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People can update their misconceptions or false beliefs by learning from corrective sources. However, research has shown that people vary drastically in the extent to which they learn from feedback and update their false beliefs accordingly. That past work drew attention to cognitive and motivational factors such as cognitive rigidity and closed-mindedness as inhibitors of belief updating. Here we examined a novel epistemic structure, misplaced certainty, a subjective sense of certainty while recognizing uncertainty in oneself or most people (e.g., I feel certain although I recognize X is technically uncertain or it is technically uncertain according to most people), as a unique predictor of lower belief updating. In a preregistered study, we hypothesized that those with high chronic misplaced certainty would be less likely to learn from feedback and revise their misconceptions in a feedback-learning task. In our analyses, we controlled for well-placed certainty-certainty while recognizing no doubt in oneself or most others. We also controlled for variables associated with closed-minded cognition. Consistent with our predictions, those with high misplaced certainty were less likely to revise their false beliefs in response to corrective feedback. In contrast, those with high well-placed certainty were more likely to learn from corrective feedback and revise their false beliefs. By shedding light on the nuances of different forms of subjective certainty, the present work aims to pave the way for further research on epistemic factors in the perseverance and correction of false beliefs.

Mentally contrasting future with reality is a self-regulation strategy that triggers expectancy-dependent energization for tasks instrumental to attaining the desired future. Energization by mental contrasting even transfers to tasks unrelated to the desired future at hand. Would such energization transfer by mental contrasting even energize people to perform unrelated tasks for which they have low success expectations? In Laboratory Experiment 1, mentally contrasting (vs. indulging) about performing well in a creativity task triggered physiological energization and better performance in an unrelated low-expectancy cognitive task that participants received in place of the creativity task. In Field Experiment 2, mentally contrasting an interpersonal wish helped schoolchildren invest more effort and perform better in a low-expectancy academic task—finding typos. Online Experiment 3 replicated Experiment 2 with adults. Mental contrasting participants’ effort and performance in the low-expectancy academic task did not differ from their effort and performance in a high-expectancy task. We discuss implications for designing interventions to foster energization for low-expectancy tasks.

Past research has found that regulatory closure, that is, successful goal striving regulated either under a promotion or prevention focus, has important consequences in terms of motivational activation and mobilisation of cognitive resources in subsequent tasks, but it mostly investigated motivation in the same or similar tasks to the one for which closure was achieved. Drawing from an energisation-deactivation hypothesis, we investigated the effect of closure on performance and persistence in unrelated subsequent cognitive tasks. Across four studies, we found that promotion closure had an energising effect leading to: quicker decision times in lexical tasks (Studies 1–2), increased persistence and greater originality (Study 3), and greater visuospatial memory performance (Study 4). In contrast, prevention closure had a deactivating effect leading to reduced performance and persistence. No systematic differences arose in situations of non-closure. We discuss results and implications with respect to both regulatory closure and regulatory fit theoretical approaches. published

Healthy aging requires people to adopt and maintain beneficial behaviors in all stages of the life span. Supporting behavior change, including via the motivation to make and maintain those changes, is therefore important for the promotion of healthy aging. The aim of this overview is to introduce theoretical frameworks from the psychology of motivation that lend themselves to the development of effective interventions promoting behavior change conducive to healthy aging. We discuss theoretical frameworks referring to the determinants, properties, and functionality of goals aimed at behavior change, and consider the implications of the various theories for designing interventions to support healthy aging. We first consider theories that focus on beliefs and attitudes as determinants of goals, then we address theories that focus on the structure and content as important properties of goals, and, finally, we examine theories drawing on conscious and nonconscious processes underlying the functionality of these goals. We will present if–then planning and mental contrasting, as well as nudging and boosting, that is, novel strategies of behavior change that support the creation of scalable interventions for healthy aging across the life span. Against this background, new perspectives emerge for modern, state-of-the-art, and individually tailored interventions with the aim of enhancing older people’s healthy living.

