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In popular, scholarly, business and governmental conceptualisations, 'corridors' are identified as fundamental components of connectivity and central to the China-led Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). However, given how the BRI has challenged socio-spatial relations among participant states, elevating the corridor as the dominant mechanism framing the BRI is incomplete and misleading. Paradoxically, while some evidence on the ground supports the existence of functioning corridors, the BRI is equally characterised by chokepoints – processes that restrict the flow of goods, resources, services and information. Although BRI programmes are widely rendered as networks of connectivity via corridors, the analytics of chokepoints, and the frictions they generate, have not been critically applied to research on the BRI. Identifying and responding to the importance of this gap, we propose a 'corridor-chokepoint dialectic' to critically evaluate the operations of BRI development and apply this dialectical concept to multiple BRI-affiliated countries bordering China, including Kazakhstan, Pakistan, Nepal and Myanmar. Each of these countries play host to major corridors projected within widespread BRI agendas and lend both discursive and material support for 'new Silk Road' connectivity. However, contrary to state rhetoric and popular media depictions, an array of corridors in conjunction with chokepoints more accurately defines the operational realities and challenges of BRI progress across Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of GeSec: Revista de Gestao e Secretariado is the property of Sindicato das Secretarias e Secretarios do Estado de Sao Paulo (SINSESP) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Relaciones Internacionales (1699-3950) is the property of Autonomous University of Madrid, Spain, International Relations Studies Group (GERI) Law Faculty and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Relaciones Internacionales (1699-3950) is the property of Autonomous University of Madrid, Spain, International Relations Studies Group (GERI) Law Faculty and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This piece offers an introduction to US foreign policy toward the Iraqi Kurds since the First World War by dividing that policy into seven discernible stages—from Wilson's Fourteen Points to the actions of the Trump administration. In doing so, I query whether the existence of US foreign policy toward the Kurds has been more active and supportive during Democratic Party administrations or Republican Party administrations. Are there any clear indications as to which party has been better for the Iraqi Kurds? Or is US foreign policy toward the Iraqi Kurds unequivocally dependent on regional dynamics and US interests, not on which political party is governing or the values they espouse? The central argument is that American policy toward the Iraqi Kurds has mostly been dependent on changing regional dynamics, particularly on the changing nature of the United States relationships with Iraq, Turkey, Iran, and Syria, and this does not seem to be affected strongly by which US party holds the presidency. Perhaps counter‐intuitively, there is no evidence to suggest the Democrats have been better for the Iraqi Kurds than the Republicans. While some of the most significant setbacks for the Kurds occurred during Republican administrations, their two most essential political achievements were also during Republican administrations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ecological crisis, massive inequality and war: our world is at a dangerous tipping point. Yet the present global crisis defies simple description and is difficult to explain. To clarify, it is argued that the character of the world crisis today is triple: ecological, economic and political. Underlying all three dimensions is the capitalist form of world society. The consolidation of this capitalist form was accompanied by the emergence of the concept of development within liberal philosophy. During the 20th century, development came to define geographical regions and legitimate capitalist political economy on a world scale. Capitalism came to be taken as development: I call this 'capitalism qua development'. Because of the triple crisis, capitalism qua development is beginning to undergo a profound change. In an era of rapid global heating and ecological crisis, the tie between capital and development is straining and likely to give way. Capital is becoming more closely attached to the concept of adaptation. I argue that, in the most likely scenario ('Climate Leviathan'), capitalism qua development will be recast as adaptation. Some signs of this shift are already apparent. Since this is only a likely prospect, three other possibilities – fates of the concept and practice of development – are proposed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of URVIO - Revista Latinoamericana de Seguridad Ciudadana is the property of FLACSO - Ecuador (Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Space warfare has been a dream conquest for the few who are willing to fight and survive, since the early days of astronomy in the mid-16th to 17th centuries. Space is the most physically challenging of all the warfighting domains and operations in this domain are a strong contest between nations as well as others seeking to advance their interests spontaneously. The US Space Force was officially established by December 2019 to address these physical demands of the present age, also known as the Information or the Digital Age, for American defense against all odds of adversaries attempting to sabotage the way of life for all Americans. This research paper introduces the concept of space wargaming and how it can be applied for military applications of approaching or conducting space warfare through illustrative examples of definition, doctrine, principles of war, and rules of conduct and engagement across the board. The Space Force has been struggling to develop a consistent warfighting culture, in comparison of the other military branches across the board, so this paper also emphasizes on implementing joint-operations driven missions that are training or preparing to approach space warfare against the powerful odds of their adversaries, such as Russia and China. Next, this paper explains major principles both the DoD and the Armed Forces should abide by, in response to high senior officials and top ranked leaders from the national defense boards have declared space as a warfighting domain. It describes the major components of space wargaming, within the context of the following areas: mission planning and architecture, leadership and vision of the squadron space forces, economic support through relations with public-private institutions, joint