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Copyright of SIRIUS - Zeitschrift fur Strategische Analysen is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Max-Planck-Institut für Gesellschaftsforschung Discussion Papers is the property of Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The post-Cold War era in Southeast Asia has witnessed an exponential rise in submarine proliferation, resulting in a notable surge in the count of regional submarine operators. This trend prompts the following inquiries: Why submarines being acquired by Southeast Asian powers, what is the acquisition process like, and what implications will these endeavors have? This study undertook a comparative analysis of the submarine procurement cases in Malaysia, Indonesia, Vietnam and Singapore, examining official statements from government and defense authorities. The findings suggest that Malaysia, Indonesia and Singapore were likely driven by deterrence and enforcement considerations, while Vietnam’s acquisition was primarily motivated by deterrence against China. These insights are highly significant as they highlight the importance for mitigating regional submarine-related risks, such as undersea conflict or accidents, by either diminishing threat perceptions among ASEAN states or exploring effective approaches to undersea domain enforcement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Leviathan: Zeitschrift für Sozialwissenschaft (Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG) is the property of Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Aussen- und Sicherheitspolitik is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Aussen- und Sicherheitspolitik is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Aussen- und Sicherheitspolitik is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Neue Politische Literatur is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Berliner Journal für Soziologie is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Aussen- und Sicherheitspolitik is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Sarawak Party Coalition (GPS) backed by Parti Pesaka Bumiputera Bersatu (PBB) which was formed after the 2018 General Election (GE) following the defeat of Barisan Nasional (BN) at the federal level is the ruling party in Sarawak since the first Sarawak State Legislative Assembly General Election. This political party has the experience of ruling Sarawak by shaping the political thinking of development among the voters in the state. The Sarawak State Legislative Assembly General Election 2021 was held following the dissolution of the Sarawak State Legislative Assembly on 3 November 2021 after being delayed since the end of the fiveyear term (until 7 June 2016) which is 6 June 2021 due to the declaration of emergency by the Federal Government nationwide due to the COVID-19 pandemic. This Sarawak State Legislative Assembly General Election can see the influence of GPS in the geopolitical stage of Sarawak in the country and the state is still in a state of COVID-19 pandemic outbreak. Therefore, the purpose of writing this article is to analyze the strengthening of GPS political power over Sarawak geopolitics in Sarawak DUN 2021. Based on data analysis of Sarawak State Legislative Assembly General Election 2021 results, field observations and analysis of secondary sources, the findings show that the strengthening of voter support for GPS factors namely GPS experience of ruling Sarawak, GPS leadership known to voters, realistic GPS election manifesto, continuation of Sarawak development program, experienced and systematic GPS election machinery, impact of COVID-19 pandemic outbreak, Sarawak opposition party vote split and percentage drop urban voters who are pro -opposition parties. Therefore, the strengthening of GPS politics in the geopolitics of Sarawak shows the importance of experience in governing and having a well -organized party machinery to win elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The competition between the United States and China is now more complex compared to the era of the Cold War. This is evident from the Trade War, the issue of 5G technology, megaproject initiatives, the South China Sea issue and most recently the Covid-19 issue. Malaysia has taken a pragmatic approach and has been careful not to get caught up in the competition between the two powers. During the Pakatan Harapan (PH) era, Malaysia decided to cancel the Kuala Lumpur-Singapore high-speed rail (HSR) mega project, renegotiate the construction cost of the East Coast Rail Link (ECRL) as well as the grey zone issue in the South China Sea. These decisions created tension in the Kuala Lumpur-Beijing bilateral relations. In response, China delayed any form of cooperation to re-evaluate Kuala Lumpur's foreign policy towards Beijing under the new Pakatan Harapan government. However, Mahathir successfully renegotiated with China to proceed with the projects. This event is expected to leave a significant impact on why Malaysia is increasing its confidence and cooperation with China despite facing national security threats. By utilizing library research and interviews this study analyzes the factors influencing the improvement of bilateral diplomatic relations between Malaysia and China from 1971 until 2018. The study applies the theory of neoclassical realism and the concept of threat balance to argue that Malaysia's response and stance towards China are based on threat, risk, and opportunity factors. First, it finds that the trend in Malaysia-China bilateral cooperation is influenced by the perception of trust. Second, the factor of leadership in identifying threats and opportunities also influences bilateral relations. Third, economic, political, and diplomatic harmony requires a relationship of mutual trust and interdependence in line with the international order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers the geopolitical and geoeconomic power relations