The COVID-19 pandemic has radically altered everyday interactions, potentially disrupting the process of romantic relationship formation. Prior research suggests that threats to the basic psychological need for relatedness, along with negative mental imagery, can lead to an obsessive preoccupation with a romantic target. We investigated how the relatedness-threatening nature of the pandemic may similarly facilitate problematic relationship behaviors—specifically presumptuous romantic intentions. We present two studies—a small-scale natural experiment with measurements before and during the pandemic (Study 1), as well as a daily diary study (Study 2)—during two different waves of the COVID-19 pandemic to understand how relatedness threats and negative fantasies predict presumptuous romantic intentions. In Study 1 these threats unexpectedly corresponded to reduced presumptuous romantic intentions, though no such main effect was present in Study 2. Replicating prior experimental work, in both studies, we found evidence that more negative fantasies about a romantic target predicted greater presumptuous romantic intentions. Study 2 also revealed that at the between-person level the combinatory effect of need threat and negative fantasies lead to greater intentions. At the within-person level, this combinatory effect led unexpectedly to reduced intentions. Finally, we observed heterogeneity in the within-person effect of COVID-induced relatedness threat: although relatedness threat stoked intentions for some individuals, for others it reduced intentions. Our work suggests that for many, the early social ramifications of COVID-19 reduced motivation to presumptuously pursue romantic relationships. Yet, certain individuals, particularly those with more negative fantasies, are more prone to pursue presumptuously amidst the pandemic.

To capture the attention of a romantic partner requires thoughtful selection of effective pursuit strategies. Sometimes, these strategies err on the side of caution; in other instances, pursuers can take a bolder approach to their courtship endeavors. In the present research, we developed a measure capturing the degree to which a romantic pursuer intends to take a presumptuous course of action. Across five studies ( N total = 2,137), we validated a 13-item self-report measure: the presumptuous romantic intentions (PRI) scale. First, we used a training set to refine item content and explore factor structures. Then, using a validation set, we confirmed a bifactor solution with one general and three auxiliary factors. We then observed test-retest reliability over periods of 3 and 4 weeks, found strict measurement invariance across both relationship status (single and partnered individuals) and across gender (women and men). We also found that PRI predicted actual presumptuous romantic behavior over the subsequent month. Finally, we established a pattern of convergent and discriminant associations with relationship measures, socioemotional outcomes, executive function, dark personality traits and more. This new measure may be of interest to researchers studying intimate relationships, partner violence, and the gray area in between. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved).

This experiment tested whether personal choice vs. external assignment of task characteristics moderates the effect of incidental affective stimulation on effort-related cardiovascular response. We expected strong action shielding and low receptivity for incidental affective influences when participants could choose themselves the stimulus color of an easy memory task. By contrast, when the stimulus color was assigned, we expected weak action shielding and high receptivity. As expected, participants in the assigned color condition showed stronger cardiac pre-ejection period reactivity when exposed to sad music than when exposed to happy music during task performance. These music effects did not appear among participants who could personally choose the stimulus color. Our results replicate previous research by showing that personal choice leads to action shielding, whereas individuals remain receptive for affective influences during volition when task characteristics are assigned. published

Objectives Behavioral interventions can reduce distress for couples coping with early-stage dementia. However, most interventions are limited in accessibility and fail to address individualized goals. This pilot study examined the dyadic effects on multiple indicators of well-being of the Wish Outcome Obstacle Plan (WOOP) intervention, which guides participants to use Mental Contrasting with Implementation Intentions to achieve attainable goals in their daily lives. Methods This randomized controlled trial included 45 older persons with early-stage dementia (PWD) and their spousal care partners (CPs: n = 90 individuals). CPs were assigned randomly to WOOP training immediately after baseline (WOOP) or after a 3-month follow-up interview (Control; CON). Both groups received a dementia care education booklet. WOOP CPs were instructed to practice WOOP at least once a day for 2 weeks. All CPs and PWDs completed home surveys (baseline, 2 weeks, and 3 months), measuring perceived stress, depressive symptoms, quality of life, and affect. Results Mixed-effects models showed significant intervention × time interaction effects with large effect sizes for CPs on three of the five outcomes over 3 months. Compared with CON, WOOP CPs had decreased perceived stress (δ = 1.71) and increased quality of life (δ = 1.55) and positive affect (δ = 2.30). WOOP PWD showed decreased perceived stress (δ = 0.87) and increased quality of life (δ = 1.26), but these effects were not statistically significant. Discussion WOOP is a promising, brief intervention to improve dementia CPs’ well-being that may also positively affect their partners with dementia.

