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The COURAGE country reports provide nation-specific data in a European frame of reference to categorize and compare the various collections on cultural opposition in the former socialist countries. In principle, each former socialist country in Europe is treated in one report. To produce comparable data and categories for further analytical work, the country reports provide answers to a standardised set of questions. These questions are designed to produce comprehensive information on the collections. Questions address how the institutions which collected the records and products of cultural opposition in the former socialist countries were established, the concepts on which they were based, and the ways in which they have evolved from the late socialist period to the present day. Major actors, goals, and strategies are mapped, and major changes are put in the context of the political, legal, financial, and cultural conditions of the collections.

The COURAGE Short Versionof Country Reports consists of summaries of the COURAGE Country Reports available at 10.5281/zenodo.2546692. The COURAGE Country Reports provide nation-specific data in a European frame of reference to categorize and compare the various collections on cultural opposition in the former socialist countries. In principle, each former socialist country in Europe is treated in one report. To produce comparable data and categories for further analytical work, the country reports provide answers to a standardised set of questions. These questions are designed to produce comprehensive information on the collections. Questions address how the institutions which collected the records and products of cultural opposition in the former socialist countries were established, the concepts on which they were based, and the ways in which they have evolved from the late socialist period to the present day. Major actors, goals, and strategies are mapped, and major changes are put in the context of the political, legal, financial, and cultural conditions of the collections.

The article analyses the status and significance of Vilnius as the political centre of Lithuania in the context of Soviet ethnic federation and national politics. What was the meaning of the capital of a Soviet republic given its nominal or fictitious (to be more exact) autonomy? Wishing to confine itself to the level of “friendship of nations”, the top-ranking nomenklatura (Soviet ruling class) of the republic sought to politicise significance of the capital as the centre of a certain republic dominated by just one titular nation. This Soviet ruling class was interested in emphasising significance of the capital of the republic by singling out Vilnius from other cities (towns) of the republic. An exceptional status of Vilnius was evidenced not only by the medal of V. Lenin (awarded to Vilnius and other capitals of the three Baltic States), resolutions (at the level of the Soviet Union) regarding industrial and social expansion of Vilnius initiated by the government of the republic, but also by individual careers of the party leaders. Although in the system of nomenklatura the first secretaries of Vilnius were a step lower than “ordinary” secretaries of the Central Committee of the Lithuanian Communist Party, the nature of activities and the scope of issues (dealt by the former) made them serious contenders for the top-ranking positions of the republic. The ambition of the nomenklatura of the republic to rule the territory entrusted to it by Moscow was leading to continuously spiking tensions with the ministries of the Soviet Union and their subordinate enterprises. Expansion of union-level ministries and their subordinate enterprises was consistent with the interests of the city. It led to growth of the general population and industrial personnel in the capital, also added to the political weight of those in charge of the city. However, the expansion of union-level enterprises conflicted with the wishes of the nomenklatura of the republic to develop the industry and the sector of services subordinate to the republic. It is claimed in the article that the Soviet system and its structure for management of economy as well as their impact on the status of the city administration could prompt the first secretary of Vilnius to deny support to the particularistic agenda of economic nationalism suggested by the Lithuanian nomenklatura. Nevertheless, (self-)inclusion of Vilnius administration and especially of its first secretaries in the network of the top-ranking nomenklatura of the republic was an important point of departure and a tool for solving conflicts of interests of Lithuania and Vilnius as the city.

The re-establishment of the position of the second secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party in the Baltic States during Nikita Khrushchev's rule is at the centre of this article. The predecessors of this important position for control of the republics were the representative of the Central Committee of All-Union Communist Party (the Bolsheviks) (AUCP[B] CC) and of the Council of Ministers of the USSR and subsequently the representative of the institution of the (AUCP[B] CC) bureau for the republic. The article examines the reasons and motives behind Moscow's 1956 decision to re-establish the practice abolished by Lavrentiy Beria in 1953 of appointing functionaries sent by the Kremlin as second secretaries of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Republics. Before re-establishing the position of second secretary Moscow took several tactical steps. First, in 1955, it specified a problem in the Baltic States, the lack of development in agriculture, and then organised campaigns and checks and also sent 'assistance' teams to the Baltic States, as a result of which the elite of the republics were finally forced to ask the centre to "strengthen the leadership" by sending a second secretary and other functionaries. In December 1955, the resolution 'On measures to raise agriculture of the Lithuanian SSR' was adopted, and under its guise in 1956 the position of the second secretary was re-established.