command operations through various models or state of their architecture and historical context of wargaming in applications for modern society, especially the civilians (non-combatants of space warfare). A detailed analysis from both the military and civilian perspectives of space wargaming for a future space conflict is included throughout the paper to establish a non-bias, well-balanced approach of understanding and thoughts regarding the topic selection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the dispute over the northern part of Antarctica, particularly the Antarctic Peninsula, involving Argentina, Chile, and the United Kingdom, as well as Brazil's sovereign claim, from 2012 to 2022 through the lens of classical geopolitics. It is grounded in a documentary review of treaties, state declarations, specialized literature, and press releases. Employing a qualitative and comparative methodology, the text delineates events between 1938 and 1959, explicating territorial claims and the Antarctic Treaty, which has preserved geopolitical stability until recently when new technological, environmental, and geopolitical challenges emerged. The article posits that these national territorial assertions render the notion of Antarctica as a Common Heritage of Humanity untenable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to analyze the relationship between China's maritime security policy and territorial disputes in the gray zone in the South China Sea. The study examines this relationship through the strategy and means of Chinese maritime security policy, aiming to clarify the factors that influenced this policy to drag its territorial disputes into the gray zone. The article argues that the rivalries between countries in the region fostered by the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) operated as an external pressure on China. Furthermore, geopolitical factors and the perception of the Chinese ruling elite have contributed to considering the UNCLOS as a threat to China's maritime interests in the South China Sea. Consequently, the Chinese maritime security policy seeks to shift the status quo in the region to establish China as a hegemonic regional power with its sphere of influence while avoiding an open war with its neighbors and the US. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Border issues, such as sovereignty, territorial claims, and security, play a significant role in transboundary river management. Borders can act as physical barriers that impede cooperation and coordination, and disputes over ownership and control of river resources can exacerbate tensions and lead to conflicts. Transboundary river management is a complex and critical issue that has gained increasing attention in recent years. The management of rivers that cross international borders raises numerous challenges, including political, economic, social, and environmental concerns. Effective management requires the cooperation of all countries sharing the river basin, and it involves the development of legal and institutional frameworks that promote sustainable use, equitable sharing, and peaceful resolution of conflicts. This paper aims to explore the intricate relationship between India's persistent border disputes with China and their far-reaching implications for the management of transboundary rivers. Their unresolved territorial disputes have profound implications for the shared river basins, such as the Brahmaputra Basin, and pose significant challenges to the implementation of effective transboundary river management strategies. Through an interdisciplinary examination of historical, geopolitical, and hydrological factors, this study sheds light on the multifaceted dimensions of India's border disputes with China and elucidates their detrimental impacts on the use of transboundary river resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the relationship between geopolitical factors and the strategic significance of the Chinese state´s territorial disputes in the South China Sea. The study examines this relationship through the influence of geopolitical factors on the configuration of Chinese national strategy. To do so, it turns to neoclassical realism, addressing the interactions between external pressures and intervening variables at the unit level. In doing so, it analyzes how geopolitical factors shaped Chinese leaders' perceptions of reality and their impact on their interpretation of certain events, such as the 1995 Taiwan Strait Crisis and the entry into force of the unclos. The study argues that these events were perceived as threats to China and helped shape national strategy in maritime terms. As a result, China developed its naval power to control the South China Sea and establish its sphere of influence in order to become the hegemonic regional power. All of this meant the increase of its presence and assertiveness in the region, which proves the importance of its territorial disputes in this area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Arctic, deeply affected by climate change, is experiencing a shrinking cryosphere in the Arctic Circle, seen by polar states as an economic and strategic opportunity. Although this "normality" has generated geopolitical challenges in the region, marked by cooperation since the Cold War, it is now transformed into conflict. Russia and Western states intensify military operations, accusing each other of military escalation. However, an underestimated aspect is the geopolitical assessment of melting ice and sea level rise, especially its impact on the low tide line and United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (unclos) regulations. This article discusses the results of sea level rise on the territorial and geopolitical aspects of the Arctic Ocean. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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El golpe que se dio en Bolivia en octubre de 2019 no puede ser abordado como si se tratara de un “golpe clásico”, sino que se inscribe en la nueva definición conceptual de lo que significa un “golpe suave”, al interior de la terminología que usa el “smart power” imperial. Fue planificado como una “revolución de colores” pensada para implosionar procesos democráticos desde adentro. Precisamente la novedad de esta modalidad golpista es uno de los factores que descolocó a muchos analistas, pues si lo que se tiene es una idea clásica de “golpe”, mal se puede entender este tipo de modalidad que el Imperio ha desarrollado para ejercer un nuevo tipo de control y dominación de su ámbito periférico. En ese sentido, la definición de “transición infinita” quiere señalar el carácter embaucador que usó el gobierno golpista para autodefinirse como “de transición” cuando, en los hechos, se atribuyó un comportamiento estatal que desdecía su pretendido carácter transitorio.