The aims of this paper were to review theoretical and empirical research on motivation and healthy aging at work and to outline directions for future research and practical applications in this area. To achieve these goals, we first consider the World Health Organization’s (WHO) definition of healthy aging in the context of paid employment and life-span development in the work domain. Second, we describe contemporary theoretical models and cumulative empirical findings on age, motivation, and health and well-being at work, and we critically discuss to what extent they are consistent with the WHO’s definition of healthy aging. Finally, we propose several directions for future research in the work context that are aligned with the WHO’s definition of healthy aging, and we describe a number of interventions related to the design of work environments and individual strategies to promote the motivation for healthy aging at work.

There has been extensive discussion about gender gaps in representation and career advancement in the sciences. However, psychological science itself has yet to be the focus of discussion or systematic review, despite our field’s investment in questions of equity, status, well-being, gender bias, and gender disparities. In the present article, we consider 10 topics relevant for women’s career advancement in psychological science. We focus on issues that have been the subject of empirical study, discuss relevant evidence within and outside of psychological science, and draw on established psychological theory and social-science research to begin to chart a path forward. We hope that better understanding of these issues within the field will shed light on areas of existing gender gaps in the discipline and areas where positive change has happened, and spark conversation within our field about how to create lasting change to mitigate remaining gender differences in psychological science.

Social distancing and hygiene practices are key to preventing the spread of Coronavirus. However, people vary in the degree to which they follow these practices. Consistent with previous findings that women adhere more to preventative health practices, in Study 1, women reported engaging in preventative practices regarding COVID-19 (e.g., social distancing, hygiene) more so than men. In Study 2, across three different Northeast U.S. locations, we observed a greater percentage of women wearing masks in public than men. In Study 3, U.S. counties with a greater percentage of women exhibited a higher reduction in movement as tracked by ~17 million GPS smart-phone coordinates. These findings may partly explain the greater infection rates among men and suggest that preventive health messages should be tunedtowards men.

To capture the attention of a romantic partner requires thoughtful selection of effective pursuit strategies. Sometimes these strategies err on the side of caution, and in other instances pursuers can take a bolder approach to their courtship endeavors. In the present research, we developed a measure capturing the degree to which a romantic pursuer intends to take a presumptuous course of action. Across five studies (Ntotal = 2,137), we validated a 13-item self-report measure: the presumptuous romantic intentions (PRI) scale. First, we used a training set to refine item content and explore factor structures. Then using a validation set, we confirmed a bifactor solution with one general and three auxiliary factors. We then observed test-retest reliability over periods of three and four weeks, found strict measurement invariance across both relationship status (single and partnered individuals) and across gender (women and men). We also found that PRI predicted actual presumptuous romantic behavior over the subsequent month. Finally, we established a pattern of convergent and discriminant associations with relationship measures, socioemotional outcomes, executive function, dark personality traits and more. This new measure may be of interest to researchers studying intimate relationships, partner violence, and the grey area in between.

We investigated whether social value orientation (SVO) moderates the effects of intuitive versus reflective information processing on responses to unfair offers. We measured SVO one week prior to an ultimatum game experiment in which participants had to accept or reject a series of 10 ultimatum offers including very low (unfair) ones. Before making these decisions, participants mentally contrasted their individual goals with the obstacle of pondering at length or acting in a hasty way; then they made the plan to adopt an intuitive or a reflective mode of processing (intuitive and reflective condition, respectively), or made no such plans (control condition). Participants with rather high (prosocial) SVO scores were more likely to accept unfair offers in the reflective than the intuitive condition. This effect also evinced for a subset of selfish individuals; however, the majority with rather low (selfish) scores made similar decisions in both conditions. This pattern of results suggests that SVO moderates the effects of intuitive versus reflective modes of processing on responses to low ultimatum offers.

In an attempt to integrate theorizing on action shielding with affective influences on effort-related cardiovascular response, an experiment with N = 115 university students (90% women) tested whether working on a task by personal choice versus external assignment moderates the effect of happy versus sad background music on effort-related cardiovascular response during task performance. We predicted strong action shielding and low receptivity for incidental affective influences when participants could ostensibly choose the task to be performed. Given the difficult nature of the task, we thus expected strong effort-related cardiovascular responses due to high commitment when the task was chosen. By contrast, for assigned-task participants, we expected high receptivity for incidental affective influences and thus predicted strong cardiovascular reactivity when they were exposed to happy music but low responses due to disengagement when they were exposed to sad music. Effects on responses of cardiac pre-ejection period, systolic blood pressure, and heart rate confirmed our effort-related predictions. Apparently, personal choice of a task can immunize individuals against incidental affective influences on resource mobilization. published