Straipsnyje, remiantis autoriaus pokalbiu su buvusiu Lietuvos komunistų partijos centro komiteto (LKP CK) sekretoriumi (1967-1978) Valerijumi Charazovu (g. 1918), archyviniais šaltiniais ir kitų to meto veikėjų atsiminimais, pateikiamas šio asmens požiūris į padėtį sovietinėje Lietuvoje po LKP CK pirmojo sekretoriaus Antano Sniečkaus mirties, respublikos aukščiausios nomenklatūros vertinimas, atskleidžiama aktyvi paties antrojo sekretoriaus veikla skiriant Petrą Griškevičių LKP CK pirmuoju sekretoriumi. V. Charazovo, kaip antrojo LKP CK sekretoriaus, veikla yra panaši į kitų respublikų antrųjų sekretorių veiklą ir tai leidžia plačiau pamatyti jų veiklos modelį Sovietų Sąjungoje. Kita vertus, tam tikri aspektai leidžia iš konkrečios respublikos aktualijos išeiti į platesnį sąjunginį kontekstą. Tai atskleidžiama nagrinėjant V. Charazovo oponentės lietuvių nomenklatūros politinius žingsnius panaudojant asmeninius ryšius su Ukrainos KP CK pirmuoju sekretoriumi V. Ščerbickiu ir Leonido Brežnevo valdymo laikotarpiu įsigalėjusia vadinamąja Dnepropetrovsko politine grupuote, taip pat aptariant A. Sniečkaus, kaip SSRS „pilkojo kardinolo“ M. Suslovo kliento, politinį palikimą. Straipsnyje apžvelgiama V. Charazovo atlikta lietuvių nomenklatūros atstovų apklausa. Šia apklausa jis siekė sužinoti išrinkti ir pateikti Maskvai tinkamiausius A. Sniečkaus įpėdinius. Apklausa ir galimų kandidatų apibūdinimas buvo informacinis pagrindas įgalinęs parinkti Maskvai parankią ir vietos nomenklatūrą tenkinančią kandidatūrą. Straipsnyje pateikiami V. Charazovo apklausos rezultatai. Į pirmojo LKP CK sekretoriaus pareigas nominuoti kandidatai: LSSR Ministrų Tarybos pirmininkas J. Maniušis, trys LKP CK sekretoriai – sekretorius pramonei ir statyboms Algirdas Ferensas, sekretorius ideologijai Antanas Barkauskas, sekretorius žemės ūkiui Ringaudas Songaila, – partijos Vilniaus miesto komiteto pirmasis sekretorius Petras Griškevičius, LSSR profsąjungų komiteto pirmininkas Kazimieras Mackevičius ir LKP CK organizacinio-partinio darbo skyriaus vedėjas Vytautas Astrauskas. Iš 47 aukštų respublikos funkcionierių didžiausią palaikymą gavo Petras Griškevičius: 12 jį įvardijo kaip pirmąjį, o 29 – kaip galimą (tarp kitų) kandidatą. Antaną Barkauską atitinkamai nurodė 1 ir 11, Ringaudo Songailos kaip pirmojo neįvardino niekas, kaip svarstytiną – 9 asmenys; Kazimiero Mackevičiaus, kaip ir Songailos, kandidatūros kaip pirmosios neįvertino niekas, o kaip galimą nurodė 6 asmenys. V. Charazovo apklausa atskleidė vienu rimčiausių pretendentų laikyto J. Maniušio nepopuliarumą tarp respublikos nomenklatūrininkų. Už jo kandidatūrą kaip pirmąją nepasisakė niekas, o 17 asmenų ją laikė svarstytina. Be abejonės, pagrindinis V. Charazovo apklausos rezultatas buvo tikslios kandidatų charakteristikos. Ši apklausa skyrėsi nuo kitų įprastinių to meto apklausų, nes pasižymi atviru neigiamų savybių įvardijimu ir gana tiksliu asmenybės bruožų nusakymu. Article, based on the authors conversation with Valéry Charazov (born 1918), second secretary of the Lithuanian Communist party Central Committee (further LCP CC) 1967-1978, archive sources, and memoirs of other activists of that period, describes Charazovs attitude to the situation in Soviet Lithuania after the death of the LCP CC first secretary Antanas Sniečkus, his evaluation of the Republic's highest nomenklatura as well as his active role in appointing second secretary Petras Griškevičius as first secretary of LCPCC. Charazov's activity as LCP CC second secretary is similar to the activities of second secretaries of other republics, and it allows us to see the wider pattern of their activity throughout the Soviet Union. On the other hand, certain aspects allow us to see the Soviet Union-wide political processes from the local perspective of a republic. This is revealed through analysis of the actions of Charazov's Lithuanian nomenklatura opponents - how they used their political connections with Ukrainian CP CC first secretary Shcherbitsky and with the Dnepropetrovsk political group which became entrenched during Leonid Brezhnevs rule, as well as through the review of the political heritage of Antanas Sniečkus, who was also a client of the "shadow" USSR cardinal Mikhail Suslov. The article looks at the survey of the Lithuanian nomenklatura carried out by Valery Charazov. With this survey he sought to elect and present to Moscow the most suitable candidate to succeed Antanas Sniečkus. This survey and the character descriptions of candidates made in its wake was the informational basis that enabled