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Based on an analysis of judgments on the motion for issuance of an injunction order against strike pickets rendered by the Quebec Superior Court between 2002 and 2023, this article shows that it has been extremely rare for judges to note serious acts of violence, such as beatings, injuries and dangerous acts of vandalism. On the other hand, a threatening look, the appearance or risk of any nuisance can always be qualified by the Court as intimidation, a threat, violence, a wrongful act, irreparable harm, and can justify limiting the right to picket in its simplest form of expression. We then defend the hypothesis that these orders granted in an almost mechanical manner are totally disproportionate, that they sanction workers in an indiscriminate and preventive manner, to the point of undermining the very essence of the right to picket, and this, in violation of the rights to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly of workers recognized by the Supreme Court. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The pre-war Quebec experienced intense labour conflicts and unprecedented episodes of repression. Its complexity leads historical sociology to take a few steps back to examine the militarization of workplaces and the experience of violence within urban space, and see how these relate to the development of capitalism and state formation. Starting from the 1840s, this article aims to problematize military repression in the context of the class struggle over the longue durée, using key labour strikes. It thus seeks to better grasp the political and economic dynamics of repression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Professional Association of Primary School Teachers of Brasília (APPB) was founded on October 15, 1960. What were the achievements and socio- historical conditions for the struggle of primary school teachers in the construction of Brasília? Before that date, primary school teachers organized a petition and other publications in the press, expressing their complaints and suggestions for solving the problems of the housing conditions of the pioneering teachers, at the beginning of the new capital. These complaints refer to the non-compliance with clauses of the employment contract signed between the tenured teachers and the Brasília Education System Administration Commission, which wanted to impose the possibility of dismissing the tenured teachers. The teachers started the first strike, founded the association, but were unable to take over the board of the Association of Primary School Teachers of Brasília, due to an orchestrated action by opponents together with the Brasília Education Administration. The research was conducted using primary sources from the Digital Newspaper Library of the Public Archives of the Chamber of Deputies, publications from the Correio Braziliense newspaper, the Public Archives of the Federal District and the Education Museum of the Federal District. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Djoussour El-maarefa is the property of Association of Arab Universities and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Este artigo aprofunda as reflexões de um estudo de caso que tem como objeto a relação entre: (i) uma greve no ramo do cultivo de eucalipto no estado da Bahia; (ii) um processo parcial de reversão das terceirizações (primarizações) no mesmo setor. O artigo parte de uma discussão teórica sobre o papel da terceirização dentro da estratégia atual de dominação do capital sobre o trabalho. Na sequência, trata da relação entre a terceirização e o sindicalismo, abordando as suas implicações para a organização e resistência dos trabalhadores. Em seguida, realiza uma breve reconstituição da greve e da luta pela primarização. Para isso, se baseia em uma pesquisa de campo (entrevistas com dez sindicalistas) e documental. A análise conduz à conclusão de que uma característica central do sindicato trabalhista foi essencial para o relativo êxito da greve no enfrentamento à terceirização: a organização conjunta entre trabalhadores terceirizados e nucleares.

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Este artigo se dedica a analisar a presença e o comportamento das imagens de arquivo no filme Peões (2004), de Eduardo Coutinho. Partimos do pressuposto de que mesmo não sendo o elemento fílmico central pelo qual o diretor ganhou notoriedade, as imagens de arquivo não estão presentes na obra de forma arbitrária, mas pulsam em cada sequência em que aparecem, demonstrando-se parte do modus operandi do diretor consagrado pelos encontros e conversas que estabelecia com pessoas publicamente desconhecidas. Nosso objetivo é desvendar quais os métodos e procedimentos utilizados especificamente em Peões que sugerem as formas com que o filme buscou aproximar cinema e história a partir do testemunho e da experiência dos anônimos envolvidos nas grandes greves operárias do ABC paulista entre 1979 e 1980. Para isso, analisamos as cenas das quais os arquivos fazem parte, dando atenção particular à sua materialidade e constituição narrativa como rastro da experiência particular e coletiva, terminando por entender os próprios arquivos como gestos fílmicos fundamentalmente coutinianos, que longe de significarem somente um capítulo em sua trajetória, demonstram serem uma escolha estética e ética do diretor, que constrói sentidos singulares de memória.

