that Tacitus does not necessarily view Agrippina's ferocia unfavorably. (11) Don Fowler's (2000, 40-63) discussion of "deviant focalization" in the Aeneid provides a useful paradigm of how it is possible to separate the narrator's (in this case, Tacitus's) authorial voice from the point of view ("focalizer") represented in his narrative. …

This essay explores the ways in which Isaac ibn Sahula (1244–c. 1284) drew upon philosophy, medical theory, astrology, and animal lore, both to polemicize against Christians and Muslims and to goad his Jewish readers to correct spiritual behavior in his Meshal ha-Qadmoni. Christians, Muslims, and “bad” Jews are portrayed as having degraded their intellect by following fleshly lusts or false wisdom. In losing their intellect, they have lost the quality that made them superior to animals. His use of animals to portray the “inhumanity” of most humans adds a level of irony to his work, but also becomes a part of his arsenal of symbolism, which he deftly uses to criticize the religious claims and behavior of non-Jews. In some instances loss of intellect feminizes his opponents. However, Ibn Sahula's use of gender symbolism does not fall along neat dichotomies of male-spiritual, female-material. Rather, non-Jews are often characterized by hyper-masculinity, violence, and excessive lust, whereas Ibn Sahula portr...

The reopening of the New Orleans Superdome after Hurricane Katrina on Monday Night Football dramatized problematic rhetorical, visual, and spatial norms of purification rituals bound up in what Burke calls the paradox of purity. Hurricane Katrina was significant as a visually traumatic event in large part because it signified the ghetto as a rarely discussed remainder of American structural racism and pressed the filthiest visual and territorial residues of marginalized poverty into the national consciousness. In this essay, we argue that a visual paradox of purification—that purifying discourses must “be of the same symbolic substance” as the polluted images that goad them—complicated ritual attempts to both purge and commemorate Katrina evacuees. It is within the paradox of purity that visually grounded purification rituals like the Superdome reopening should be considered for their potential to invite or foreclose public engagement with race and class problems firmly entrenched in Americans’ perception...

Cette etude est consacree aux vehicules a roues de l’âge du Bronze et a certains elements en particulier, comme les roues, attelages, brides ou aiguillons. Vestiges archeologiques et temoignages iconographiques de differentes provenances (Scandinavie, Egypte, Grece, Mesopotamie...) sont analyses et compares.

