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This article studies the life-stories and identity narratives of Turks of Western Thrace (Greece) focusing on the role of the Turkish–Greek border and its changing permeability. It suggests that people who have strong attachments to both sides of a national border experience spatial liminality and the border is a place of passage between not only territories, but also lived identities. For young Turks of Western Thrace, travelling to Turkey to work or study is an established strategy that is intertwined with major life events. Drawing on ride-along interviews and focusing on five participants, who travelled to Turkey during the Cyprus crisis, the article identifies the disciplinary power of bordering on identities and life-stories. By examining how different individuals dealt with this power, and how their circumstances affected the outcomes, it explores the tensions between agency and structure, state power and resistance, and categorisation and liminality during life-planning and identity construction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers the nature of Turkish-Greek relations, focusing on the question of how these should be characterized. This is an important topic not only because there is a lack of a clear definition of the situation between the two countries in the literature, but also because providing a greater clarity of the issues about Turkish-Greek relations can assist in the long-term envisioning of a possible path that the two countries might take in the future. Employing a descriptive analysis, the article shows that a state of conflict rather than cooperation has determined the evolution of relations between Turkey and Greece. This sheds light on the intractable nature of the problems between the two countries, whether in Cyprus, the Aegean Sea, or the Eastern Mediterranean. The article concludes that Turkish-Greek relations are characterized by a historically grounded condition of fragile stability, with permanent tension and possible crisis prevailing, even if conflicts are frozen and war is not foreseen. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Cumhuriyet Tarihi Araştırmaları Dergisi (CTAD) is the property of Ataturk Institute for Modern Turkish History and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

While an extensive part of the conflict transformation literature stresses the importance of transforming the identities of conflict parties through recognition, it fails to recognise the propensity of such transformations to generate ontological insecurity and dissonance, and consequently a possible backlash towards antagonistic identities. Drawing on agonistic thought, we develop a conception of agonistic recognition, premised on non-finalism, pluralist multilogue and disaggregated recognition. We suggest that these elements of agonistic recognition may guard against the development of ontological insecurity and dissonance in recognition processes. We comparatively analyse the connections and tensions between recognition, ontological insecurity/dissonance and identity backlash experienced during the transformation of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict in the context of the Oslo Peace Process in the 1990s and Turkey's 'rapprochement' with Greece in the context of its EU accession process in the 2000s. We also assess the presence of the elements of agonistic recognition in these two conflict transformation processes. Our contribution constitutes an important step towards the specification of agonistic peace in terms of its underlying recognition processes and in developing the empirical study of agonistic elements in actual conflict transformation processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Atatürk Yolu Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Ataturk Yolu Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Atatürk Yolu Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Ataturk Yolu Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

How does territorial change occur in conflict settings without a radical transformation of state interests and international norms? Territorial change is understood here as the unfolding of nonconflictual territorial visions, actions, and interactions in the absence of sovereignty transfer and/or transformation of the existing status of a disputed territory. This article addresses the question of territorial change in conflict settings by examining Turkey's coastal radar technology as an evolving border security infrastructure in the Aegean Sea. Entailing remotely controlled unmanned stations, mobile vehicles, and drones, Turkey's radar technology generates territorial change. Rather than merely enabling or constraining territorial engagement, technology actively produces territory by transforming it into a nonconflictual state. The altering of territory is achieved by the realignment of security conditioned by and functionally dependent on technology. Radar technology mediates Aegean security in ways that are different from its conventional external-oriented framework targeting another sovereign state. Yet, far from moving away from militarization, radar technology produces irregular migration as a new referent of militarized border security, while simultaneously bringing civilian actors to the fore. Territorial change materializes as technology alters the directionality of territorial vision, transforms "seeing" into "visualization," and makes possible new types of sovereign violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of TESAM Academy Journal is the property of Tesam Academy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The conflict between Turkey on the one hand and Greece and Cyprus on the other was exacerbated when Turkey and Libya reached an agreement on the delimitation of maritime zones to explore and exploit energy resources in late 2019. The countries were on the brink of military confrontation. This was the latest climax of a longer period of conflict and mistrust, during which negative perceptions became more entrenched on all sides. Energy is globally high in demand but exploiting resources in the Mediterranean Sea at competitive prices is difficult. The international community has developed an ambitious Law of the Sea, but its interpretation is controversial. Compromises are needed to de-escalate. What might serve as a 'bridge over troubled waters' in the Eastern Mediterranean? The author comments on the available options. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Atatürk Yolu Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Ataturk Yolu Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Çagdas Türkiye Tarihi Arastirmalari Dergisi is the property of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Çagdas Türkiye Tarihi Arastirmalari Dergisi is the property of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Relations between Turkey and Greece were recently put to the test by the case of eight Turkish military personnel who fled their country by helicopter, following an attempted coup d'état on 15 July 2016. They landed in Greek territory, where they claimed political asylum. The legal dimension of the complex asylum procedures turned out to be decisive to the final outcome of the case. The judgment by the Greek Council of State integrates the international perception of onus of proof in its review of the exclusion grounds for applicants for international protection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By critically engaging with the critical constructivist and post-structuralist accounts of foreign policy, this study examines the mass expulsion from Turkey of Istanbul Greeks in 1964 and 1965. As forms of radical post-positivism, these approaches provide ample insights to understand how this expulsion and the Cyprus conflict have become instrumental for reinscribing both Turkish national identity and the expelled Greeks as its inimical/threatening other. Noting that radical post-positivism focused on specific foreign policy cases in specific periods of time tends to overlook the role and significance of state-building processes in the configuration and negotiation of self/other interactions, this study argues that the gross violence in Cyprus in the 1960s was utilized to justify the economic, social and cultural marginalization of Istanbul Greeks as well as their premeditated expulsion. However, the Greek expulsion may be fully comprehended only when it is contextualized within the minority regime shaped throughout the formation of the Turkish nation state in 1923. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This comparative analysis considers the Turkish-Greek rapprochement and the Turkish-Armenian rapprochement processes with a three-dimensional approach. Although the deep-rooted conflicts between neither Greece and Turkey nor Armenia and Turkey were resolved via these processes, the bilateral relationships between the countries have significantly differed. This paper argues that two key main reasons lie behind this difference: the nature of the initiatives taken during the two processes and the influence of external actors on the course of the bilateral relations between Turkey and Greece, on the one hand, and Turkey and Armenia on the other hand. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the post 1999 era, although a number of minority issues have been resolved between Turkey and Greece, no progress has been made on the issue of the election of muftis in Greece. In spite of the presence of Protocol No. 3 that was annexed to the 1913 Treaty of Athens, which recognizes the right of Muslims to elect their muftis, Greece argues that the Treaty of Athens and Protocol No. 3 are invalid. The underlying reason for this argument is the fear stemming from the extensive secular and judicial authorities of the muftis and the possibility of politicization of their authority. This paper aims to discuss the validity of the 1913 Treaty of Athens and Protocol No. 3 and to examine relevant international treaties on the election of muftis. The paper further aims to explain the positions of Turkey and Greece and ongoing developments on this issue [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses Turkey's role in the Balkans as part of the broader narrative of European integration. 'Europeanization' in the early 2000s was a political platform that was instrumental in allowing Turkey to forge a peace between the country's established elite and moderate political Islam. In the context of Turkey's alienation from the project of European integration, the relationship between Europe and Turkey is becoming narrowly transactional and there is no longer a 'community building' dynamic. Instead, the region emerges as a canvas of competing influences and mutually exclusive choices between Ankara and Brussels that ultimately contribute to 'Balkanization.' [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In contrast to other European countries in which the eighties were characterized by the cultural dominance of the 'New Right', Greek politics was dominated by the rise of the Greek Socialist Party (PASOK). Unlikely to the West European Socialist or Social Democratic parties of the time, Greek idiosyncratic socialism was associated with a strong nationalistic and anti-Western, i.e. anti-NATO, anti-American and anti-European rhetoric. Another feature of this period was the change of Greece's position regarding the Greek-Turkish dispute. Greek Socialist administration in 1981-1989 was associated with increasing tensions with Turkey. The present paper critically assesses Greek foreign and defence policy during this period by drawing on archival sources from various countries (documents of the State Archive of Israel, CIA archive, the Federal Archives of the Republic Germany (Political Archive of the Foreign Ministry, Archive of the Foreign Ministry of the Former East Germany and Archives of the Mass Organizations and the Political Parties of the Former East Germany) as well as military spending and arms imports registers to show the discrepancy between rhetoric and real changes implemented by the Greek Socialist Government during its first two consecutive terms in office. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent research has suggested that in the contemporary globalized and digitized world memories transcend national boundaries in a manner that might replace exclusive and antagonistic national histories with inclusive cosmopolitan solidarities. This article critically engages with such models by exploring transcultural cross-referencing in narratives about Greek-Turkish relationships in two different settings: print media produced by memory activists from the expatriated Greek minority of Turkey; and peer-to-peer debates in the "comments" section on YouTube. Whilst such transcultural discourses might indeed draw different victim communities closer together, they nevertheless also have the capacity to reinforce national histories and identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Intractable conflicts and rooted enmity can hardly be eradicated through top-down policy changes unless the policy involves people to people interactions, which lie at the heart of citizen diplomacy. Citizen diplomacy initiatives that rest on civil society are essential tools in creating spaces for discussion and understanding. Although citizen diplomacy initiatives such as cultural exchanges transcend borders and cultures by way of building bridges, these initiatives may have limited impact unless they reach the mainstream and have the necessary political will. This paper aims to analyze the role of music as a cultural catalyzer in turning over a new leaf on the Turkish-Greek conflict, and in doing so it assesses its potential role in alleviating the historical tension between Turkey and Armenia. Cultural collaboration and exchange by way of music has not been a significant part of Turkish-Armenian rapprochement efforts despite the historical interconnectedness of Turkish and Armenian music traditions. This paper concludes that music diplomacy is a positive confidencebuilding measure in culturally normalizing the "other", however its application by civil society and popularity is interdependent on simultaneous political processes in which high politics determine low politics interactions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To what extent does growing trade lessen the probability of inter-state conflict? This paper addresses this question by using the curiously under-studied dyadic relationship between Greece and Turkey. Measuring trade and foreign direct investment (FDI) volumes as well as tourism flows and by use of elite interviews with key actors from both countries, we find that economic relations have become stronger and more diverse over time, non-state actors now featuring prominently in deepening interaction. Such developments, however, fail to translate into conflict resolution at the political level. To account for these findings, we use a New Liberal approach, arguing that this helps us explain both enhanced plurality in bilateral economic exchange and the incompatibility of the two countries' respective conceptions regarding legitimate national borders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Relations / Uluslararasi Iliskiler is the property of International Relations Council and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of International Relations / Uluslararasi Iliskiler is the property of International Relations Council and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Atatürk Yolu Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Ataturk Yolu Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Helsinki Strategy has provided a popular case for accounts of foreign policy change. However, certain overlooked aspects have allowed for the emergence of an empirical puzzle. The conception and adoption of the Helsinki Strategy as well as the Greek decision not to pursue a joint application to the International Court of Justice (ICJ) for the delimitation of the continental shelf in 2004 is revisited in this study. The latter decision is puzzling to the extent that Greece insisted to include a reference to the ICJ in the Helsinki Summit Conclusions as means of border dispute settlement for European Union (EU) applicants. An explanatory framework which synthesizes rational choice and constructivism and links EU level processes to domestic strategic interactions to explain policy change is constructed and applied to provide a coherent, comprehensive and theoretically valuable account of Greek foreign policy towards Turkey from 1999 to 2004. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In the realm of the recent refugee crisis, latent euroscepticism has once again become higly topical in Greece, as many Greeks feel abandoned by their European partners in controlling irregular migration and providing protection to people in need. Moreover, the country’s membership in the European Community and its subsequent participation in the European Union has always been considered as an additional security guarantee against Turkey. However, under EU-pressure, the Greek state submitted to a large extent with regard to the refugee-migrant issue in terms of guarding its borders and managing the hot spots on the eastern Aegean islands. For example, Greece consented to NATO patrols in the Aegean aiming to stem the flow of refugees. This decision, whose terms were agreed with Ankara on 25 February 2016, has proven very unpopular given an array of actions undertaken by the Turkish State intending to dispute Greece’s territorial and air space sovereignty over a part of the Aegean Sea. The paper examines the current anti- European trends within Greek society, their origins, as well as Greece’s course within the EU immigration policy framework. It also attempts to answer the question of whether the Greek State is able to address the daunting and existential