O artigo traz resultados de um survey aplicado junto aos usuários do serviço de metrô da cidade de São Paulo no ano de 2019. O objeto de análise da investigação foi a percepção dos usuários do metrô sobre as greves conflagradas pelos metroviários. Percebeu-se que os usuários tendem a aprovar as atividades grevistas por compreenderem que os metroviários têm “direito a ter direitos”, ou seja, teriam o direito de lutar por melhores condições de emprego e remuneração. A análise parte da compreensão de que o apoio dos usuários às greves aumentaria se eles também reivindicassem melhorias no serviço prestado, mas isto é limitado pelas formas de divulgação das greves, de seus motivos e de suas consequências pela imprensa comercial. O artigo apresenta questões e dados específicos sobre como os usuários se informam e porque a interpretação das greves por parte da imprensa não é completamente hegemônica entre eles tomando como referência as contribuições da Sociologia da Recepção.

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On 15 August 1983, 9,500 workers from the Montréal locals of the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union went on strike for the first time in 43 years. The strike became known as "la grève de la fierté" and made clear that the women working in the city's garment factories were taking a stand against the layoffs and closures prompted by industrial restructuring and deindustrialization. However, the strike's success was limited, revealing the extent to which the structural inequities in the garment industry had calcified along gendered, classed, and ethnic lines. The union executive had grown increasingly distant from its rank-and-file, and it was immigrant women workers who were left to organize against the flurry of closures and the corresponding decline in their working conditions. The campaign leading up to the 1983 strike, organized by the Comité d'action des travailleurs du vêtement, articulated a series of demands for the improvement of workplace health and safety conditions, better benefits, and more representative union leadership. With original archival research and oral history interviews, I argue that the 1983 "grève de la fierté" illustrates how the historically entrenched gendered structure of labour relations shaped the pathways of deindustrialization in Montréal's garment industry. Le 15 août 1983, 9 500 travailleuses des sections locales montréalaises de l'Union internationale des ouvrières du vêtement pour dames se sont mis en grève pour la première fois en 43 ans. Cette grève, connue sous le nom de « grève de la fierté », montre que les femmes travaillant dans les usines de confection de la ville prennent position contre les licenciements et les fermetures provoqués par la restructuration industrielle et la désindustrialisation. Cependant, le succès de la grève a été limité, révélant à quel point les inégalités structurelles dans l'industrie de la confection s'étaient calcifiées selon les critères de genre, de classe et d'ethnie. La direction du syndicat s'était éloignée de plus en plus de sa base, et ce sont les travailleuses immigrées qui ont dû s'organiser pour lutter contre les fermetures et la dégradation correspondante de leurs conditions de travail. La campagne qui a mené à la grève de 1983, organisée par le Comité d'action des travailleurs du vêtement, a formulé une série de demandes pour l'amélioration des conditions de santé et de sécurité au travail, de meilleurs avantages sociaux et une direction syndicale plus représentative. À l'aide d'une recherche archivistique originale et d'entrevues d'histoire orale, je soutiens que la « grève de la fierté » de 1983 illustre comment la structure genrée des relations de travail a façonné les voies de la désindustrialisation dans l'industrie du vêtement de Montréal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bitácora Urbano/Territorial is the property of Bitacora Urbano/Territorial and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Resumo O artigo apresenta um quadro das principais reformas econômicas e sociais promovidas pelos governos italianos antes e depois da crise de 2008 e as tendências neoliberais que permeiam os governos de centro-direita e centro-esquerda no país. Nesse sentido, analisamos a difícil relação entre a principal central sindical italiana com o principal partido reformista de esquerda, também à luz da crise do modelo neocorporativista de relações industriais. A central ainda mantém um alto nível de adesão que nem sempre corresponde a uma capacidade igual de mobilização. As greves nas grandes empresas mostram redução clara e são constantes nos serviços públicos. A ausência de pesquisas sistemáticas, no entanto, dificulta a avaliação precisa dessa forma de conflito. Por fim, observamos que as ferramentas utilizadas pelo sindicato diferem cada vez mais daquelas do passado em relação à oposição às reformas econômicas e sociais.