the election of a candidate satisfactory to both Moscow and the local nomenklatura. The article presents the results of the survey carried out by Charazov. The following candidates were nominated for the position of LCP CC first secretary: chairman of the Council of Ministers of LSSR Juozas Maniušis, three LCP CC secretaries - Secretary for Industry and Construction Algirdas Ferensas, Secretary for Ideology Antanas Barkauskas, Secretary for Agriculture Rimgaudas Songaila - as well as the chairman of the party's Vilnius city committee Petras Griškevičius, chairman of the LSSR labour unions' committee Kazimieras Mackevičius, and head of LCP CC Organisational-party work division Vytautas Astrauskas. In the 47 interviews with contemporary party and Soviet leaders, the candidacy of Petras Griškevičius gained the most support. This activist was the first choice of 12 persons, and was considered a potential candidate (among others) - by 29 persons. Antanas Barkauskas was the first choice of one of those interviewed and was considered a possible candidate by 11 persons; Rimgaudas Songaila was no one's first choice, but was seen as a possible candidate by 9 persons; Kazimieras Mackevičius, like Songaila, was not anyone's preferred candidate, but 6 representatives considered him a possible candidate. Charazov's survey revealed how unpopular Maniušis, who was viewed as one of the favourites, was. No one considered him as a first choice and 17 people considered him a possible candidate. Arguably, the main result of Charazov's survey was the genuine characterisation of the nominees. It was distinguished from other formal responses of the time by the open identification of negative character traits of the candidates and a rather accurate description of their personalities.

KGB archyvinės medžiagos pagrindu straipsnyje yra nušviečiama sovietinio saugumo komiteto veikla pramonės įmonėse, atskleidžiami pagrindiniai KGB darbo principai ir etapai, įvertinamas saugumo kaip ekonominės sistemos veikėjo vaidmuo, atskleidžiama tam tikra jo vykdytos šios srities kontrolės kaita. Didėjantį režimo dėmesį pramonei ir įmonių darbui sovietinėje Lietuvoje lėmė vykusi intensyvi industrializacija. Sudėtingėjant politinei, ūkinei ir socialinei tikrovei, KGB veikla pramonės įmonėse buvo sovietinės valdžios naujų poveikio visuomenei priemonių paieškų atspindys. Ypatingai tai išryškėja nuo aštuntojo dešimtmečio vidurio. Nuo tada KGB darbo metodai tapo veiksmingesni ir lankstesni, nei iki tol propaguotas grubus kišimasis į įmonių vidaus valdymą. Pradėta liberalizuoti leidimų dirbti su slaptaisiais dokumentais išdavimą, taikyti profilaktiką ,,su visuomenės pagalba“, įtraukinėti įmonių vadovus ir specialistus į kovos su užsienio technine žvalgyba grupes. KGB kontržvalgybinis veiklos pramonėje pobūdis lėmė jos jurisdikcijos ribas. Nebuvo veiksmingai panaudotas kompetentingos agentūros potencialas, nes gaunama iš agentų informacija mažai siejosi su to meto ekonomikos interesais bei visa planinės sistemos esme. The article seeks, on the basis of the KGB archival material, to elucidate the activity of the Soviet security committee in the industrial enterprises, to evaluate the role of KGB as a (certain player in the economic system, to reveal the change of the control in this field conducted by KGB. Intensive industrialization which took place in Soviet Lithuania predetermined the growth of attention of the regime to the industry and the activity of the plants. The KGB activity in the industrial enterprises is reflected by the search of new measures of impact of the Soviet power on the public in still more complicated political, social and economic realities. They are especially noticeable from the middle of the eighth decade: certain liberalization of the permits to work with secret documents, application of preventive measures "with the assistance of the public", attraction of the heads and specialists of the enterprises to the groups of fight against foreign technical intelligence service witness that rude interference of KGB into the internal management of the enterprises was replaced by the more effective and flexible method of KGB work. A counter-intelligence character of KGB activity in the industry preconditioned its limits as a certain authority in the economic system. Counter-intelligence access did not allow the potential of the competent agency to be used efficiently: information, received from agents, was related inconsiderably to the interests of the whole economic system, with the essence of the planned system.