significance of the refugee-immigration challenge and to analyse the possible impact the recent geopolitical developments in the Eastern Mediterranean might have on the EU-Greek Relations and Greek-Turkish relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Social Anthropology / Anthropologie Sociale is the property of Berghahn Books and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Cumhuriyet Tarihi Araştırmaları Dergisi (CTAD) is the property of Ataturk Institute for Modern Turkish History and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Based mainly on Turkish archival material and newspapers, this article argues that the short dictatorship of General Pangalos (1925-1926) in Greece not only stalled the solution of problems remaining from the Lausanne negotiations, but also heightened Turkish concerns over Greek expansionist ambitions towards Turkey in a way unlike any other period in early Turkish-Greek relations. Despite the General's popularity among the migrants from Anatolia, the Turkish press and authorities were aware of the lack of general popular support behind Pangalos. Pangalos's attempts to create alliances particularly with Britain and Italy and the increasing possibility of such a coalition against Turkey led the Turkish authorities and the press to watch developments in Greece very closely. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper evaluates a Greek–Turkish peace project, which was composed of three interactive workshops and was held with university students from Greece and Turkey. We evaluate the project by combining a two-way evaluation methodology. The first is a process evaluation where we examine the project’s ‘theory of change’ through interviews with the organizers and participant observation. A theory of change map has been created as a result depicting the beliefs of the organizers about the conflict, the conditions they see as necessary to transform the conflict, the programmatic activities and macro-level goals. In the second part, we conduct an outcome evaluation measuring empathy and trust towards the members of the other ethnic group. We employ a two-group, post-test experimental design. The findings of this phase suggest that the participant group has significantly higher level of empathy and trust towards the other group than the non-participants. Finally, we compare the results from the two phases of evaluation and draw both practical lessons for peace practitioners and theoretical implications to guide future research. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The aim of this article is to evaluate the legal and political aspects of the Aegean dispute with special reference to its implications for Turkey's relations with Greece and the European Union. The main argument of the article is that virtually all major attempts at rapprochement between Turkey and Greece have been sparked by crises stemming from their bilateral differences over the Aegean. Another argument of the article is that Greece has used the European Union's decision making mechanism as leverage against Turkey to achieve its national interests. It is concluded in line with these arguments firstly that the Aegean dispute has influenced substantially Turkey's relations with the European Union and secondly that certain conflicts that Turkey and Greece have experienced in their relations over the Aegean have been the stimulus behind the current rapprochement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the failure of the international community in facilitating an end to ethno-national antagonism in Cyprus. Topics covered include the awareness of clear fault-lines that is particularly acute in identity conflicts, the ethno-national conflicts between Greek and Turkish Cypriots, and the violent conflict of Northern Ireland from the late 1960s until 1990s.

This article aims to theorize about how dynamics of party competition influence government decisions to engage in foreign policy change. It shows how a focus on the functioning of polarized two-party competition in Greece in the late 1990s sheds light on crucial questions concerning the content, timing and institutionalization of Greece’s decision to allow the EU to grant Turkey candidate-member status. The article problematizes this foreign policy change as a decision influenced, among other factors, by the demands of party competition, and especially the strategy of the then ruling socialist party. More generally, this article shows how a focus on party politics complements in various interesting ways our understanding of foreign policy decisions and foreign policy change. Party system dynamics are shown to act as significant intervening factors between determinants of foreign policy usually analyzed in the literature and eventual foreign policy change. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of International Relations / Uluslararasi Iliskiler is the property of International Relations Council and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Cumhuriyet Tarihi Araştırmaları Dergisi (CTAD) is the property of Ataturk Institute for Modern Turkish History and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper intends to elaborate on the substantial shift in the pattern of Turkish-Greek relations between 1999 and 2010 and the future prospects for the course of bilateral relations. It is my contention that the European Union membership conditionality and the civil diplomacy triggered by the unexpected earthquakes in both countries in 1999 have been the principal factors in inducing the positive shift in the bilateral relations between 1999 and 2010. Previously, Turkish- Greek relations followed a chequered path, determined largely by their territorial disputes, which brought the two s at times almost at the brink of war. Cyprus has played the major factor plaguing bilateral relations post 1955 along with those pertaining to the Aegean Sea post 1980s. The of Greek Orthodox and Muslim Turkish minorities has also provoked frictions, though