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Résumé: Dans les années 1990, les villes chinoises ont ouvert les services municipaux au marché, une décision à l'origine de nombreux conflits sociaux. Les autorités locales ont alors cherché à harmoniser et à reréglementer les conditions d'emploi des travailleurs concernés. À partir de plusieurs études de cas sur les secteurs des taxis et de l'assainissement, à Wenzhou et Guangzhou, les auteurs constatent que celles‐ci ont mobilisé trois stratégies à cet effet: la syndicalisation, l'action publique et la concentration. Cependant, l'institutionnalisation est restée limitée, et les conflits ont perduré, avec quelques nuances. Les auteurs concluent en comparant les stratégies décrites à celles institutionnalisées en Occident. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

RESUMO Na segunda metade de 2016, vários acontecimentos movimentaram o cotidiano dos trabalhadores de todo o Brasil. Na Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul (UFRGS), técnicos-administrativos em educação e docentes deflagraram greves em oposição a então chamada PEC do Fim do Mundo e a Reforma do Ensino Médio. Participando ativamente destes movimentos e, ao mesmo tempo no fazer acadêmico estudando a obra de Henri Lefebvre, foi inevitável aproximar estes fazeres, organizando uma pesquisa-militante com o objetivo de analisar a construção cotidiana destes movimentos grevistas. O estudo da greve, através da vida cotidiana – este lugar de transição, encontros, interações e conflitos, permite compreender a sua construção desde baixo, a partir do vivido e do viver, do individual e do coletivo. Além disto, destacam-se as ações e práticas que suspendiam a repetição e desafiavam a alienação.

A greve é reconhecida como um instituto em constante evolução, representativo dos direitos sociais. Passa por uma evolução constante, de acordo com as demandas que surgem historicamente. Nesse ponto, se averigua como o instituto jurídico é construído, bem como a forma que sua feição política pode desenvolver. A compreensão da doutrina e da jurisprudência se faz necessária, em consonância as determinações legais, bem como ao espírito social que move multidões, em expressão de uma ação social que necessita ser revisitada considerando cânones mais profundos, e do próprio direito e da constituição do Estado, como forma de legitimação da estrutura institucional em que a sociedade pode se formatar. A forma de concretização das demandas sociais, à luz de uma preocupação que se compactue com a luta de classes no ambiente capitalista, em que o direito é analisado como instrumentalização dessa constante social, merece ponderação na análise contemplada. Abstract: Strike is recognized as a constantly evolving institute, representative of social rights. It goes through a constant evolution, according to the demands that arise historically. At this point, it examines how the legal institute is constructed, as well as the form that its political aspect can develop. Understanding the doctrine and jurisprudence is necessary, in accordance with legal determinations, as well as the social spirit that moves crowds, in expression of a social action that needs to be revisited considering deeper canons, and of the law itself and the constitution of the State, as a way of legitimizing institutional structure in which society can be shaped. The way of concretizing social demands, in the light of a concern that is compacted with the class struggle in the capitalist environment, in which the law is analyzed as an instrumentalization of this social constant, deserves consideration in the analysis.

The objective of the article is to understand the repercussions of delivery workers' strikes during the Covid-19 pandemic, with a focus on international strikes in Latin America and on the stoppages in Brazil. The justification for the theme relies on its topicality and relevance in dealing with such emergent social issues. As for research methods, bibliographical review and empirical documentary research are combined (based on the material related to the summoning of movements by workers and the propagation of these acts by means of information). In the introduction, the methodological delimitations of the analysis are defined, as well as the critical approach that is intended to understand the strikes in the context of deepening contradictions of the capitalist mode of production (with a focus on the capital-labor conflict). In turn, the presentation is divided into three axes of analysis: the first axis maps the first three international strikes in Latin America; the second focuses on the movements carried out in Brazil; and the third concerns a critical approach regarding uberization. In the conclusion, the research hypothesis is validated by the confirmation that a trend towards internationalization of the collective articulation of deliverers by digital platforms is underway. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Partant de l’hypothèse que l’étude d’une série de films construite autour d’un sujet, en l’occurrence les conflits sociaux, collectifs ou individuels, ces trente dernières années, est susceptible de donner une clef supplémentaire à la compréhension du monde contemporain, l’auteur s’efforce d’en dégager des lignes de force. La première est la prégnance du chômage, perspective et réalité pour nombre de salariés, autour de laquelle s’organisent la plupart des films. La seconde est la modification des luttes ouvrières ou salariales dans ce contexte. La troisième met au jour l’entreprise de dévalorisation du travail et de déqualification des travailleurs qu’entraîne ce Léviathan mal défini qui a pour nom : « crise ». La quatrième interroge les stratégies de résistance, plus individuelles que collectives, que mettent en œuvre les déboutés du travail soucieux de trouver des refuges face à « l’orage qui s’est abattu sur eux ». La cinquième est en même temps une manière de conclusion, qui interroge la dignité retrouvée des femmes et des hommes sous la tempête sociale et la visée modeste, mais déterminée qui nourrit leur confiance dans l’avenir, à travers celle qu’ils font à la jeunesse. L’histoire des représentations nous aide à voir comment les femmes et les hommes d’un moment le voient et s’y voient : ni simple reflet ni discours prédictif, elle aide les historiens à saisir l’air, si ce n’est l’esprit, du temps.