Straipsnyje nagrinėjama Lietuvos nomenklatūros požiūris į pramonės plėtrą Klaipėdos mieste ir atskleidžiama tos plėtros specifika. Klaipėdos ekonominei plėtrai didelę įtaką turėjo ne tik naujos SSRS industrinės programos, bet ir paveldėta ekonominė struktūra. Todėl Klaipėdoje, labiau nei kituose Lietuvos regionuose, pramonės, o kartu ir miesto, socialinę plėtrą lėmė mikroekonominiai veiksniai - įmonių plėtros interesai. Skirtingai nuo gamyklų interesų, Lietuvos SSR valdžia stengėsi mažinti sąjunginio pavaldumo įmonių plėtrą, kuri skatino imigraciją į respubliką, ir siekė, kad ir šių įmonių vadovais būtų politinį bei kultūrinį kontekstą jautę ir respublikos nomenklatūrai lojalūs vadovai. Klaipėdos miesto valdžia balansavo tarp skirtingų lietuvių nomenklatūros ir stambiųjų Klaipėdos įmonių interesų. Klaipėdos LKP miesto komiteto darbuotojų sudėtis, ypač rusakalbių vyravimas pramonės ir transporto skyriuje, leidžia įžvelgti buvus glaudžius ryšius tarp miesto partinių funkcionierių ir stambiųjų įmonių vadovų. Pastariesiems tai galėjo teikti tam tikrą ideologinį saugumą ir pasitikėjimą santykių su respublikos valdžia aspektu. The article analyses the attitude of the Soviet Lithuanian nomenclature towards industrial development in Klaipėda, as well as its position relative to other regions in Lithuania. In contrast to other Lithuanian cities and districts, Soviet era Klaipėda inherited an existing economic structure. Consequently, the expansion goals of the enterprises influenced the city's development more than the government's long-range plans and strategies. The attitude of Lithuanian nomenclature towards Klaipėda's development is seen in the long-term strategies prepared by the government of Soviet Lithuanian. In the article, the behaviour of Klaipėda city administrators is seen in opposition to the interests of Soviet Lithuanian nomenclature. In contrast, the close relationship of city administrators and managers of Soviet enterprises stimulated Klaipėda's industrial growth.