around several recent high rise, commercial, and tourism-based projects in what can be described as a future site of a “downtown” Colombo. These urbanisation projects also provide examples to critique and imagine the historically developed postcolonial relations of globalisation. The paper specifically discusses the Colombo Port City project – a reclaimed land project that is backed by the Chinese government and Sri Lanka’s Ministry for Megapolis and Western Development, and includes a 99-year lease for the 575 acres added to the island for China – and John Keel’s Cinnamon Life project – a project supported by both local investors and American hedge funds, that contributes not only another large hotel, but also apartments, shopping, restaurants, and a casino. Similar to other hotel developments, such as Shrangi-La, the evictions of Slave Island for the Cinnamon Life developments indicate a trend whereby individuals and/or communities are forced out either by government interference or rising prices. The authors suggest, first, that the politics of Colombo’s urbanisation can be traced through the theme of “reclaiming”, which includes not only the physical reclaimed land of the Colombo Port City project, but also the land reclaimed from the Slave Island evictions and the ongoing possibility to exercise eminent domain power for the “public good”. In addition, this theme asks: do these different investments and partnerships indicate reclaimed or ongoing colonial power relations, or is Sri Lanka re-claiming their position as a geo-strategic partner within international relations? Second, and towards these questions, the authors argue that a dynamic and multi-scale lens – from the macro-economic and political international investments, to the micro-level of individuals – is necessary in order to engage a postcolonial critique of globalisation and contemporary geopolitics. Indeed, such a lens helps interrogate if these projects offer alternative models and relations to progress and South Asian modernity than what has come before in urban, postcolonial development narratives or not? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Leviathan: Zeitschrift für Sozialwissenschaft (Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG) is the property of Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Aussen- und Sicherheitspolitik is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Aussen- und Sicherheitspolitik is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Melaka State politics is known as a stronghold of BN since before independence until the 2013 GE. However, in the 2018 GE, Melaka fell to the opposition party, PH. 22 months after PH ruled Melaka, the PH Government fell and the BN+PN Government was formed. Then on October 4, 2021, four government assemblymen withdrew their support and expressed support to form a new PH-led Government. However, on October 5, 2021, the Governor of Melaka dissolved the state legislative assembly to hold a new election. The new election was held and in the end BN won with a two-thirds majority. The election results produced an interesting voting pattern to study as a result of the political decisions of the voters of Melaka. Therefore, the purpose of writing this article is to analyze the geopolitics of Melaka and the political choices of voters in the Melaka 2021 state election. Based on data analysis of the Melaka state 2021 GE results, field observations and analysis of secondary sources, the findings of the study show that the victory of BN, the defeat of PH and significant turnout to PN in elections produces an interesting political landscape to study. The election showed that the turnout fell compared to the 2018 GE due to the COVID-19 pandemic, the people were tired of the endless politicking activities of politicians and there was no benefit for them to go to the polls. Thus, the change in voter support patterns and the fall in the turnout show an unusual trend that is interesting for analysis by political researchers and lessons learned by political leaders towards the next general election. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Security: Theory & Practice / Bezpieczeństwo.Teoria i Praktyka is the property of Andrzej Frycz Modrzewski Krakow University, AFM Publishing Office and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Aussen- und Sicherheitspolitik is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Perkembangan konsep wilayah Indo-Pasifik yang dilatarbelakangi oleh persaingan Amerika Serikat dan Tiongkok yang dipersepsikan sebagai ancaman bagi kestabilan dan kepentingan nasional negara-negara di kawasan terkait. Indonesia dan India, keduanya menggunakan dan memperkuat kapabilitas maritim sebagai kekuatan geopolitik mereka melalui kerjasama pertahanan sebagai aspek penunjang posisi tawar mereka di kawasan. Penelitian ini akan membahas dan mengevaluasi bentuk kerjasama pertahanan yang dilakukan oleh Indonesia dan India dalam memperkuat maritim melalui pelatihan bersama dan meningkatkan kemampuan militer mereka untuk menunjukkan seberapa relevan komitmen mereka dalam kerjasama ini dan terhadap tujuan-tujuan Kebijakan Act-East India dan Poros Maritim Dunia Indonesia di kawasan Indo-Pasifik. Kerjasama yang dijalankan mereka tidak hanya menyelaraskan kebijakan luar negeri mereka di kawasan, tetapi juga memberi mereka kesempatan untuk setidaknya menunjukkan kekuatan besar seperti Amerika Serikat dan Cina bahwa mereka mendapat kekuatan di kawasan secara strategis yang layak dipertimbangkan dalam struktur politik global yang dinamis. Dalam menjawab rumusan masalah sebagai tujuan dari penelitian ini, peneliti menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif yang menggambarkan dan menganalisa hubungan kepentingan Indonesia dan India dengan implementasi kerjasama pertahanan. Dengan pengumpulan data melalui studi literatur dan wawancara terhadap narasumber yang relevan dengan data yang dibutuhkan dalam menunjang penelitian ini.

