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Mentre uno dei paesi europei piu colpiti dal COVID-19 vive un lento ritorno alla normalita, tutti gli occhi sono puntati su cio che ci aspetta. Le implicazioni generate da settimane di drastico lockdown sul mercato del lavoro potrebbero essere di vasta portata e l’incertezza sul futuro dell’occupazione in Italia aumenta. In questo periodo di cambiamenti significativi, l’elaborazione di possibili sviluppi futuri puo contribuire a mitigare parte dell’incertezza guidando le decisioni a livello istituzionale. Questa ricerca utilizza un approccio per la costruzione di scenari chiamato intuitive logics (IL). Questo metodo e particolarmente adatto a supportare il processo decisionale (Kosow e Gasner, 2008) poiche aiuta a derivare le implicazioni di diverse linee d’azione. Seguendo il metodo IL, questo studio seleziona 17 esperti per qualificare le forze trainanti dell’occupazione giovanile in Italia in base al loro livello d’incertezza e d’impatto. I risultati di questa ricerca sono quattro scenari plausibili derivati dall'intersezione delle due forze trainanti altamente incerte e incisive che piu probabilmente saranno influenzate dal COVID-19: lo stato dell’economia e lo squilibrio delle competenze tra domanda e offerta di lavoro. Sebbene tutti e quattro gli scenari prevedano un impatto avverso della crisi sul mercato del lavoro, quest’articolo mostra come il governo, le sue agenzie e le istituzioni sovranazionali possano mitigare gli effetti negativi pianificando e attuando interventi mirati alle competenze dei giovani. Questa ricerca contribuisce agli sforzi della comunita accademica in risposta all’attuale emergenza migliorando la nostra comprensione delle opzioni politiche nel contesto del mercato del lavoro italiano.

Este artigo compara a Convencao de Aarhus da UNECE de 1998 sobre o acesso a informacao, a participacao do publico na tomada de decisoes e o acesso a justica em questoes ambientais, e o Acordo Escazu da CEPAL de 2018 sobre o Acesso a Informacao, Participacao e Justica em Materias Ambientais na America Latina e no Caribe. O contexto do Acordo de Escazu e o desenvolvimento da sua negociacao sao delineados na primeira parte; segue-se na segunda uma analise comparativa dos dois textos, que ilustra a estrutura das duas convencoes, a nocao de democracia e o direito substancial a um ambiente saudavel. Na terceira parte se realizara uma analise dos tres pilares reconhecidos em ambos os documentos apontando as semelhancas, as diferencas entre Aarhus e Escazu e os avancos juridicos no Acordo de Escazu. Por ultimo se apresentara a situacao atual depois dois anos da assinatura do Acordo e o impacto da pandemia de Covid19 sobre as ratificacoes dos Estados. O presente texto foi elaborado a partir de pesquisa qualitativa, de perfil teorico-normativo, adotando o referencial teorico da Democracia Ambiental e utilizando como tecnicas de pesquisa a analise documental e a revisao bibliografica. Abstract:This article compares the 1998 UNECE Aarhus Convention on Access to Information, Public Participation in Decision-Making and Access to Justice in Environmental Matters, and the 2018 ECLAC Escazu Agreement on Access to Information, Participation and Justice in Environmental Matters in Latin America and the Caribbean. The context of the Escazu Agreement and the development of its negotiation are outlined in the first part; the second part is a comparative analysis of the two texts, which illustrates the structure of the two conventions, the notion of democracy and the substantial right to a healthy environment. In the third part, an analysis will be carried out of the three pillars recognized in both documents pointing out the similarities, the differences between Aarhus and Escazu and the legal advances in the Escazu Agreement. Finally, the article will present the current situation after two years of the signing of the Agreement and the impact of the COVID-19 on the ratifications process. This paper was written from a qualitative research, with theoretical and normative profile, adopting the theoretical guidelines of Environmental Democracy, and using as research techniques documental analysis and bibliographical review.

