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INTRODUCTION 607 I. BACKGROUND: THE 2020 PANDEMIC AND A RARE SHIFT IN LAW SCHOOL GRADING PRACTICES 610 II. EQUITY, MERIT, AND GRADES IN NORTH AMERICAN JD PROGRAMS 611 III. STUDY [...]

The article discusses how art teachers are adapting their skills in the 21st century. Topics include the need of future art educators to be prepared to identify the pedagogical opportunities embedded in racial events, description made by critical race scholar Lani Guinier on racial literacy, and the 1963 essay "A Talk to Teachers" by James Baldwin.

A response is provided to an article written by Law Professor Dan Subotnik which appears in a 2015 issue of the journal and critiques the book "The Tyranny of the Meritocracy: Democratizing Higher Education in America" by Lani Guinier. Subotnik's views about standardized testing are examined, along with one-time tests such as the (LSAT). Success in college is addressed, along with Guinier's views about academic goals and collaborative learning.

Human rights groups have documented the plight of Pakistan's religious minorities for years, but it is only recently that these minorities have become the focus of academic political science discourse. This discourse, however, borrows from a well-developed liberal literature on Pakistan's democratic instability that makes assumptions about the inclusiveness of democratic regimes and exclusivism of dictatorships—most notably that of General Zia-ul-Haq. On close scrutiny, these assumptions do not hold. In this paper, I evaluate the political capacities of minorities through an institutionalised assessment of the quantity and quality of minorities’ voices in an electoral–legislative framework. Such a model, in the context of a plural society, is more likely to better reflect the capacity of a minority's ability to withstand the tyranny of the majority, and assess the potential for its integration into the political mainstream. Towards this end, I analyse the demography–representation correlates of the Christian minority in Pakistan's federal legislatures since Independence in 1947. I argue that the institutionalised Christian presence has often been sub-proportionate, lacking in authority and leverage, and tokenistic. Finally, I suggest remedial measures to improve the efficacy of minority representation and political empowerment by adapting certain voting paradigms suggested by Lani Guinier. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article looks into the controversy on demosprudence in South Africa. It applies a comparative perspective to discover the importance of the South African Constitutional Court's demosprudential act or practice. It cites examples from the court's jurisprudence that shows a demosprudential approach and presents the definition of demosprudence by Lani Guinier and Gerald Torres. It traces the jurisprudence's demosprudential aspects and mentions the implications for demosprudential approach.

Professor Lani Guinier and others have recently developed a theory called "demosprudence" that explains the democracy-enhancing potential of certain types of U.S. Supreme Court dissents. Separately, state constitutionalists have described state constitutions' capacity to offer a base of resistance against the U.S. Supreme Court's narrow conception of individual rights. Applying these two seemingly unrelated theories to school desegregation litigation in Connecticut and to same-sex marriage litigation in Iowa, this Essay suggests that certain state constitutional decisions might function like U.S. Supreme Court dissents to enhance democratic activism. In this way, interactive federalism might usefully serve as a category of demosprudence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author presents his observations on the distinction between law and politics in the debate between law professor Lani Guinier and political scientist Gerald N. Rosenberg. He examines the relationship between courts and political deliberation in ways that respect the lifeworld of politics. He also comments on Lani Guinier's and Gerald Rosenberg's concept of demosprudence.

The author comments on the condition proposed by law professor Lani Guinier for demosprudence through dissent. He emphasizes that this condition is the possibility for a U.S. Supreme Court Justice's dissent to influence non-judicial actors to join in some form of collective problem solving. He states that oral dissents can assist social movement actors with crafting or framing grievances which leads to action.

The author comments on law professor Lani Guinier's article "Demosprudence Through Dissent." She offers three observations regarding Lani Guinier's concept of demosprudence through dissent. She also examines the connection that Guinier sees between a dissenting Supreme Court Justice's life experience and his or her capacity to be moved by a litigant's plight.

The article explores the history of social science research in the U.S., where legal academics continue their quest to find judicial influence targeted toward the Supreme Court. The Supreme Court has reportedly inspired generations of legal academics because of its role in bringing about progressive social change. Harvard University Law Professor Lani Guinier proposes the demosprudential oral dissent which is an additional mechanism that can be used by the Court in implementing social change.