In 1675, Hugh Platt's 'newly reprinted' gardening book received a glowing review in the oldest English scientific journal. First published in 1608 as Florae s Paradise, Platt's book had reappeared in 1652. The 1675 edition was its seventh reprint. That year's review of Platt's works in the Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London outlined the author's broadranging contributions and commented: 'But above all, he advanced the Agriculture of England by Marle, Saline materials, as far as the Seas extend, which encompass these Islands; and by other Soyles .... chiefly by Lime, and the way of Denshiring; whereby the most barren lands, hills and wasts may be converted to bear the richest burthens of corn, hay, and grass.'1 As the reviewer's language shows, Platt's vision of a moral economy that would, at a time of acute economic shortage, convert 'penury into plenty' still persisted nearly sixty years after his death. But by this time, backed by the persistent and vital need for increased agricultural productivity, a discourse of 'improvement' which overturned earlier orthodox versions of moral economics was powerfully in place. This essay will examine the gardening practices, theories, and rhetoric of Hugh Platt (1552-1608), well-known in his own time as an expert practitioner of natural knowledge, and show how these were refashioned by the 'new' seventeenth-century discourse. In her recent assessment of the impact of Elizabethan 'science' on Baconian reform of natural knowledge, Deborah Harkness argues that, despite Bacon's criticism of Elizabethan practitioners, the 'bases of Bacon's "reformed" science', such as 'experimentation, instrumentation, government support, and attention to utility', were already the bases of the practices of Platt and his contemporaries. However, the specificities of Platt's ideas and their seventeenth-century reception require more concerted attention than Harkness's intriguing and broad survey of Elizabethan science is able to give.2 Bacon and the first members of the Royal Society were evidently drawing on earlier practices, but in the course of their adaptation, the bases - especially ethical bases - of earlier knowledge-making were notably altered. In order to understand the often subtle processes of this change, it is necessary to note that what Harkness calls the earlier 'London science'3 was significantly influenced by its practitioners' experience of socio-economic crises, and particularly by their experience of dearth, as the 1675 review of Platt's gardening book makes clear.4 An examination of Platt's contribution to gardening and agriculture thus offers an important point of entry as it illustrates an approach to knowledge-making shaped by the economic crises of the practitioner's own milieu: such crises prompted Platt to assert the central importance of labour in the production of knowledge and to actively encourage the liberation of knowledge from propertied coteries. I will show how these ethical bases came to be articulated by Platt and also how they were put under pressure of erasure by the time his work on gardening was being both appreciated and modified by seventeenthcentury thinkers.The Royal Society reviewer, who stressed that rich but hidden resources of nature were waiting to be discovered so that barrenness and waste could be transformed into burdens of plenty, repeated and endorsed Platt's own expressions of his principal aim. Justifying his agricultural experiments in The Jewell House of Art and Nature (1594), Platt had written:For what eie doth not pitty to see the great weaknes and decay of our ancient and common mother the earth, which now is grown so aged & stricken in yeares, & so wounded at the hart with the ploughmans goad, that she beginneth to faint vnder the husbandmans hand, and groneth at the decay of hir natural Balsamum. For whose good health and recouerie, and for the better comfort of sundry simple and needie farmors of this land, I haue partly vndertaken these strange labors . …

The interventions of anti-vice crusader Anthony Comstock into 1870s popular illustrations created some surprising – and largely unintended – consequences. Not only did the man who defined modern American censorship goad into existence the radical free speech movement, but his manipulations of 1870s visual culture also heightened racial stereotyping in public print. His behind-the-scenes negotiations led illustrated newspaper editors to erase white sexuality, which they replaced with stories of interracial rape of white women by black men. In fostering both the rise of the free press movement and the selective racialization of visual culture, Comstock left an indelible mark on modern representation.

This essay critically interrogates the graphic violence that defines the 2004 blockbuster The Passion of the Christ. It reads that violence in terms of theologies of suffering, opposing liberation theologians who privilege empathetic victimhood with Jesus as a goad to social activism against contextual theologians who fear that such celebrations of suffering only undermine possibilities for human agency. The Passion's violence facilitates a characterization of Jesus as victim and his faithful followers as submissive and feminine whereas his oppressors, the Roman and Temple guards, are aggressive and masculine. All of these humans are juxtaposed to the omnipotent God who controls the earthly scene. This close reading of the film suggests that celebrations of Jesus' suffering cannot inspire Christian activism when his suffering is framed as God ordained. Instead, in this divinely controlled world, the models of Christian discipleship are the feminine characters who practice submission even in the f...

Two recent hypotheses which support the theory of full access to Universal Grammar have been proposed in order to account for variant data supplied by L2 learners. The Prosodic Transfer Hypothesis (Goad, White & Steele 2003) suggests that non-target-like behaviour by L2 learners is partially due to the differences in prosody between the L1 and L2 and the ensuing prosodic constraints; whilst the Missing Surface Inflection Hypothesis (Prévost & White 2000) proposes that problems are due to the learners’ variability in mapping abstract syntactic features onto morphological forms. This paper discusses a study of Japanese native speakers acquiring L3 German adjectival inflection in light of these two hypotheses. Data are provided from a written gap-filling task and from two oral production tasks. The results indicate stronger support for the MSIH.