This paper seeks to investigate the interconnections between climate change and land grabbing. It offers a nuanced understanding of the critical intersections of climate change mitigation policies with land grabbing, before and after the Paris Agreement. There are various considerations associated with climate change that drive land grabbing tendencies. This increase of land grabbing has been observed to exacerbate climate change and the recurrence of strategies that produce harmful effects on socio-ecological systems. The term ‘climate grabbing’ is coined to describe the phenomena related to the appropriation of land and resources for the purposes of climate change mitigation. In particular, this paper will focus on two instruments that have been created to manage the complications of climate change and have been reinforced by the Paris Agreement in 2015: biofuel production and the Reduced Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation Plus initiatives (REDD+). The article will analyse how those measures increase the phenomenon of land grabbing.

Through the presented article we seek to analyze the way Indigenous Peoples insert themselves in the context of the new Latin American constitutionalism, with a special focus on the aspect of the legal pluralism and on the way the Indigenous Peoples act towards the Judiciary. For that, the paradigmatic cases of the Ecuadorian, Bolivian and also the Brazilian constitutions are analyzed. From there, we go to the concrete cases, where factual situations are verified, at least in theory, where the natives had an active participation in the judiciary criminal process in Brazil. The main goal of this article is to scrutinize how those cases configure what denominates as legal pluralism and in what standards the Brazil differentiates from the other Latin American countries on the legal custody of the indigenous rights and the recognition and respect of "the other", here understood as a native.

This article will try to answer to the follows questions: What does it means to the Brazilian society human rights and human dignity with regard to the people who are imprisoned? What are the features of human dignity, fundamental pillar for the recognition of all human rights, in Brazil? What does human dignity means in front of prison system that daily violates human rights? On the other side, should we consider worthy a person who, outside of the prison system, is indifferent and often is condescending to the abuses perpetuated inside of the prisons? Could not be better recognize a conception of human dignity that includes not just a passive approach, but also an active approach, that see the dignity as value must be conquered? Could not be useful to recognize and develop human duties? And the first duty could be, in the case of the penitential system, the duty to react for the improvement of the system? Therefore, this article will begin to examine the tragic paradox between the International Protection of Human Rights and the Brazilian violence. Then the paper will explore the content of the concept of "human dignity". This research will analyze the historical and philosophical origin of the term dignity, particularly in Greek and Roman cultures, and the evolution of this concept in the context of Western culture, taking into account the specific contribution of Judaeo-Christian and philosophical traditions. The modern concept of human dignity has a essentially and excessive passive character. Human rights should therefore be rebalanced with an active conception of human dignity through the recognition of "Human Duties".

Twenty years after the signature of the UNECE Convention on Access to Information, Public Participation in Decision-making and Access to Justice in Environmental Matters, (the Aarhus Convention, 1998) on March 4, 2018 –and after six years of negotiations-,twenty-four countries in Latin American and the Caribbean adopted the Escazú Convention, the first ever legally binding treaty on environmental rights in the Region. The Regional Agreement on Access to Information, Public Participation and Justice in Environmental Matters in Latin America and the Caribbean, once ratified by the signatories, will affect the constitutions and the legislations in Latin America and the Caribbean in environmental matters, serving as a framework to increase the level of the protection on environmental participatory rights in the region. The objective of this article is to give an overview of both treaties. Part I will briefly outline the context and the negotiating process of the two texts. Then, Part II will consist of a comparative analysis, that will scrutinise the structure of the treaties, the notion of democracy and the substantive right to a healthy environment. Finally, the Part III will compare the three pillars recognised in both documents and underline the similarities, the differences between the three pillars, and the steps forwards for Environmental Rights in Latin America and the Caribbean. KEYWORDS: Right to access; Aarhus Convention; Escazú Agreement; Environmental Democracy; Latin America and Caribbean. RESUMOVinte anos após a assinatura da Convenção sobre Acesso à Informação, Participação no Processo de Tomada de Decisão e Acesso à Justiça em Matéria de Ambiente UN/ECE (Convenção de Aarhus, 1998) e após seis anos de negociações, vinte e quatro países da América Latina e do Caribe adotaram a Convenção Escazú, o primeiro tratado juridicamente vinculante sobre direito ambiental na Região. O Acordo Regional sobre Acesso à Informação, Participação Pública e Justiça em Matéria de Ambiente na América Latina e no Caribe, uma vez ratificado, produzira efeitos na ordem jurídica interna dos Estados partes em matéria ambiental e servirá para aumentar o nível de proteção dos direitos de participação ambiental na região. O objetivo deste artigo é fornecer uma visão geral de ambos os tratados. A parte I delineará brevemente o contexto e o processo de negociação dos dois textos. A Parte II consistirá numa análise comparativa que examinará a estrutura dos tratados, a noção de democracia e o direito substantivo a um ambiente saudável. Por fim, a Parte III se destina a comparar os três pilares reconhecidos em ambos os documentos e sublinhar as semelhanças, as diferenças entre os três pilares e os passos a serem tomados para o Direito Ambiental na América Latina e no Caribe. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Acesso à justiça; Convenção de Aarhus; Acordo de Escazú; Democracia Ambiental; América Latina e Caribe