La palabra geopolítica está asociada a rivalidades de poder en los territorios, y son múltiples los factores que dan lugar a éstas. A menudo se habla de geopolítica del agua, de los minerales, de las religiones e incluso de las lenguas. En este último caso se toma en cuenta que las lenguas, además de instrumentos de comunicación entre los seres humanos, también son elementos de cohesión identitaria, y por lo tanto de diferenciación. En este caso el enfoque se centra en los grupos humanos que hablan determinadas lenguas y en los territorios que estos habitan, o de los que forman parte como elementos constitutivos, para efectos de identificar rivalidades de poder. Un caso muy interesante en este sentido es el continente africano, donde existen unas 2 mil lenguas, entre las implantadas o foráneas y las autóctonas. Esto da lugar a una compleja realidad lingüística que tiene importantes implicaciones geopolíticas. El hecho concreto en este sentido es que, como parte del proceso de descolonización iniciado en la década de 1950 en el continente africano, está el proceso de reafirmación de sus lenguas autóctonas, algunas de las cuales han tenido un rol significativo y tendrán aún más en el futuro- desde el punto de vista político, económico, educativo y comunicacional, entre las que destacan el suajili, el kirundi, el bambara, el wolof, el amárico y el somalí. Por tal razón, al momento de aproximarse a la comprensión del continente africano, es fundamental tomar en cuenta la dinámica geopolítica de sus lenguas, a fin de completar un esquema de análisis que incluya aspectos económicos, de recursos naturales, demográficos, religiosos, de conflictos interétnicos, entre otros.

