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Copyright of Bylye Gody is the property of Cherkas Global University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article is devoted to a comparative analysis of the characteristics of the post-career of high-ranking PA officials who left their positions under President Yeltsin and in the post-Yeltsin period - and the factors that determine them. The empirical basis of the study is a database that includes biographical questionnaires on AP figures who at least once left a key position in this body. The study showed that the role of federal executive authorities (including the government of the Russian Federation and law enforcement agencies) as a channel of post-career has increased. Transitions to the federal parliament are rare in both eras, but the proportion of officials who ended up in the State Duma after their resignation (especially a year later) slightly decreased, while the proportion of those who moved to the Federation Council, on the contrary, slightly increased in the post-Yeltsin period as a whole. While transitions to regional administrations were rare in both periods, PA officials were noticeably more likely to become governors in the post-Yeltsin era, which was facilitated by a centralization of power. Finally, the share of transitions from government to business is similar in both periods, as are their other characteristics: the dominance of big business as a place of work and the distribution of firms that have adopted officials by form of ownership. The pantouflage was aided by high salaries in big business and the firms' interest in recruiting officials in the context of crony capitalism.

Despite the centrality of the loyalty–competence framework in research on authoritarian politics, scholars have only focused on material aspects of what elites do in their service to the dictator. Yet nonmaterial aspects such as sycophantically praising the autocrat in speech—a common, everyday practice under authoritarianism, have been ignored. We propose a novel theory to explain under what conditions elites “overpraise” the ruler and imitate his rhetoric, and whether they will be rewarded. We test the empirical implications through semisupervised text analysis and an original dataset of almost 1000 annual legislative addresses of Russian governors. Contrary to common assumptions that sycophancy is uniform across elites, we find that governors who are politically and economically vulnerable and without alternative career paths behave more sycophantically and show that they survive in office longer. Our results have important implications for how personality cults develop and how dictators navigate the loyalty–competence trade‐off. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, the frequency of forced oscillation events due to control system malfunctions or improper parameter settings has increased. Tuning the parameters of exciters and governor models is crucial for maintaining power system stability. Traditional simulation studies typically involve small transient disturbances or step changes to find optimal parameter sets, but existing optimization algorithms often fall short in fine-tuning for forced oscillations. Identifying the sensitive parameters within these control models is essential for ensuring stability during large, sustained disturbances. This study focuses on identifying these critical exciter and governor model parameters by analyzing their influence on sustained forced oscillations. Using Kundur's two-area system, we analyze common exciter models such as SCRX, ESST1A, and AC7B, along with governor models like GAST, HYGOV, and GGOV1, utilizing PSS®E software version 34. Sustained forced oscillations are injected at generator-1 of area-1, with individual parameter changes dynamically simulated. By considering a local oscillation frequency of 1.4 Hz and an inter-area oscillation mode of 0.25 Hz, we analyze the impact of each parameter change on the magnitude and frequency of forced oscillations as well as on active and reactive power outputs. This novel approach highlights the most influential parameters of each tested model—such as exciter, governor, and turbine gains, as well as time constant parameters—on the impact of forced oscillations. Based on our findings, the sensitive parameters of each tested model are ranked. These would provide valuable insights for industry operators to fine-tune control settings during oscillation events, ultimately enhancing system stability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Lawmakers and scholars concerned with content moderation regulation typically appeal to "analogies" to justify or undermine different forms of regulation. The logic goes: law should afford individuals due process rights against speech platforms because speech platforms are "like" speech governors as a matter of objective reality. Other common analogies include common carriers, publishers, distributors, shopping malls, and bookstores. Commentators attempt to invoke social roles to understand what the content moderation relationship is, what behaviors are "right" and "wrong" within it, and how law should police behavioral deviations. But they do so without relying on foundational sociology theory that explains what social roles are, what they do, and how they come to be. Without this theoretical foundation, the discourse incompletely portrays the project of content moderation regulation. Content moderation regulations do not simply "take" speech platforms' role as it currently exists----they will also "make" speech platforms' role by expressing that speech platforms should be speech governors, common carriers, publishers, or something