Despite intending to eat healthy foods, people often yield to temptation. In environments rife with unhealthy food options, a positive implicit evaluation of unhealthy foods may inadvertently influence unhealthy choices. This study investigates if and under which conditions implicit evaluations of unhealthy and healthy foods can be influenced by a computer-based Go/No-Go (GNG) training.Undergraduate student participants (Implicit evaluations of chips and grapes were assessed using the Extrinsic Affective Simon Task.This GNG training impacted implicit evaluations of chips, but not grapes. GNG training effects were stronger for participants with lower sensitivity for behavioural inhibition measured with the Behavioural Inhibition System scale.GNG training might help people change implicit food evaluations. More research is needed to understand how individual and training characteristics affect outcomes with the goal of tailoring and optimising the GNG training to produce the strongest effect.

Examining the epistemic and social–cognitive structures underlying fanaticism, radicalization, and extremism should shed light on how these harmful phenomena develop and can be prevented. In nine studies (N = 3,277), we examined whether discordant knowing—felt knowledge about something that one perceives as opposed by most others—underlies fanaticism. Across multifaceted approaches, experimentally manipulating participants’ views to fall under this framework (e.g., “I am certain about X, but most other people think X is unknowable or wrong”) heightened indicators of fanaticism, including aggression, determined ignorance, and wanting to join extreme groups in the service of these views. Additional analyses found that this effect occurs via threat-based mechanisms (Studies 1–7), can be intervened on to prevent fanaticism (Study 2), is conditional on the potency of opposition (Study 3), differs from effects on extremism (Study 4), and extends to mental representations of the self (Study 5). Generalizing these findings to real-world contexts, inducing participants with discordant knowledge about the 2020 U.S. Presidential Election and the morality of abortion heightened fanaticism regarding these topics (Studies 6 and 7). Additionally, antivaccine fanatics and followers of a real-world fanatical religious group exhibited greater discordant knowing than nonfanatical individuals (Studies 8 and 9). Collectively, the present studies suggest that a specific epistemic structure— discordant knowing—underlies fanaticism, and further, highlight the potential of investigating constructs like fanaticism from an epistemic social cognitive perspective

As people age, they experience typical age-graded challenges and opportunities, for example, their own retirement, changes in their social networks, or a decline in health condition. The extent to which people successfully process, respond to, and act on these challenges and opportunities is highly important for their health, at the core of which the WHO sees the possibility of “doing what one has reason to value.” In this article, we posit that individuals can play an active role in determining whether they can, in response to these age-graded influences, continue doing what they have reason to value, and that they can do so by deploying the self-regulatory processes of goal setting (including reengagement in new goals after disengaging from a previous goal), goal pursuit, and goal disengagement. We discuss the role of these self-regulatory processes in three important goal domains: work/retirement, interpersonal relationships, and health. Across these domains, we consider typical challenges and opportunities including the increased availability of daily time in old age, the long past that lies behind older adults, and their limited future time perspective. Finally, we derive open research questions that may be studied to better understand how the very old may self-regulate their response to age-graded influences.

Two experiments tested whether engaging in actions by personal choice versus external task assignment moderates the effect of incidental affective stimulation on action control (volition). As choice of an action alternative has been found to lead to strong goal commitment, an implemental mindset, and determined task focus, we reasoned that it should shield action control from incidental affective influences. By contrast, external task assignment should lead to weaker action shielding and thus give way to incidental affective influences. Results followed our predictions. When participants were assigned the cognitive task, they persisted less (Study 1) and mobilized lower effort assessed as cardiac preejection period (Study 2) when they were exposed to happy music as compared with sad music. These music effects on volition did not appear among participants who could choose the task. Our results show that working on a task is shielded better from incidental affective influences when the task is chosen rather than assigned

Positive thinking is often assumed to foster effort and success. Research has shown, however, that positive thinking in the form of fantasies about achieving an idealised future predicts less (not more) effort and success and more (not less) depressive symptoms over time. This relationship was mediated by people having invested little effort and achieved little success. Here, we ask a different question. We investigate the emotional consequences of positive fantasies about futures that people cannot act on. Specifically, we analyse these consequences when the future fantasies fail to come true (one's favourite soccer team loses). Study 1 provided correlational evidence. The more positively soccer fans fantasised about their favourite team winning an upcoming match, the stronger were their negative emotions when their team lost. That is, the more sad, disappointed, and frustrated they felt. Study 2 provided experimental evidence. Soccer fans who were led to fantasise positively about their team winning an upcoming match reported feeling stronger negative emotions after their team lost than those who were led to fantasise negatively. Positive fantasies were not related to how positive participants felt after their team won (joy, happiness, relief). We discuss theoretical and applied implications for emotion regulation in everyday life.