El conflicto ruso-ucraniano ha tenido un impacto significativo en las relaciones internacionales, especialmente en los aspectos económicos, comerciales y políticos a nivel mundial. La Operación Militar Especial iniciada por Rusia en febrero de 2022 ha generado posturas encontradas entre los países, con algunos rechazando la acción y otros manifestando su apoyo. La posición de la República Popular China ha sido analizada debido a su relevancia en el sistema de relaciones internacionales y sus implicaciones geopolíticas. El estudio revela que, aunque China se ha abstenido de apoyar la Operación Militar Especial rusa, manifiesta su interés en fortalecer los lazos económicos-comerciales y políticos con Rusia para contrarrestar la influencia de Estados Unidos como potencia dominante a nivel global. Este conflicto ha evidenciado la complejidad de las relaciones internacionales y la lucha por el poder entre las principales potencias mundiales.

A recepção da vacina contra a Covid-19 foi controversa e rejeitada por parte significativa da sociedade no período pandêmico, o causador identificado inicialmente em Wuhan na China, foi o contexto geográfico que forneceu os aportes políticos e ideológicos para os ataques à vacina e à estratégia de contenção da pandemia. Posto isso, o presente artigo tem o objetivo de compilar dados e avaliar a possível influência dos discursos políticos no processo de receptividade vacinal contra a Covid-19. Caracterizado como um estudo de natureza exploratória, descritiva e explicativa quanto aos fins, e qualitativo quanto aos meios, em função de sua natureza, se valerá de avaliações comparativas entre discursos políticos do Grupo dos Vinte (G20) encontrados em revistas eletrônicas de alta popularidade e taxas de aceitabilidade a vacinação de cada população em questão. Em paralelo, fará uso de instrumentos teóricos filosóficos e sociológicos para avaliação dos dados seguindo a categorização proposta por Bardin (2016). O movimento que parece ter sustentado a rejeição, foi o conflito ideológico e geopolítico entre potências ocidentais e orientais, nunca superado desde as duas grandes guerras. A novidade foi o instrumental das redes e mídias socias na difusa comunicação em massa. Ainda assim, percebe-se que a cultura vacinal propiciou a busca pela imunização, no entanto, acendeu o alerta em relação aos grupos anticiência e a imagem do ‘líder’ a favor do ‘povo’.

El artículo traza la evolución de los regímenes fronterizos de Ceuta y Melilla, desde el ingreso de España en la UE en 1986 hasta la actualidad. Pese al no reconocimiento de la soberanía española de las ciudades —ni, en consecuencia, de la legitimidad de las fronteras de la UE en África—, Marruecos se ha convertido en un actor indispensable en el esquema de gobernanza fronterizo-migratoria desplegado en Ceuta y Melilla, y ha rentabilizado esta nueva ventaja estratégica en el marco de sus relaciones bilaterales con España y con la Unión Europea. La lógica de externalización de las políticas de control fronterizo ha allanado el camino a un amplio abanico de prácticas de control migratorio en torno a las ciudades norteafricanas. Dichas prácticas han sido escrutadas en profundidad desde ópticas académicas, periodísticas y activistas. Su análisis ha arrojado luz, por un lado, sobre la lógica de excepcionalidad que rodea al régimen fronterizo de la UE en las ciudades y, por otro, sobre cómo los migrantes y activistas han desafiado, denunciado y resistido a dicho régimen, contribuyendo así a su constante reconfiguración. El texto concluye analizando las consecuencias de dos factores interrelacionados que han ejercido de vectores de cambio: por un lado, la «crisis» diplomático-fronteriza de mayo de 2021 y, por otro, la subsiguiente reapertura parcial de los pasos fronterizos de Ceuta y Melilla en mayo de 2022, tras dos años de cierre iniciado con el estallido de la pandemia de covid-19. Ambos factores han conducido a una nueva reconfiguración de la gestión de la movilidad transfronteriza en la región. Como ilustran los sucesos letales sucedidos en la valla de Melilla de junio de 2022, los cambios han desembocado en la consolidación de la cooperación operativa hispanomarroquí y en un nuevo recrudecimiento de las prácticas de obstaculización migratoria en la frontera exterior de la UE.