Resumo Dialogando com as diferentes abordagens presentes na literatura, este artigo procura analisar a incidência de greves nas diferentes fases econômicas e políticas do Brasil, nas duas últimas décadas. Ao mesmo tempo, inserimos as greves no contexto da conjuntura e dinâmica organizacional do movimento sindical. Ao longo desse período, a incidência de greves tendeu a diminuir nos momentos de alta do desemprego e a aumentar nos momentos de queda. Não foi encontrada relação entre greve e ganho salarial. A análise da relação entre greve e política parece corroborar a ideia de que em governos de centro-esquerda observa-se menor volume de greves do que em governos de centro-direita, enquanto a maior competição no interior do movimento sindical, inferida pelo número de sindicatos em cada ano, esteve associada a um maior volume de greves. Essas correlações, ainda que inconclusivas, apontam o caminho para novas investigações, utilizando séries mais longas e análise comparada.

Resumo O artigo analisa os movimentos de greve dos metalúrgicos do ABC Paulista, ocorridos nos anos de 1978, 1979 e 1980, marcando o início de um longo ciclo de greves e contestação que atravessará as décadas de 1980 e 1990. Nesse sentido, buscar-se-á levar em conta a dinâmica de confrontação constituída a partir das interações entre trabalhadores/as, patronato e Estado. Ainda que seja dada atenção às práticas de patrões e Estado, ênfase central será dada ao movimento da classe trabalhadora. A ideia é apresentar a forma como os trabalhadores/as participaram dessa dinâmica, percebendo os limites e possibilidades dessa participação. Isso será feito considerando fatores externos e internos ao referido movimento. Por fim, a partir das questões por ele suscitadas, colocaremos o movimento em diálogo direto com os desafios trazidos pelo momento atual do mundo do trabalho e do sindicalismo brasileiro.

O presente artigo analisou a atual infraestrutura de transporte de carga no Brasil, a partir do contexto da greve/lockout dos caminhoneiros que ocorreu em 2018 e a crise de abastecimento e de suprimentos que se instaurou. A população brasileira vivenciou uma situação de caos com as paralisações dos caminhoneiros, e o artigo buscou retratar os principais acontecimentos e os seus reflexos para os cidadãos durante e após as manifestações, bem como a resposta dada pelo governo Temer. Com o impeachment da presidenta Dilma, verifica-se um desmonte do projeto democrático e do Estado social, com o governo alinhado aos interesses do capital financeiro. O problema de pesquisa foi, nesse sentido, verificar se a infraestrutura de transporte é condizente com as dimensões territoriais e geográficas do Brasil. Igualmente, se buscou aferir as respostas dadas pela presidência à crise vivenciada no país, especialmente em relação aos cortes de investimentos em programas sociais. A metodologia de pesquisa adotada no trabalho foi o método hipotético-dedutivo, onde partiu-se da hipótese de que a infraestrutura de transporte não se demonstra suficiente e adequada. A técnica de pesquisa empregada foi a exploratória, realizada a partir de levantamentos bibliográficos e análise de dados e mapas.