Straipsnio tikslas – išnagrinėti dvi svarbias, istoriografijoje mažai tyrinėtas sovietinio valdymo sritis, kurios greta ūkio planavimo ir didelės sprendimų priėmimo centralizacijos apibūdina pačią sovietinę sistemą. Sistemos prievartinis pobūdis, jos vidinė logika implikavo tokių kontrolės svertų kaip partinės bausmės, KGB kompromituojančios medžiagos panaudojimas „darbe su kadrais“ reikšmę. Straipsnyje taip pat aptariama visuomenėje plačiai diskutuojama korupcijos sovietmečiu ir neformalių ryšių svarba, atskleidžiama jos sisteminė, tiksliau – sisteminio nepakankamumo – kilmė. Nors neformalūs ryšiai, funkcionierių socialiniai tinklai būdingi ir kitoms politinėms–ekonominėms santvarkoms, sovietinėje sistemoje egzistavęs bausmių skyrimo neapibrėžtumas ekonominius veikėjus skatino ieškoti glaudžių ryšių su partiniais funkcionieriais. Užsimezgę neformalūs patrono (partinio funkcionieriaus) ir kliento (įmonės vadovo) santykiai iš dalies kompensavo technokrato padėties neapibrėžtumą, jam teikė tam tikrą ideologinį saugumą. Pagal Sovietų Lietuvos pavyzdį straipsnyje analizuojama partinių bausmių skyrimo, KGB veiklos bei neformalių ryšių praktika pramonės įmonėse 1965–1985 m. The article deals with two important spheres of the Soviet rule which have been little investigated in historiography. Their existence, besides central planning and centralised decision-making define well the Soviet system. The coercive nature o f the system and its inner logic implicated the use of such control levers as the punishment of members of the Communist Party and the importance of using compromising information gathered by the KGB in the "work with the cadres". The article is also concerned with the origins of corruption and informal ties during Soviet times, which is being widely discussed by the general public. Although informal ties and social connections formed by the functionaries are also characteristic of other political-economic systems, the vague system of inflicting punishment which existed in Soviet time made the heads in the economic sector look for possibilities of establishing close ties with party functionaries. The informal relations between the patron (a party functionary) and the client (heads of enterprises) made partly up for the indefinite situation of the latter, giving them certain ideological security. The inflicting of punishment by the party on its members, the KGB activities and the practice of informal ties in industrial enterprises between 1965 and 1985 are analysed. Party punishment was imposed on the heads of e nterprises not only for economic but also for ideological offences, as well as for hiding some facts of their biography and the lack of "collective management" of the enterprise. Punishment of its members by the party which was used as an ideological tool reduced their effectiveness and interfered with rational management of the economy. It increased the friction between the government and the heads of the enterprises, which was only partly reduced by the informal ties between the party functionary and the director of the enterprise. The compromising information gathered by the KGB at industrial enterprises about its workers which was then given over to the party bosses was an important instrument. It allowed the republican authorities who were party members to keep industrial management loyal to them.

1965 m., po ūkinės reformos, Sovietų Sąjungoje pradėta ekonomikos valdymo centralizacija, sumažinusi Lietuvos valdžios institucijų galimybes daryti įtaką respublikos ekonominei plėtrai. Lietuvos sovietų socialistinės respublikos (LSSR) vadovybė – lietuviškoji nomenklatūra – atstovavo respublikos socialinius ir ekonominius interesus, iš kurių svarbiausieji buvo šie: mažinti sunkiosios pramonės plėtrą, teikiant prioritetus lengvajai bei maisto pramonei, spartinti infrastruktūros plėtrą ir kontroliuoti jos funkcionavimą, sparčiai vystyti socialinės infrastruktūros bei buitinės paskirties statybas. Straipsnyje didžiausiais dėmesys skiriamas sovietinės Lietuvos valdžios ekonominėms-administracinėms programoms ir iniciatyvoms, siekiant realizuoti respublikos ekonominius interesus; jos tapo LSSR miestų ir gamybos jėgų pasiskirstymo schemomis, kurias patvirtino Lietuvos Komunistų partijos Centro komitetas 1964 m., rūpintasi pramonės regionų formavimu, bandyta daug dėmesio skirti teritorijų planavimui ir respublikos Plano komiteto kompetencijų išplėtimui, Sovietų Sąjungai pavaldžių respublikinių susivienijimų steigimui. Šios respublikos vadovų iniciatyvos neatitiko Sovietų Sąjungos institucijų interesų, tokia padėtis apsunkino jų įgyvendinimą ir respublikos socialinių-ekonominių interesų realizavimą. Sovietinės Lietuvos administracijos ūkinės galios ribojimas sukėlė tam tikrą įtampą tarp lietuviškos nomenklatūros, respublikos ekonomistų ir sovietinių institucijų, pasireiškė Maskvos ministerijų ekonominės, socialinės bei ekologinės veiklos kritika, o prasidėjus pertvarkai ji netruko transformuotis į respublikos ekonominio savarankiškumo koncepciją. In 1965, as a consequence of the economic reform, centralisation of management of economy started in the Soviet Union, which reduced possibilities of the Lithuanian authorities to influence the economic development of the Republic. The Authorities of the Lithuanian Soviet Socialist Republic(LSSR) - the Lithuanian nomenclature - represented social and economic interests of the then Republic, the most important of which were the following: decreasing the rate of the development of large industry by giving priority to light and food industry, a rapid development of production infrastructure and the aim to keep its control within the competence of the authorities of the Republic, a rapid development of social infrastructure and construction for everyday purposes. Greatest attention in the article has been devoted to economic-administration programmes and initiatives of Soviet Lithuanian authorities by means of which it was sought to achieve that economic interests of the Republic should be realised; they are the scheme of the development of towns of the LSSR and the distribution of productive forces approved by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Lithuania in 1964, the formation of industrial regions - "junctions", attempts to attach great significance to territory planning and to expand competence of the Planning Commission of the Republic, the establishment of republican associations subordinate to the Soviet Union. These initiatives of the authorities of the Republic were at variance with the interests of the institutions of the Soviet Union, which complicated their implementation, and at the same time the realisation of social and economic interests of the Republic. Limiting economic-administrative influence of the Soviet Lithuanian power in the Republic caused certain tension between the Lithuanian nomenclature, economists of the Republic and the soviet institutions, which manifested itself on the scientific and administrative level in criticising the economic, social and ecological activity of Moscow ministries, and after restructuring had begun it did not take long to transform itself into the concept of economic independence of the Republic.