A crise sanitária de Covid-19 reabilitou o trágico no espírito do tempo. Nada voltou ao statu quo ante dela. 2022 prometia ser um ano de recomeços. A mortandade causada pelo vírus chegava a níveis insignificantes e a pandemia perdia a sua razão de existir. Mas a intervenção da Rússia sobre a Ucrânia inverteu as expectativas e a incerteza voltou a imperar. Um ano depois, em fevereiro de 2023, a situação continuava sem solução e ninguém sabia ao certo o que fazer. Quando os médio-orientais reinauguraram novas fases de suas guerras eternas meses depois, a situação ficou ainda mais instável e preocupante. O mundo deixou de viver em incerteza para inaugurar uma era estabilidades voláteis. O objetivo deste artigo é apresentar uma reflexão sobre nova era.

Este ensaio percorre sumariamente a história do Estado de Israel e salienta o facto de esta ser marcada por uma constante luta contra vizinhos hostis. Israel prevaleceu devido a opções de natureza geopolítica que lhe asseguraram várias vitórias militares e a viabilidade do seu Estado, mas que não sanou a necessidade de acomodação e conciliação com a causa palestiniana. A profunda rivalidade hostil entre uma fação minoritária e radical palestiniana e Israel é uma ameaça à paz no Médio Oriente e à estabilidade da Ordem Mundial. O texto termina com uma caraterização da legitimidade no subsistema internacional do Médio Oriente e com um possível roteiro para a Paz.

O presente artigo se insere na grande área dos Estudos Estratégicos da Defesa e da Segurança Internacional. O objetivo foi apresentar uma breve discussão teórica sobre o tema “inevitabilidade da guerra”, articulada a determinadas especificidades que marcaram a eclosão de conflitos ao longo da história. A metodologia utilizada foi o debate historiográfico. Os resultados alcançados são os seguintes: pode ser identificado um padrão histórico de rivalidade/conflitividade no sistema internacional, o que Grahan Allison denominou de “armadilha de Tucídides”, em geral associado ao choque bélico entre potências do tipo terrestre e marítima. Que esse padrão tem relação com a existência de contextos de múltiplas transformações no ordenamento internacional, em geral desencadeadas por guerras. Conclui-se que o estudo da história é uma disciplina que fornece subsídios sobre o impacto da guerra, demonstrando que nem sempre a sua iminência é adequadamente interpretada e/ou administrada pelas lideranças políticas.

A pesar de que su influencia regional ha declinado con los años, Armenia sigue siendo un actor importante para las dinámicas en Eurasia sobre todo cuando se analiza desde la óptica del multilateralismo y las dinámicas de poder. El objetivo de este artículo es analizar la crisis del multilateralismo en Eurasia a través de la comprensión del conflicto de Nagorno-Karabaj y como este puede generar no solo nuevos antagonismos como la intervención en baja escala de potencias occidentales o aumentar la influencia de ciertos actores como Azerbaiyán impulsado por el apoyo de Turquía, sino que también pueden aumentar las tensiones y rivalidades históricas que se han mantenido y, por ende, debilitar los procesos institucionales en la región. Para la consecución del objetivo planteado, se recurre a la metodología de estudio de caso, donde se analiza la particularidad de un fenómeno o evento desde múltiples perspectivas para lograr una comprensión detallada y explicar sus efectos. En una primera sección, el texto estudia el contexto histórico, así como la actual situación de Armenia desde los conceptos de eurasianismo, multilateralismo, multipolarismo y regionalismo. A través del análisis de la geopolítica de la región, así como de los hechos históricos más relevantes se permite al lector entender las dinámicas de poder que se desdoblan en Eurasia a través de la gestión de los recursos naturales y la implementación de políticas exteriores contrastantes y convergentes al mismo tiempo. La segunda sección revisa los principales elementos del conflicto de Nagorno-Karabaj y los efectos que las acciones de setiembre de 2023 tienen sobre la gobernanza de la región euroasiática, la forma en la que concluyó el conflicto ocasionó cambios en las dinámicas regionales y sus efectos continúan viéndose en las relaciones entre los países del área. Del mismo modo el resultado ha provocado un desplazamiento masivo de personas lo que supone nuevos retos para los estados involucrados, en un contexto ya de por sí tenso por los acontecimientos mundiales. Además, este segundo apartado, analiza otros conflictos latentes que amenazan la estabilidad de la zona. Como corolario, se estudia el panorama para Armenia y se esbozan posibles escenarios ante el cambio en la balanza de poder de las potencias regionales.