At a 2015 campaign event, Donald Trump claimed, “I have the best words.” While remarks like these have inspired extensive commentary on grandiosity in politics, few studies have investigated how grandiosity manifests in political speech. This research finds that grandiose U.S. presidents ( n = 35) use words differently than their humbler presidential counterparts, and differently than other grandiose individuals, including by using more “we-talk.” We theorize that grandiose individuals adjust their language based on context to find “the best words” for a particular audience.

Surprisingly little experimental research has been conducted regarding the origins of obsessive thinking. Based on prior research on basic psychological needs (Sheldon and Gunz in J Pers 77(5):1467–1492, 2009) and future fantasies (Kappes and Oettingen in J Exp Soc Psychol 47(4):719–729, 2011), we proposed that a threat to the need for relatedness increases obsessive thinking about a romantic partner (i.e., a need-relevant target) when combined with a negatively valenced future fantasy about the partner. We tested this hypothesis in three experiments: Experiment 1, administered online, used a meta-cognitive relatedness threat manipulation, a scenario-based fantasy valence manipulation, and a measure of obsessive thinking. Experiment 2 used a modified fantasy valence manipulation, a new obsessive thinking measure, and a measure of romantic proximity-seeking. Experiment 3 used cyberball to manipulate relatedness threat in the lab. An internal meta-analysis revealed that threats to relatedness (vs. no threat) and negative fantasies (vs. positive fantasies) both led to small increases in obsessive thinking; however, inconsistent evidence emerged for the hypothesized threat-by-fantasy valence interaction.

When people in a relationship offend each other, it is important for them to behave in a conciliatory manner if they wish to reconcile. We tested in two studies if mental contrasting (versus other modes of thoughts) is an effective strategy for people to self-regulate their conciliatory behavior. In Study 1, we assessed student participants’ spontaneous mode of thought when thinking about an unresolved interpersonal transgression and measured their commitment to reconcile. Eight days later, we assessed their conciliatory behavior. Participants who spontaneously mentally contrasted reported more commitment to reconcile and showed sensible conciliatory behavior (i.e., based on their expectations of solving their interpersonal concern). In Study 2, romantic couples were invited into the lab and asked to identify unresolved incidents in which one partner (the perpetrator) had offended the other (the victim). After perpetrators were induced to mentally contrast or indulge about a successful reconciliation, we videotaped the couples discussing the incident. Only perpetrators who mentally contrasted showed sensible conciliatory behavior and reached effective reconciliation (measured right after the experiment and 2 weeks later). The findings imply that mental contrasting supports perpetrators to show conciliatory behavior when it promises to be successful, but discourages it when it seems futile or adverse, thereby protecting the relationship from further harm.

Objective: The importance of getting a good night sleep is critical, yet for many this remains elusive. Bedtime procrastination—the notion that people delay going to bed for no legitimate reason—is...

Objective: We assessed the effectiveness of mental contrasting with implementation intentions (MCII), an established self-regulatory strategy, as a brief online smoking behaviour change interventio...

Abstract. To avoid uncertainty, people may take a shortcut to knowledge. They recognize something as unknowable, but claim to know it nonetheless (e.g., whether I will find true love is unknowable, but I know I will). In Study-set 1, such paradoxical knowledge was common and spanned across valence and content. Study-set 2 revealed an antecedent of paradoxical knowing. High (vs. low) goal-incentives incited paradoxical knowledge – participants felt certain about attaining important future life goals despite acknowledging such goal attainment as unknowable. As a shortcut to knowledge, however, paradoxical knowing may have its costs. In Study-set 3, paradoxical knowing related to aggression (fight), determined ignorance (flight), and a willingness to join and adhere to extreme groups (befriend).