at a relatively less important level. Prior to 1999, ethno-nationalism played a determining role in bilateral relations. This was afterwards replaced by a more instrumentalist, pragmatist and democratic approach owing to the EU factor as well as civil diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In June 1925, General Theodoros Pangalos imposed his dictatorship on Greece. During his 14-month rule, he set as one of his basic foreign policy goals the revision of the territorial settlement imposed on Greece and Turkey by the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne. Wanting to secure Eastern Thrace and possibly even part of Western Asia Minor for Greece, Pangalos sought the backing of at least one Great Power with interests in the region, in this case Italy, as its dictator, Benito Mussolini, remained equally hostile and aggressive toward Turkey. Pangalos tried to reach an understanding with Mussolini concerning the possibility of joint Greco–Italian action against Turkey. The first signs of closer co-operation came in early July 1925 when the Italian under-secretary of foreign affairs, Dino Grandi, visited Athens for discussions with Pangalos. However, a more important initiative involved the official visit of two Greek ministers—Loukas Kanakaris-Roufos, the foreign minister, and Anastasios Tavoularis, the transport minister—to Rome in early March 1926. They met with Mussolini who, because of British pressure, now seemed reluctant about Pangalos’ ambitious plans for joint action against Turkey. The Greek leader’s hopes to revise Lausanne ended. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Democratic peace theory (DPT) and hegemonic stability theory provide different explanations for cooperation among (democratic) states. The Imia/Kardak crisis took place between Greece and Turkey, two democratic, nonnuclear, and interdependent states in the post-Cold War era, thus, offers rare insights into these theorized processes. During this crisis, democratic actors and issues contributed to escalation, whereas war was prevented in the last minute by the coercive diplomacy of the USA. Based on our archival research in Greece and Turkey, our findings pose a challenge to the validity of the DPT for democratic dyads with territorial conflicts. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses political developments in the Middle East and Europe as of January 2014 that caught Cyprus at a time when its government is least able to navigate its own diplomacy in its own national interests. Topics discussed include the geostrategic effect of the Syrian civil war across the region, the European Union bailout crisis in Cyprus, and the European-wide crisis of the eurozone. Also mentioned is the worsening Greek-Turkish relations.

This paper examines how the Aegean dispute which has been one of the contentious issues between Turkey and Greece for more than three decades has been Europeanized on the Turkish side. This Europeanization process started, in particular, with Turkey's candidacy to the European Union granted at the Helsinki Summit of 1999. In this article, the extent of the Europeanization of the Aegean dispute is measured by making references to the security and foreign policy discourses in Turkey. The change in the Turkish elite's discourses, or more concretely, the shift from the confrontational to cooperative discourses, is identified in the speeches delivered by the political leaders from the Turkish side. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

An introduction is presented which discusses articles within the issue on the theme of Greece and Turkey's relations from the late 1990s through the early 2010s, including topics on immigrants' rights, the Turkish political party the Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the European Union (EU).

This article focuses on the representations of Greek–Turkish relations among local political elites in the Greek border region of Evros. The transition from competitive nationalism to Greek–Turkish rapprochement in the late 1990s created a new context for political action and led to a readjustment of public practices. This process reflected an interplay of national and European policies and global normative discourses. Nonetheless, changing discourses should be critically examined, as fieldwork in Evros revealed ambivalent representations that point to the reproduction of nationalism and the state, a condition that is becoming salient anew in the context of the recent economic crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Europeanization has been a fashionable term over the last decade. However, when it comes to foreign policy, extant work has produced inconsistent findings and few theoretical insights. This paper aims to fill this gap by constructing a synthetic theory which integrates into a ‘thick rationalist’ approach four mechanisms of Europeanization identified in the literature (policy adaptation, normative framing, differential empowerment, diplomatic coordination), and specifies a set of mediating conditions that can explain variations in the scope and direction of Europeanization. This theory is used in order to explain why Greece has become, since 1999, an active and solid supporter of Turkey’s European Union (EU) membership prospect. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Balkan post-war animosities involved the osmosis of Cold War cleavages with older regional/nationalist disputes. By providing for deterrence and for the integration of Balkan affairs in a global context, NATO played a major role in discouraging territorial claims between Greece and Turkey on the one hand, and Bulgaria on the other. By the 1970s, the Cold War enemies of the Balkans were firmly on the path of détente. Ironically, NATO was less successful in facilitating a definite reconciliation between its two members, Greece and Turkey, although arguably it also contributed in averting a bilateral clash. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]