The article examines the book "The Miner's Canary: Enlisting Race, Resisting Power, Transforming Democracy," by Lani Guinier and Gerald Torres. In their book, Guinier and Gerald Torres showed the complexity of political race in the U.S. through exploring the relationships among race, class, law and nation as they have evolved in the U.S. They also highlighted racist attitudes surpassing the left or right political divide. The book focused on the political arena for futures of African-American and U.S. Latino or Latina political alliances.

Discusses the separate electoral system models proposed by Lani Guinier and James Madison for achieving racial justice. Probable consequences of Guinier's proportional representation model in the book `The Tyranny of the Majority'; Madison's advocacy for institutions that minimize self-interested behavior at every step of the political process.

The article presents critiques Lani Guinier's theories on majority rule. It focuses on the controversy over Lani Guinier's alleged disdain for the principle of majority rule in the U.S. Her views were so successfully represented as outside the mainstream of public opinion that even some liberal Democrats ran for cover. Her project was to advance the public conversation about voting rights and pluralistic governance to a new level of precision. There is simply no way to reconcile her arguments with the American idiom of democracy. Guinier's theory is one of political market failure. She was concerned with establishing when majority rule has failed in some way that requires it to forfeit the prima facie claim to being a politically legitimate or intellectually coherent medium for carrying on political exchange. Guinier argues that racial polarization in American society persists across elections and across issues. To the extent that a white majority, motivated by racial prejudice, consistently unites to defeat black candidates or political programs with distinct appeal or importance to black voters, the democratic system has broken down.

The article discusses the writing style of Lani Guinier, in her book, "The Tyranny of the Majority." Guinier enjoys an outstanding reputation as an attorney, media celebrity, and academic. There is not a single Guinierian idea that could not be better served by racial multicameralism. From electoral laws to minority veto, multicameralism trumps Guinier complex, unfamiliar, and unpreaclactable legislative mechanisms. It is totally unacceptable because it would admit what group rights theorists do not want to say: it would create distinctions among persons which would create an American peerage of victimization a nobility of the dole. Implausibility and impossibility are not tantamount to a failed book. The voting rights community has taken a drubbing in the U.S. Supreme Court ever since the birth of the "second generation empowerment model." Guinier's ideas are fertilizing a push for proportional representation that is already germination in the furrows created by Shaw v. Reno and Hayes v. Louisiana. Guinier has fallen short of her goal of opening a national debate on race. But "The Tyranny of the Majority" is a blueprint for a decade or more of racial litigation in search of yet another empowerment model premised on the belief that there are technical fixes to moral problems.

Recounts a conference of black women at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology on January 13-15, 1994. Focus on the role of black women in the academe; Keynote address delivered by Professor Lani Guinier; Sessions devoted to self-declarations of professional status.

The article takes a look on the issue of racial politics in the U.S. and contemplates on the nomination of law professor Lani Guinier to head the Civil Rights Division of the Department of Justice by U.S. President Bill Clinton, which was subsequently withdrawn. It attempts to examine the reason behind the withdrawal and to find out what part of Guinier's writings made Clinton withdraw the nomination. According to the author, almost all Republican political figures protested the nomination contending that Guinier's ideas are not in agreement with or according to democratic doctrine or ideals.

The article focuses on the meaningfulness of territory as a basis for community and collective representation in reference to the book "The Tyranny of the Majority," by Dani Guinier. The book might interpret it as a polemic against the notion of territory. There is no geographic solution to the incompatibility between a protected fair racial interest and a modicum of geographic integrity. Racial gerrymandering maximizes the share of people who feel unrepresented and abandoning any other basis for representation, especially any correspondence to a geographically defined community. But the astute reader of "Tyranny" would realize that Guinier offers the only feasible means for the preservation of a geographical basis for representation. If the reality of a geographic interest or a multiplicity of interests in believed, then the principle of semiporportionl representation must be accepted in sets of multimember districts. Although Guineir was careful to state that the suggested remedy of cumulative voting in multimember districts is aimed only at the question of racial representation. Before multimember districts were implemented very widely, it would be essential to evaluate the risk of dilution and of net loss of representation on the left and on minorities because of turnout variability.