else, based on how lawmakers choose to regulate. This Article is the first to introduce role theory into the content moderation discourse. Content moderation regulations are poised to define the basic contours of what it means to be a "speech platform" because the role remains unsettled. Earlier, the Communications Decency Act failed to articulate coherent roles within the content moderation relationship. But current content moderation regulatory reforms--including the PACT Act in Congress as well as state platform-common carriage laws and their judicial review--have a renewed opportunity to script social roles for speech platforms and individuals. Foregrounding these reforms' role scripts directs attention to urgent questions about whether they are likely to produce a desirable content moderation relationship and an online speech ecosystem that meets the public's needs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Do politicians behave opportunistically regarding their tax proposals during the election cycle, or do they maintain ideological sincerity? We examine U.S. governors' revenue proposals between the years of 1989 and 2018 to assess gubernatorial behavior during election years. We find that governors, in general, do indeed follow a political budget cycle where they request lower revenues during election years. However, this finding is largely driven by Democratic governors asking for significantly lower revenues during election years when compared to non‐election years. Republican governors are more ideologically sincere, maintaining behaviors that are consistent across the election cycle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Czech Republic is one of the several countries in the world and the only unitary democratic state allowing regions to initiate legislation without limits. Despite this, a study of Czech regional initiatives has yet to be written. Therefore, this paper delivers a comprehensive analysis of the phenomenon. The results show that the activity and success rates of the regions differ substantially. The probability of a regional proposal is positively affected by the region’s legislative strength in the Chamber of Deputies and the opposition status of the region’s governor. In contrast, it is negatively affected by the distance from Prague. The chances of adopting the regional initiative substantially decrease if a proposal suggests a shared rule instrument compared to self-rule ones. Overall, the article argues that while regional legislative activity in (con)federal states is affected mainly by regionalist strategic politics, the process in the unitary state is more result-oriented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Colonel John 'Tinker' Fox, governor of the Edgbaston garrison, has been studied by several historians in recent years, overturning the older view that he was a radical or an independent force. This edition of the surviving muster rolls of the garrison looks at how a small body of men on the periphery of Parliamentarian territory was organised and equipped from local resources. The muster rolls show that Fox's unit was improvised and poorly armed, but it was still capable of effective mounted guerrilla actions against their Royalist counterparts, and sometimes operated in the mainstream of military operations in the English Midlands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2022 invasion of Ukraine tests the resilience of the authoritarian regime in Russia. Most of the elites showed their commitment to the autocrat by publicly supporting the "special military operation". However, the intensity of their support has varied across the ranks. By examining Russian governors, I propose that elites vary their communicative responses to the war strategically, depending on their personal considerations and the structural characteristics of their regions. I apply text-as-data methods to analyze gubernatorial posts on the social network VKontakte in 2022–2023. I find that governors up for election, outsiders, with weaker political standing, and from poorer regions communicate more support measures for combatants and their families, and humanitarian aid to the annexed territories, when discussing the war in Ukraine. Therefore, by co-opting war-affected groups and emphasizing performance legitimacy, governors minimize the threat of anti-regime mobilization without resorting to large-scale repression and contribute to authoritarian resilience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Center–regional relations in Putin's Russia are marked by strict hierarchies, with regional governors serving as agents to the principal–the federal center. This (authoritarian) mode of federalism allows the federal center to maintain the president's popularity, by shifting blame for policy failures from the presidency onto other federal political institutions and the regions. The article investigates how the regime reacted to the full-scale warfare against Ukraine. It theoretically elaborates on strategies of blame avoidance in personalist and federal autocracies and applies this framework to the Russian case. Using data from official documents and media reports, it demonstrates that the federal center again resorted to vertical blame-shifting, by formally and informally assigning the regional governors with several unpopular tasks, above all – casualty reporting and mobilization. The war confirmed center–regional relations as a practical venue for blame avoidance, which helps Putin's regime overcome crises, contributing to its coping resilience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses political discourse in two distinct branches: the founding discourse and the discourse of resistance. In order to do this, the networks of meanings of the founding of Tocantins are analysed as a disruptive process that affects the meanings of "creation" and "foundation" of the newest state in the Brazilian federation. The theoretical-methodological approach adopted is based on the well-established references of Discourse Analysis, applied to a discourse by Siqueira Campos, the former governor of Tocantins, delivered in the Chamber of Deputies on 5 May 2004. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Hemodialysis patients are prone to infection due to the inadequate response of their innate and adaptive immune systems. During the early phase of the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic, hemodialysis patients had a high risk of mortality. In this study, we evaluated COVID-19 infection characteristics, seroconversion rates, related factors, and 90-day mortality after the disease in hemodialysis patients before vaccination against severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2). Methods: Patients followed in outpatient hemodialysis units were included in the study. The relationships between biochemical and dialysis-related parameters of the patients, polymerase chain reaction positivity, seroconversion and mortality were examined. Results: The prevalence of COVID-19 infection among hemodialysis patients was 15.3%. The seroconversion rate was 79.1% in 112 days. Higher C-reactive protein levels during COVID-19 infection were associated with higher SARS-CoV-2 immunoglobulin G titers (P = .014, r = 0.384) and higher parathyroid hormone levels were associated with lower antibody titers (P = .009, r = -0.375). These results were regardless of the phosphorus-lowering treatment and serum calcium or phosphorus levels. The mortality rate was 28.5%, and white blood cell count during infection was an independent risk factor for mortality (P = .004; hazard ratio = 1.451; 95% CI, 1.125-1.872). Conclusion: In experimental studies, it has been shown that elevated parathyroid hormone adversely affects the immune response of hemodialysis patients. Our study is the first to show that the high level of parathyroid hormone negatively affects the antibody response during COVID-19 infection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: The purpose of this article is to examine what drives individual attitudes toward their governor with a focus on the role of place attachment as a means of diffuse support. Methods: Using original surveys from March and May 2020, we test the role of place attachment in explaining gubernatorial approval. Results: We find state or place attachment is a strong predictor of gubernatorial approval especially among individuals who live in a state with a governor from the other party. Conclusion: State attachment can be an important and unique influence on political attitudes toward state politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In federal presidential democracies, discretionary transfers are often mentioned as a tool used by the national executive to build and strengthen subnational support, typically governors. Funds to local mayors, however, have been much less studied. With original data, in this study we analyze the distribution of a particular discretionary transfer (ATN) to the Argentine municipalities during two periods: 1997–2000 and 2016–2019. We show that the main driver for transfers is the mayor's political alignment. Indeed, the president is more likely to reward loyal mayors, but especially when both the latter and the President oppose the provincial governor. By this token, we highlight a nested political game, in which the President considers the loyalty of both mayors and governors combined to decide when to reward (or when not to reward) municipalities. Furthermore, we find that the Executive provides aid to smaller municipalities to circumvent the possibility of funding mayors from larger cities who may pose a threat as political rivals in the future. Since this pattern is more evident in localities with aligned mayors, we can infer that the President's strategy is aimed at preventing future challengers from within their own coalition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Geography has long played a significant role in American electoral politics. Candidates engage in "retail politics" by visiting fairs, festivals, schools, churches, and businesses, to meet and greet potential voters. However, systematically understanding where candidates are actually going has plagued prior work due to small sample sizes and lack of data availability. Presidential elections have been used with success in previous scholarship, but there are few viable candidates to compare within a single cycle. Utilizing competitive gubernatorial elections, this work attempts to address these deficiencies by utilizing social media posts to track multiple candidates in real-time across the 2018 campaign cycle at the state level. The paper tests competing theories of candidate engagement regarding travel decisions: do candidates (1) focus their attention on their partisan base or (2) try to attract independent or "swing" voters? Following an original and intensive data collection effort, we identified location-specific information for over 4700 campaign stops made by major-party candidates across seventeen states. Our results lend support to candidates spending time with their respective bases of partisan support, with Republicans going to rural areas with non-college educated individuals while Democrats travel to urban counties with a more diverse electorate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In formation of laws and regulations, Article 18 paragraph (1) of