Introduction. Drinking alcohol has detrimental health consequences, and effective interventions to reduce hazardous drinking are needed. The self-regulation intervention of Mental Contrasting with Implementation Intentions (MCII) promotes behavior change across a variety of health behaviors. In this study, we tested if online delivery of MCII reduced hazardous drinking in people who were worried about their drinking. Method. Participants ( N = 200, female = 107) were recruited online. They were randomized to learn MCII or solve simple math problems (control). Results. Immediately after the intervention, participants in the MCII condition (vs. control) reported an increased commitment to reduce drinking. After 1 month, they reported having taken action measured by the Readiness to Change drinking scale. When drinking was hazardous (Alcohol Use Disorders Identification Test ≥ 8, n = 85), participants in the MCII condition indicated a decreased number of drinking days, exp(β) = 0.47, CI (confidence interval) [−1.322, −.207], p = .02, and drinks per week, exp(β) = 0.57, CI [0.94, 5.514], p = .007, compared with the control condition. Discussion. These findings demonstrate that a brief, self-guided online intervention ( Mdn = 28 minutes) can reduce drinking in people who worry about their drinking. Our findings show a higher impact in people at risk for hazardous drinking. Conclusion. MCII is scalable as an online intervention. Future studies should test the cost-effectiveness of the intervention in real-world settings.

Past research has independently examined the concepts of certainty and future thought. Here we combine these concepts by examining the cognitive and behavioral outcomes of certainty about the future during periods of societal uncertainty. Three studies (N = 1218) examined future certainty, defined as feeling certain about some future event or outcome, during two major societal events—the COVID-19 pandemic and the 2020 U.S. Presidential Election. In Study 1, certainty about positive or negative futures of COVID-19 (e.g., the pandemic will end soon; the pandemic will never end) predicted poorer information processing—ignorance of medical experts, adherence to conspiratorial thinking, and lower objective knowledgeability about COVID-19. Building on these findings, in Study 2, future certainty predicted antisocial health behaviors, including failing to social distance. Study 3 extended these findings to the political domain—the 2020 Presidential Election. Future certainty that one’s preferred candidate would win the election predicted poor information processing and antisocial behaviors in terms of claiming that the election was rigged, endorsing violence if one’s candidate lost, and, among Trump supporters, identifying with Capitol insurrectionists. These findings introduce future certainty as a psychological phenomenon linked to intellectual blindness and antisocial behaviors during important periods of societal uncertainty.

One reason why people fail to eat healthily is that they lack control over unwanted actions. Another largely ignored reason might be that they fail to engage control when encountering temptations. Accordingly, we tested (N=511) if how responsive people are to conflict between healthy and unhealthy food is an important part of eating regulation. We developed a conflict sensitivity measure that indicates responsiveness to conflict between healthy and unhealthy food via post-conflict slowing. We then show that the stronger participants are committed to healthy eating, the more they slowed down after relevant conflict (Study 1, 2) but not after irrelevant conflict (Study 2). Furthermore, increasing commitment to healthy eating increased post-conflict slowing compared to when the goal was not activated (Study 3). Importantly, post-conflict slowing predicted subsequent healthy eating in participants’ everyday life (Study 2). Our findings suggest that conflict responses might be an important part of healthy eating.

How do I do it? In this step-by step writing activity, you begin by identifying a wish or goal you want to achieve. Next, you mentally imagine one positive outcome of achieving this goal and one obstacle that stands in the way. This reflection sets you up for the final step: making a plan for how you can get around that obstacle. How does it work? A common mistake when setting a goal is to indulge in fantasies about how great life will be after accomplishing it—without considering what's currently holding us back. Mentally contrasting your hoped for outcome with an obstacle that stands in your path is energizing. This prepares you to make a plan for when and how you'll take action!

Mentally contrasting a desired future with present reality fosters selective goal pursuit: People pursue feasible desired futures and let go from unfeasible ones. We investigated whether people are more inclined to spontaneously use mental contrasting when they feel responsibility. Studies 1 and 2 provided correlational evidence: Employees who felt responsible for completing an important team project (Study 1) and MTurk users who felt and actively took social responsibility (Study 2) were more inclined to use mental contrasting. Studies 3 and 4 added experimental evidence: Students who were instructed to imagine responsibility for giving an excellent class presentation in a group or alone (Study 3) and participants who elaborated on an idiosyncratic wish that involved responsibility for others or themselves tended to use mental contrasting (Study 4). Apparently, people who feel or take responsibility for others, the society, or themselves are more likely to use mental contrasting as a self-regulation tool.