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This article examines the multifaceted landscape of Rare Earth Elements (REEs), crucial components in traditional industries like glass and metallurgy, as well as pivotal in the growing green and digital economies. The transition toward a greener economy heavily relies on REEs for batteries, wind turbines, and solar panels. The global REE supply chain, dominated by China with nearly 95% of the world's reserves, introduces complexities and geopolitical considerations, and prompting nations like the United States and countries in the European Union to seek alternatives and reduce dependence on China's dominant control. The United States, once a key player in rare earth mining, now heavily relies on Chinese imports, posing national security concerns. This article examines the challenges and opportunities in the global rare earth elements market, addressing environmental controversies, geopolitical tensions, and the race for a secure supply chain. As nations handle the complexities of this critical industry, the pursuit of sustainable and geopolitically secure rare earth supplies emerges as a vital global concern. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In a world of growing international competition and rivalry between China and the United States, Latin America and the European Union (EU) are caught in the same thorny dilemma. Positioned between these global giants, both regions are facing a retorn to a Westphalian system of nation-states, which undermines their roles as emerging regional players. In view of these new global challenges in Latin America and the EU, this paper uses a qualitative and comparative approach to explore foreign policy discourses on autonomy in both regions. It examines their goals and priorities and assesses the potential regional and interregional consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses Latin America's role in an international system in flux, with high levels of uncertainty and transformations that signal a shift in the geoeconomic and geopolitical landscape across the world. Against this backdrop, the paper examines the challenges (both old and new) the region must face, focusing on the impact of global changes on regional dynamics and the capacity of the different countries to find answers both to the international situation and old and new internal problems. In addition, as an introductory paper to this monograph entitled "Geopolitics from Latin America: a change of cycle and multipolarity", it identifies the fulcrums of these changes, their impact, the main actors involved and the processes underway. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Informacion Comercial Espanola Revista de Economia is the property of S.G.E.E.I.P.C., Secretaria de Estado de Comercio, Ministerio de Industria, Comercio y Turismo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Informacion Comercial Espanola Revista de Economia is the property of S.G.E.E.I.P.C., Secretaria de Estado de Comercio, Ministerio de Industria, Comercio y Turismo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Informacion Comercial Espanola Revista de Economia is the property of S.G.E.E.I.P.C., Secretaria de Estado de Comercio, Ministerio de Industria, Comercio y Turismo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Este artículo pretende analizar la relación entre la biopolítica, la teoría de la securitización y la geopolítica en el contexto de la pandemia por COVID-19. Para ello se ha revisado la bibliografía sobre la pandemia en estudios de seguridad, postestructuralistas y geopolíticos, confirmándose una ausencia de investigaciones que consideren conjuntamente estas tres dimensiones de la pandemia. Por este motivo, este artículo propone un enfoque diferente que integra estas tres dimensiones. De este modo, el argumento principal de la investigación engloba las siguientes afirmaciones. En primer lugar, que la securitización de la salud es un tipo específico de biopolítica. En segundo lugar, que la biopolítica es una práctica geopolítica debido a las consecuencias espaciales que genera en la gestión de los procesos biológicos de la sociedad. En tercer lugar, que la securitización del coronavirus conllevó una forma específica de organizar el espacio para maximizar el control de la población por parte de las autoridades. Para comprobar estas hipótesis se han analizado las políticas de salud pública adoptadas por las democracias liberales de América, Europa, Asia y Oceanía, así como sus efectos en la organización del espacio. Los resultados de este estudio muestran que la securitización del COVID-19 creó un espacio biopolítico a nivel local, nacional e internacional que implicó la restricción y suspensión de la libertad de movimiento y del derecho a reunión. Además, el Estado asumió poderes extraordinarios, lo que permitió a las autoridades intervenir en casi todas las esferas de la vida y en todas partes dentro de las fronteras nacionales.