Plato's instructions entail that the line of Republic VI is divided so that the middle two segments are of equal length. Yet I argue that Plato's elaboration of the significance of this analogy shows he believes that these segments are of unequal length because the domains they represent are not of equally clear mental states, nor perhaps of objects of equal reality. I label this inconsistency between Plato's instructions and his explanation the "overdetermination problem." The overdetermination problem has been a perennial concern, and a substantial amount of work has been produced which attempts to deal with it. I offer a classification of approaches to the overdetermination problem as a way of documenting the problem's significance, and show why these approaches are all inadequate as solutions. My novel resolution of the overdetermination problem rests upon a demonstration that the contradiction is intentional. The later recapitulation of the ratio at 534a reveals that Plato was himself aware that the middle two segments are equal. I argue that this contradiction is a sophisticated device designed to lead the reader of the Republic through the four epistemic stages represented by the line itself. Most significantly, recognition of this mathematical contradiction acts as a goad, spurring independent philosophical reflection just in the way that Plato advocates in the Republic more generally.

Der Text steckt den Horizont einer Medienkulturwissenschaft ab, wie sie sich aus der Zusammenschau zeitgenossischer Ansatze zur Medienforschung konstruieren lasst. Wichtige Merkmale sind dabei deren gesellschaftstheoretische Verankerung, eine interdisziplinare Perspektive, ein konsolidiertes kulturalistisches Verstandnis von Kommunikation sowie eine kritische Einbettung der Medienkommunikation in die Untersuchung sozialer Machtverhaltnisse. Um eine solche epistemologische, theoretische und methodologische Konzeption haben sich die (britischen) Cultural Studies verdient gemacht, deren wichtiger Beitrag zur Medientheorie anhand zweier Vertreter, Williams und Hall, vor dem Hintergrund der Theoretisierung des Zusammenhanges von Medien, Kultur und Wissenschaft einem Rereading unterzogen wird. Die Pionierarbeit der Cultural Studies zeigt sich dabei fur die Formulierung aktueller Forschungsschwerpunkte als erstaunlich jung geblieben.

The influence of science (including science-based technology) on theology is discussed here within the framework of two assumptions. First, the basic purpose of theology is to serve the mission of the church. In today's world this means that theology must take science seriously in the ways in which it equips the church to do its work. Second, the theology which is most adequate for this purpose is a version of the theology of the cross which emphasizes the concept of divine kenosis. Within this framework, science can be seen as a goad to theology in several areas. Concerns about the environment encourage an ecological emphasis in theology. The interpretation of biblical creation texts is influenced by our knowledge of cosmic and biological history. Awareness of the scientific limitations of some biblical texts encourages us to consider the kenotic character of the inspiration of scripture. Evolution through natural selection seems to demand the kind of divine participation in the sufferings of the world to which a theology of the cross points, and human evolution in particular has implications for theological anthropology. Finally, the ability of science to explain phenomena in the world without reference to God needs to be taken into account when we speak of God's action in the world. These and other topics should be given adequate attention in Christian education at all levels and in preaching, pastoral care and public advocacy by the church.

An effective and enriching discourse on comparative historiography invests itself in understanding the distinctness and identity that have created various civilizations. Very often, infected by bias, ideology, and cultural one-upmanship, we encounter a presumptuous-ness that is redolent of impatience with the cultural other and of an ingrained refusal to acknowledge what one's own history and culture fail to provide. This “failure” need not be the inspiration to subsume the other within one's own understanding of the world and history and, thereby, neuter the possibilities of knowledge-sharing and cultural interface. It is a realization of the “lack” that provokes and generates encounters among civilizations. It should goad us to move away from what we have universalized and, hence, normalized into an axis of dialogue and mutuality. What Indians would claim as itihasa need not be rudely frowned upon because it does not chime perfectly with what the West or the chinese know as history. accepting the truth that our ways of understanding the past, the sense of the past, and historical sense-generation vary with different cultures and civilizations will enable us to consider itihasa from a perspective different from the Hegelian modes of doing history and hence preclude its subsumption under the totalitarian rubric of world history. How have Indians “done” their history differently? What distinctiveness have they been able to weave into their discourses and understanding of the past? Does the fact of their proceeding differently from how the West or the Chinese conceptualize history delegitimize and render inferior the subcontinental consciousness of “encounters with past” and its ways of being “moved by the past”? This article expatiates on the distinctiveness of itihasa and argues in favor of relocating its epistemological and ideological persuasions within a comparative historiographical discourse.