Twenty years after the signature of the UNECE Convention on Access to Information, Public Participation in Decision-making and Access to Justice in Environmental Matters, (the Aarhus Convention, 1998) on March 4, 2018 –and after six years of negotiations-,twenty-four countries in Latin American and the Caribbean adopted the Escazú Convention, the first ever legally binding treaty on environmental rights in the Region. The Regional Agreement on Access to Information, Public Participation and Justice in Environmental Matters in Latin America and the Caribbean, once ratified by the signatories, will affect the constitutions and the legislations in Latin America and the Caribbean in environmental matters, serving as a framework to increase the level of the protection on environmental participatory rights in the region. The objective of this article is to give an overview of both treaties. Part I will briefly outline the context and the negotiating process of the two texts. Then, Part II will consist of a comparative analysis, that will scrutinise the structure of the treaties, the notion of democracy and the substantive right to a healthy environment. Finally, the Part III will compare the three pillars recognised in both documents and underline the similarities, the differences between the three pillars, and the steps forwards for Environmental Rights in Latin America and the Caribbean.

Twenty years after the signature of the UNECE Convention on Access to Information, Public Participation in Decision-making and Access to Justice in Environmental Matters, (the Aarhus Convention, 1998) on March 4, 2018 –and after six years of negotiations-,twenty-four countries in Latin American and the Caribbean adopted the Escazú Convention, the first ever legally binding treaty on environmental rights in the Region. The Regional Agreement on Access to Information, Public Participation and Justice in Environmental Matters in Latin America and the Caribbean, once ratified by the signatories, will affect the constitutions and the legislations in Latin America and the Caribbean in environmental matters, serving as a framework to increase the level of the protection on environmental participatory rights in the region. The objective of this article is to give an overview of both treaties. Part I will briefly outline the context and the negotiating process of the two texts. Then, Part II will consist of a comparative analysis, that will scrutinise the structure of the treaties, the notion of democracy and the substantive right to a healthy environment. Finally, the Part III will compare the three pillars recognised in both documents and underline the similarities, the differences between the three pillars, and the steps forwards for Environmental Rights in Latin America and the Caribbean.

International audience; El presente ensayo propone la articulación analítica de eventos meteorológicos extremos con el advenimiento y la comprensión de la crisis ecológica planetaria, a partir de un contexto y de una situación específica. Algunos acontecimientos recientes en Costa Rica permiten reflexionar sobre el impacto social que generan este tipo de eventos, y los escenarios que estos estremecimientos abren o consolidan en el contexto de los problemas ecológicos globales.; Cet article propose l’intégration analytique des événements météorologiques extrêmes avec la compréhension de la crise écologique planétaire. Cette proposition s’appuie sur l’analyse d’un événement spécifique qui a eu lieu récemment au Costa Rica. L’objectif de l’essai est de réfléchir sur les conséquences sociales qui se sont produites par ces événements et les scénarios qu’ils ouvrent dans le contexte des problèmes écologiques planétaires.