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This article aims to understand the participation of women metalworkers in the 1979 strike in Rio de Janeiro, occurred during the brazilian military regime. Using the methodology of Oral History, interviews were conducted with eleven women who were actively part of this movement, the so-called women picketers, as they became known. The research results pointed to the 1979 strike of the metalworkers as a milestone in the resumption of massive and public mobilization of the working class in the state of Rio de Janeiro, which was to peak in the 1980s. The women who participated in the strike, besides having composed the support sector, acted directly in the pickets that stopped the factories. For this, they needed to articulate the actions of the trade union movement to care for the home and children, which gave rise to their own strategies to ensure the effectiveness of this participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article takes advantage of an unusually long strike (51 days) in Ottawa to study the environmental impact of public transit. Overall, we find a robust significant increase in the concentration of particulate matter (PM) and ozone (O3) and a decrease in the concentration of nitrogen oxide (NO) during the strike on workdays between 7:00 a.m. and 7:00 p.m. The first two effects are probably due to an increase in car traffic during the strike, and the last one could be related to the absence of public buses with diesel engines. Interestingly, the concentration of PM and O3 decreased significantly during the last three weeks of the strike, suggesting that commuters eventually adapted to the lack of public transit by using environmentally friendly means of transportation. By only considering short strikes, previous studies may therefore overestimate the long-term environmental impact of public transit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Este artigo tem como objeto a greve dos caminhoneiros ocorrida no Brasil em maio de 2018, e como referencial teórico a Teoria dos Jogos. Inicialmente, apresentamos uma introdução a alguns aspectos desta teoria, e tratamos especificamente dos jogos na forma extensiva, em que os jogadores escolhem as suas ações sequencialmente. Em seguida, após discutir alguns aspectos jurídicos, políticos e econômicos relacionados, propomos um modelo de jogo na forma extensiva para o conflito. Analisando o modelo, identificamos soluções teóricas com as melhores estratégias para governo e caminhoneiros via método da indução reversa, bem como verificamos que uma dessas soluções corresponde aos fatos ocorridos no caso concreto.

Depuis plusieurs années, la République Démocratique du Congo est le théâtre de grèves menées par les médecins du pays. Les revendications des grévistes en question sont essentiellement financières et statutaires, et visent à faire pression sur le gouvernement. Dans ce pays, comme c’est le cas presque partout dans le monde, les grèves médicales sont autorisées. Tout travailleur a le droit de dénoncer par la grève des conditions de travail jugées inacceptables. Mais les médecins sont-ils des travailleurs comme les autres? N’ont-ils pas des obligations morales particulières liées aux spécificités de leur profession? Pour éclairer ces questions, les auteurs de cet article proposent trois repères moraux essentiels généralisables à des situations de grèves médicales ailleurs dans le monde. Le premier porte sur la reconnaissance du droit de grève pour les médecins, y compris pour des motifs strictement financiers. On ne peut demander à des professionnels de santé d’exercer leur métier dans des conditions de travail inhumaines ou sans un salaire permettant de faire vivre leur famille. Le deuxième repère estime que l’on ne peut pas accepter que ce droit de grève s’exerce en sacrifiant les patients les plus fragiles et en niant ainsi l’essence même de la profession médicale. Un troisième repère vient complexifier la réflexion en rappelant que l’extrême délabrement du système de santé congolais rend impossible l’organisation d’un service minimum de qualité en cas de grève. Pour sortir de ces difficultés, nous proposons une alliance thérapeutique nationale entre les médecins et les citoyens pour replacer les patients au centre des préoccupations du système de santé.

Resumo A greve das cigarreiras de 1903 foi encetada pela demissão das primeiras quatro mulheres a ingressarem no movimento operário do Recife. Com o objetivo de compreender as motivações que levaram essas trabalhadoras a se organizarem politicamente, este artigo analisa os eventos em torno da greve e as representações sociais que situavam o trabalho de mulheres em fábricas como uma prática moralmente reprovável. O exame das questões propostas evidencia que as cigarreiras se apropriaram das plataformas de ação fornecidas pelo movimento operário para conquistar visibilidade em um processo de estabelecimento de uma identidade de gênero relacionada ao trabalho.

This article analyzes the political implications of the heterogeneous nature of feminism/s. This involves the strategies of expansion and criticism that make up its current vitality, showing how their paradoxical structure coexists with significant syncretic capacities. We will begin the discussion with the debate on whether there are one or more feminisms and subsequently explore how these tensions between a single and multiple feminism/s undermine their internal strategies. To this end, we will focus on the platform "For a successful feminism," designed by the Spanish party Podemos and on certain key peculiarities of the link between queerness and feminism. Finally, as part of the same problem, we will observe the novelties that the International Women's Strike instrument proposed as a massive experience in 2017 and 2018. Throughout the text, the reflections will be accompanied by the analysis of current scenes of Argentine feminism/s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper discusses the conflicts occurred during the strike of the railroad builders in the city of Baturité on October 1, 1888, in a year of drought. A consecrated way of struggle of the working class, the strike was part of the trajectory of workers engaged in public relief works triggered during droughts as one way that refugees found to pressure engineers and official agents. The main intention of this article is to analyze the workers' strike of the extension of the Baturité Railway during the 1888 drought in the context of their class formation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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