The slaughtering process had been a serious issue throughout the centuries in Istanbul due to the lack of proper facilities for handling livestock. While streets may be alternative locations for this process, it was not favourable because of the unhygienic conditions of such venues. Tophane slaughterhouses are one of the places which were built between narrow streets by the Bosporus to meet this need. The location of the Tophane slaughterhouses can be seen on the map drawn in 1905 by the French cartographer, Charles Edouard Goad. Interestingly, the stages of the meat slaughtering process can be reasonably mapped out from the names of the streets, city-wall gates and ports around the Tophane neighbourhood. With the construction of a new facility known as Sutluce Slaughterhouse by the Golden Horn in 1923, all slaughterhouses were gathered into one central building. Being the first contemporary slaughterhouse in Turkey, The Sutluce Slaughterhouse became a symbol of modernization. In this study, industrialization efforts of Istanbul in the 20 th century will be presented by analysing the evolution of meat

In his biography of Bernard Shaw, Michael Holroyd makes a noteworthy claim about Shaw's relationship with the United States. Assessing a disjointed, antagonistic speech Shaw made to the Academy of Political Science in New York in 1933, Holroyd claims that Shaw's "ringing warfare against the United States sounds like an echo from within his disunited self . . . mak[ing] his objection heard to the feted progress of G.B.S. around the world. Was not the spell of money on G.B.S. an American spell; his trick of overstatement 'an American trick; his gift for monologue, an American gift,' as Blanche Patch was to suggest?"1 Shaw's public bashing of the United States reached its sardonic height in a newsreel he recorded in 1931. In "A Little Talk on America," Shaw calls Americans "dear old boobs" and America "a most awful country," even as he claims immense popularity with American readers.2 He appears, as Holroyd notes, "at his most child-devilish encircled by immense lights like furnaces welcoming Americans into hell."3 That Shaw mocks from a position he imagines he shares with his audience lends support to the claim that the author suffered internal divisions. It also reminds us of Shaw's savvy about the media environment in which he operated. Shaw's relationship to the film industry further illustrates this position. In 1933 he visited Hollywood and pronounced it "the most immoral place in the world."4 At the same time, he actively sought ways to make money through the industry and to increase his fame. Shaw even stayed with William Randolph Hearst, who, though primarily a newspaper owner, represented many of the excesses of the new media Shaw enjoyed mocking. His theatrics were clearly intended to goad his American audience, but in each case they were performed on platforms associated with the United States the well-paid American lecture circuit, the press, and the budding film industry. During these public appearances Shaw inhabited a paradoxical critical posture: on the one hand, he denounced his hosts and audience

Joseph Babinski (1857-1932) was born on November 17, 1857. He worked in a clinical arena dominated by Charcot and a focus on hysteria. His primary aim was in trying to find the reliable clinical signs to distinguish organic from non-organic disease of the nervous system. He was considered as masterly diagnostician, relying considerably less on neuropathological reports. Babinski's first attention to the reflex of the toes occurred during a chance observation of the contrasting responses between two female patients, one a hysteric and the other a hemiplegic. He first published description of his famous "sign" in 1896. Babinski's love for research works could be gauzed from his desire to publish and by the age of 27 years, he had to this credit, 12 important articles, mainly concerned with histological and neurological themes and one of his articles on the basic description of muscle spindles was considered to be a significant one. He was awarded the doctorate degree in 1885. Babinski introduced the concept of pithiatism, meaning "curable by suggestion." He anticipated the emergence of neurosurgery in France and only 6 days prior to his death he is on record to have said that his most vital contribution to the cause of neurosciences was not the sign he described, but that he could goad Clovis Vincent and Martel to take up neurosurgery as a specialty.