Este artículo analiza la disputa por la zona septentrional de la Antártica, en especial por la península antártica, entre Argentina, Chile y Reino Unido, junto a la pretensión soberana de Brasil, en el periodo de 2012 a 2022, desde la perspectiva de la geopolítica clásica. Se basa en una revisión documental de tratados, declaraciones de los Estados, bibliografía especializada y notas de prensa. A través de una metodología cualitativa y comparativa, se describen los eventos entre 1938 y 1959, se explican y comparan las reclamaciones territoriales y el Tratado Antártico, que ha mantenido la estabilidad geopolítica hasta los años recientes, cuando han surgido nuevos desafíos tecnológicos, ambientales y geopolíticos. Se argumenta que estas pretensiones territoriales nacionales hacen insostenible la idea de que el continente blanco sea Patrimonio Común de la Humanidad.

El presente número de HiSTOReLO (vol. 16, no. 37) se adentra en un tema de vital importancia histórica: los conflictos geopolíticos y sus profundos impactos en sociedades y naciones durante los siglos XIX y XX. Nuestro dossier explora cómo las guerras y enfrentamientos regionales han moldeado no solo mapas, sino también identidades, culturas y relaciones de poder en Latinoamérica, de modo específico, en Argentina, Chile, Colombia y Perú.

O artigo analisa as transformações, tendências e contradições do sistema agroalimentar russo e suas implicações globais de longo alcance. A análise emprega o arcabouço teórico-metodológico da economia política internacional aplicada ao estudo da agricultura e da alimentação. O argumento sustentado no artigo é que as recentes dinâmicas econômicas, sociais e políticas na Rússia respondem, em larga medida, aos desafios desencadeados pelo deslocamento da “questão agrária” clássica para a “questão agroalimentar” contemporânea. A questão agroalimentar abrange três grandes problemáticas: acumulação de capital, reprodução social e poder político. A pesquisa recorre a uma abrangente revisão da literatura especializada e qualificada, bem como a documentos e dados estatísticos oficiais relevantes, tanto de fontes russas como internacionais. A análise da questão agro-alimentar mostra-se bastante fértil para examinar a recente trajetória de desenvolvimento e projeção de poder da Rússia e a sua inserção no regime alimentar internacional contemporâneo, chamando atenção para a abertura de uma formidável, mas ainda pouco explorada, agenda de pesquisas em economia política internacional.

O artigo estuda o pensamento de Aleksandr Dugin, ideólogo da extrema direita russa, formulador do projeto neoeurasianista de inserção da Rússia na ordem internacional. O objetivo é apresentar a trajetória política de Dugin – destacando sua participação no “Círculo Yuzhinsky”, no Pamyat e no Partido Nacional Bolchevique -, analisar a apropriação do pensamento tradicionalista de Rene Guenon e Julius Evola, abordar sua reelaboração do eurasianismo dos anos 1920 e do pensamento eslavófilo, bem como a concepção duginista de nova ordem mundial e o uso das teorias geopolíticas clássicas em seu pensamento geopolítico. A metodologia é descritiva e qualitativa, realizando-se uma análise crítica do conteúdo. O estudo aponta que Dugin ofusca o projeto imperialista regional russo, pois a defesa duginista de uma reorganização multipolar do sistema internacional em contraposição à hegemonia norte-americana coloca a Rússia como líder de um projeto imperial no “grande espaço” da Eurásia.

Este artículo es un análisis comparado de los sistemas internacionales de la antigua China y de la temprana Europa moderna. Presenta un enfoque geopolítico desde el realismo estructural que pretende responder a por qué Europa no desarrolló un orden imperial en contraste con China con un sistema multiestatal similar. Este estudio hipotetiza que la elevada fragmentación geopolítica, además de las condiciones geográficas, creó un sistema internacional anárquico e impidió la formación de un imperio continental en Europa gracias al equilibrio de poder. Para contrastar esta hipótesis se examinan los principales rasgos del sistema internacional chino y cómo evolucionó hacia un orden imperial. Esto nos lleva a estudiar el sistema internacional en Europa y cómo impidió el surgimiento de un imperio universal.