The analysis of the origins of the Lithuanian SSR KGB activity and relations with political government helps to understand this institution and does not only bring better understanding of this structure but also contributes to the knowledge of the Soviet totalitarian regime and policy in Lithuania. It is also important to show that KGB was not a secret service of the type analogous to secret services in the West, which pursued intelligence and counter-intelligence functions. Functions of soviet secret service were different from others secret services and this was also determined by specific of soviet system and aims of communist party. The main aim of the dissertation to prove that the Lithuanian SSR KGB was an institution primarily engaged in ideological and political rather than solely repressive tasks. It is also analyses impact of communist ideology and communist party on the KGB activities, by displaying its relations with the Communist party, Council of Ministers of the Lithuanian SSR, the Supreme Council of the Lithuanian SSR and the Soviet army which would lead to the conclusion on the influence of the Lithuanian SSR KGB to domestic political processes. The dissertation also attempts to enumerate and describe the fields of activity and methods of the Soviet security service that would reflect the ideological and political aspects of its activities. Dissertation is consisting of three parts. In a first part the main tendencies and changes in KGB activities after 195... [to full text] LSSR KGB veiklos ištakų ir santykių su politine valdžia analizė ne tik leidžia geriau perprasti šią struktūrą, bet ir prisideda prie totalitarinės sovietinės valdymo sistemos bei politikos Lietuvoje pažinimo. Taip pat būtina parodyti, kad KGB nebuvo tokia slaptoji tarnyba, kaip analogiškos Vakarų valstybių slaptosios tarnybos, vykdančios žvalgybos, kontržvalgybos funkcijas. Jos veikla bei metodai skyrėsi nuo kitų slaptųjų tarnybų, kas irgi buvo nulemta sovietinės sistemos ir komunistų partijos uždavinių. Disertacijos santraukoje pristatoma komunistinės ideologijos ir komunistų partijos įtaką LSSR KGB veiklai, atskleidžiant jos santykius su LSSR MT, LSSR AT, tarybine armija, kas leistų spręsti, kokią įtaką LSSR KGB darė šalies vidaus politiniams procesams. Taip pat darbe įvardijamos sovietinio saugumo veiklos sritis ir metodus, kurie atspindėtų jos veiklos ideologinius ir politinius aspektus. Disertacija susideda iš trijų dalių. Pirmoji dalis bendrais bruožai apibūdina KGB raidos tendencijas, akcentuojant pokyčius, įvykusius po 1954 m. Antroje dalyje pristatomi LSSR KGB politiniai aspektai, kurie atsiskleidžia per LSSR KGB santykius su LKP CK, LSSR Ministrų Taryba ir Aukščiausiąja taryba bei tarybine armija. Trečioje dalyje apibūdinama kaip komunistinė ideologija, vidaus ir tarptautiniai įvykiai, procesai įtakojo KGB veiklą ir jos pokyčius. Taip pat įvardijamos KGB persekiojamos visuomenės grupės bei priežastis, kas nulėmė KGB išskirtinį dėmesį joms. Apibūdinami KGB veiklos... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]