During the pre-GE-14, political parties in Terengganu have expressed their confidence to come to power based on current issues, government performance and leadership. In GE-14, the people have chosen to give PAS a chance to lead the Terengganu State Government. After GE-14, there was also a conflict between UMNO and PAS in the state. Therefore, the purpose of writing this article is to analyze the geopolitics of Terengganu in pre-GE-14, GE-14 and post GE-14. The writing of this article is based on analysis of GE 2018 results data, field observations and analysis of secondary sources such as journal articles and conference papers. Findings show that geopolitics or governing power based on pre-GE-14, GE-14 and post-GE-14 scenarios in Terengganu depends on the influence of voter support for political parties, the role and volume of key leaders and current issues in the state. The instability of BN Government leaders and local issues have opened up space for PAS to win the hearts of Terengganu people in GE-14. However, this rejection is seen not because of the strength of PAS but rather the weakness of BN in addressing issues that arise in the community, especially in Terengganu. Meanwhile, PH is also not seen as dominant in any part except in Kemaman and Kuala Terengganu. Post GE-14 shows PAS cooperating with UMNO to form a Muafakat Nasional (MN) on the basis of the Malay-Muslim political cooperation. For the first time in the state, the opposition in the state assembly is governmen-friendly. However, the open conflict between the main leadership of UMNO and PAS over the distribution of development allocations and the distribution of seats in the next general election will be a challenge to both political parties to maintain long-term and consistent political cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

MIC (Malaysian Indian Congress) is said to be increasingly eroded and irrelevant as the main spokesman for the Indian community in expressing the desire to the Government. MIC's defeat in the 12th general election is not only caused by the movement Hindu Rights Action Force (Hindraf) alone, but the failure of the MIC leadership who are not sensitive to the problems of the Indian community and consequently they no longer support the candidates of MIC/BN in the 2008 General Election. MIC continued to be rejected in GE-14 by winning only two parliamentary seats. Therefore, the purpose of writing this article is to analyze the development and performance of MIC in Malaysian geopolitics. Based on the analysis of GE 2018 results data and analysis of secondary sources such as journal articles and conference papers, the findings show that MIC remains a relevant role in creating political stability and prosperity in the country. MIC has contributed a lot to the progress of the country with its role as a driving force to the progress of the Indian community in the country. With high commitment and a sincere spirit of cooperation, MIC has together fostered a spirit of harmony among the people. With competent and dynamic leadership, MIC has contributed to BN in managing the country's development to a proud level of economic development. Nevertheless, the political changes that exist among the Indian community have made the MIC not or less a top choice for the Indian community. Therefore, the Government needs to take action to improve the socio-economic status of Indians and restore support to MIC/BN in the next GE. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A political movement is a group and association movement to fight for something by campaigning, urging and participating in elections to gain the power to achieve what is being fought for. Political movements include groups based on leaders, associations and political parties that have leadership lines, organizations, goals of struggle and activities towards achieving the aim they strive for. Therefore, the objective of writing this article is to analyze the evolution and dynamics of geopolitical and sociopolitical of the political movement in Malaysia since before independence till present. The writing of this article uses a qualitative information interpretation approach from secondary sources, namely journal articles, academic books and conference papers based on the evolutionary theme of the political movement in Malaysia which is then analyzed based on geopolitical and sociopolitical impacts. Findings show that the geopolitics or power of the political movement is based on the state of political rulers at certain time while the socio-political of political movements show that the people's participation in political movements at certain time is based on current issues, developments of information communication technology, leadership and current socioeconomic conditions. Thus, the evolution and geopolitical and sociopolitical dynamics of the political movement in this country is very interesting to study and can be used as a guidance by all parties to create a peaceful and stable political situation of the country as well as a strategy to gain the support of voters and all parties in achieving their respective political struggles based on the provisions set by law and the Federal Constitution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]