En el contexto del cambio climático, se está produciendo un deshielo en el Ártico que abre el acceso a sus importantes recursos naturales y lo convierte en una vía de comunicación estratégica entre Oriente y Occidente. Esta transformación ha convertido a la región en un escenario potencial de conflictos internacionales. Rusia se ha posicionado como un actor clave en esta área, demostrando avances significativos, especialmente desde la llegada del presidente Putin al poder, con el fin de reforzar su influencia militar y política en la geopolítica internacional. La visión de Rusia como una nación ártica influye en sus prioridades regionales, vinculando su seguridad nacional con el Ártico, lo que se relaciona con el concepto de "Alma Rusa". A esta rivalidad ruso-occidental se suma el interés de China en la zona, evidenciando su intención de conectar la Ruta de la Seda con la ruta ártica. Por tanto, resulta crucial analizar los avances de Rusia en el Ártico, así como los factores que determinan sus intereses en esta área y su impacto en la dinámica de la geopolítica internacional.

O trabalho tem o objetivo de explorar a formação profissional dos docentes desde uma filosofia transdisciplinar, para promover a compreensão do mundo por parte de uma cidadania que deve enfrentar a mudança global do Antropoceno. A partir de uma metodologia qualitativa, explora-se e analisa-se a evolução do comércio internacional dos últimos séculos, assim como a sua relação com a extinção da biodiversidade planetária, a mudança climática e a saúde do nosso planeta. Trata-se de um ensaio filosófico que aborda as áreas da economia, comércio internacional, geopolítica, inteligência artificial e formação docente desde os fundamentos epistemológicos da metodologia transdisciplinar de Nicolescu e da Teoria da Complexidade de Morin. Como resultado, aborda-se como as TIC, softwares e apps (twitter, facebook, instagram, tiktok, etc.) têm uma forte influência na forma de sentir, pensar e agir da atual cidadania mundial, pois coletam dados pessoais dos usuários por meio de algoritmos matemáticos usados ​​por inteligência artificial. Conclui-se que a formação transdisciplinar contribui na gestação de escolas regenerativas que ensinem os estudantes a atuarem criticamente frente à mudança global atual.

Reseña de: Brochner, G., Pinto Tortosa, A.J. y Sansó-Rubert Pascual, D. (dirs.) (2023). ¿Hacia un nuevo Telón de Acero? 30 años de geopolítica en la posguerra fría. Tirant Lo Blanch, 376 pp.

El artículo presenta el camino que transitaron los palestinos, como grupo nacional, desde el acuerdo diplomático de Campo David de 1978 hasta el movimiento social de la Intifada de 1987. Se hace énfasis en el olvido que sufrieron los palestinos por parte de Egipto, Israel y Estados Unidos al momento de llevar a cabo acuerdos. Dicha situación también trastocó a la sociedad israelí y radicalizó a la población palestina refugiada como aquella que estaba en los territorios ocupados. Esta condición diseñó la hoja ruta para la aparición de los palestinos en futuras negociaciones. El análisis se realizó a partir de los acuerdos y resoluciones que se han firmado con la intención de terminar con el conflicto.

Este trabajo incluye algunas reflexiones sobre los desafíos a los derechos que derivan del populismo, de la tecnología y de la geopolítica.

This article demonstrates the importance, roles, and responsibilities of the United States Space Force. It focuses on the need for its creation and its role as the fundamental lynchpin to American national security and prosperity now and in the future. The road ahead can only be successful while working with America's allies and ensuring that there are norms and rules of civilized behavior in, from, and to space. The authors propose 11 enduring principles for the Space Force that interconnect and enhance American grand strategy while dealing with potential adversaries and the need to bond this mission to the American public. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]