Prolonged and risky gambling can have negative consequences financially and in health (e.g., developing an addiction). As gambling frequently occurs together with alcohol intake, we investigated whether we could reduce persistent and risky gambling under the influence of alcohol. Specifically, following alcohol myopia theory (Steele & Josephs, 1990), stating that intoxicated people's behavior is disproportionally guided by salient cues, we propose that making low chances of winning salient in a gambling situation should reduce persistent and risky gambling in alcohol intoxicated participants. In 3 laboratory studies, participants either consumed alcohol or a placebo. We made low chances of winning salient (vs. not) by explicitly displaying the low chances in large letters. Making low chances salient led intoxicated participants to gamble less persistently on a computerized slot machine (Study 1 and 2) and with less risk in a lottery game (Study 3) compared with sober participants and compared with sober and intoxicated participants in a control condition in which low chances were not salient. Moreover, using eye-tracking in Study 3, we found that the effect of alcohol on less risky gambling was mediated by intoxicated participants' greater attention to the salient low chances. Finally, we replicated the findings from our laboratory studies in the field: When low chances were made salient, the more alcohol bar patrons had consumed, the less persistently they gambled on a slot machine (Study 4). The findings have applied implications for reducing excessive gambling under the influence of alcohol by making low chances salient on games of chance. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2018 APA, all rights reserved).

Abstract. Mentally contrasting a desired future with present reality fosters selective goal pursuit: People pursue feasible desired futures and let go from unfeasible ones. We investigated whether people spontaneously use mental contrasting when the demand to act toward their desired future is high. Study 1 provided correlational evidence: The participants who planned to act most immediately were also those who used mental contrasting. Studies 2 and 3 added experimental evidence: Imagining an immediate (vs. no immediate) action and being confronted with the opportunity to perform an instrumental (vs. noninstrumental) action, respectively, led participants to mentally contrast. The findings have theoretical implications by suggesting that people initiate mental contrasting as a problem-solving strategy; they have applied implications for interventions teaching mental contrasting.

In recent years, psychologists have started to investigate the downstream consequences of nonconsciously activated behaviour (acting in an ‘explanatory vacuum’). Results have shown that when such behaviour is norm-violating, people experience a need to confabulate reasons for this behaviour. The present paper aims to add more convincing evidence for this assumption. Study 1 addresses this question by replicating Study 2 of Adriaanse et al. (2014) while adding a condition in which people are post-hoc provided with an explanation for their behaviour. Study 2 addresses this question by explicitly demanding an explanation for a nonconsciously steered choice. Both studies were conducted in the context of eating behaviour. Results of both studies were indicative of confabulation as a downstream consequence of nonconsciously steered eating behaviour (Study 1) or food choice (Study 2). Future research should address the potential of confabulated reasons spilling over to next occasions.

Abstract. Mentally contrasting a desired future with reality is a self-regulation strategy helping people manage their life by promoting selective goal pursuit: people pursue feasible futures and disengage from unfeasible ones. We investigated whether participants who effectively regulate their academic and everyday life spontaneously use mental contrasting. Indeed, students who were good self-regulators in the academic domain, as indicated by their high self-reported academic self-regulation skills, high need for achievement, and above-average grades mentally contrasted when writing about an important achievement-related wish (Study 1). So did participants who were good self-regulators in everyday life as indicated by their high self-reported generalized self-regulation skills and high need for cognition (Study 2). Results indicate that successful self-regulation is linked to spontaneous mental contrasting.

Negative emotions elicited by positive counterfactuals about an alternative past—“if only” reconstructions of negative life events—are functional in preparing people to act when opportunities to restore the alternative past will arise. If the counterfactual past is lost, because restorative opportunities are absent, letting go of the negative emotions should be the better solution, sheltering people from feelings of distress. In six experimental studies, the self-regulation strategy of mental contrasting (Oettingen, European Review of Social Psychology 23:1–63, 2012) attenuated the negative emotions elicited by positive fantasies about a lost counterfactual past, specifically, disappointment, regret and resentment. Mental contrasting (vs. relevant control conditions) led people to feel less disappointed when evaluating their lost counterfactual past compared with their current reality, indicating reduced commitment to the lost counterfactual past (Studies 1, 2, 3, and 4), and it attenuated post-decisional regret and resentment (Studies 5 and 6). These findings held when participants were induced to focus on lost counterfactual pasts for which they were responsible (Studies 4 and 5), for which they blamed another person (Study 6), or for which they deemed no one responsible (Studies 2 and 3). The findings are relevant for building interventions that help people to come to terms with their lost counterfactual past.