the 1945 Constitution shows that relationship between the central government and provincial government is a multilevel relationship. The governor runs the government in provincial area based on principle of deconcentration, namely the delegation of authority from central state equipment to subordinate agencies to carry out certain work in administration of government. Article 18 paragraph (2) of 1945 Constitution Republic Indonesia shows that relationship between the provincial government and regency/city government is an equal relationship because the Governor and Regent/Mayor both run government in their respective regions based on principles of decentralization (regional autonomy) and assistance tasks. The Governor has a dual position or role, namely as the head of provincial region (Local Self Government) as well as the Regional Head/Representative of Central Government in the region (Local State Government. The governor has a dual role as head of the province and head of the region (representative of the central government). Law 23/2014 on Local Government tends to emphasize the role of governor as a representative the government through of administration government based on principle of deconcentration. The task of maintaining integrity of government system is a goal. The strengthening of governor's role as the government's representative through several forms of governor interference in implementation government in district/city aims to maintain the balance and harmony of government relations. The central government must prevent country from disintegration by controlling all forms of local government activities. The central government is fully responsible for implementation of government both at center and in the provinces and districts / cities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Article 18 paragraph (2) of 1945 Constitution Republic Indonesia shows that the relationship between provincial government and regency/city government is an equal relationship because the Governor and Regent/Mayor both run government in their respective regions based on principles of decentralization (regional autonomy) and assistance tasks. The governor has a dual position or role, namely as head of provincial region as well as Head of Region / Representative of the Central Government in region. Settle disputes in the implementation of government functions between districts / cities in 1 (one)province. Give approval to draft regency/city regulation on the formation and composition of regency/city regional apparatus, and exercise other powers in accordance with the provisions of laws and regulations the nature of authority is free authority, so in its application the governor can use discretion to make decisions and actions if regent /mayor is underperforming, does not carry out the obligations specified in laws and regulations, and violates the oath / pledge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of GV-executivo is the property of Fundacao Getulio Vargas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Center-region relations in Russia experienced several zigzags in the process of consolidation of the central control over the regions, influenced by a complex interplay between formal and informal institutions and practices. Through the lenses of neo- patrimonialism, the study explores the challenges Russian governors face in the process of consolidation of their personal power at the regional level. Drawing on empirical research conducted in Sverdlovsk and Perm Krai, the study contends that, despite the establishment of the so-called 'power vertical', the neo-patrimonial equilibrium in Russia is marked by multiple tensions. In this system, personal style and skills, the constellation of actors at the central and regional levels, and the horizontal interaction between networks play an important role, making center-region relations more dynamic and complex. Hence the hierarchical model of territorial control appears less stable and predictable in the long run. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We evaluate the Opportunity Zones provision of the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act, focusing on its targeting and effects on investment and resident outcomes. The policy allowed substantial discretion for state governors to designate Opportunity Zones that were not necessarily the most distressed, though we find that in aggregate their ultimate selections were still somewhat well-targeted. However, we show that the policy is insufficient to encourage investment with a significantly below-market rate of return and provides the largest tax benefits to investment that would have occurred regardless of the policy. Consistent with these features of the policy's design, a substantial amount of Opportunity Zone investment has been made, including in many lower-income areas. However, it appears that much of the investment would have occurred anyway, and the evidence to date mostly points to limited effects on resident wellbeing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the end of Punica 14, M. Claudius Marcellus transforms from a general famous for his military valor into a founder renowned for his clemency. This paper interprets his transformation in relation to the threat of civil war, which lurks throughout the Sicilian campaign. Earning glory through his commitment to external conquest and internal unity, Marcellus offers a resonant exemplum for a political community beset by fears of provincial unrest. When Silius invites his fellow governors to learn the lessons of the epyllion, he reveals his own awareness that the stability of the empire depends upon the conduct of those who conquer in its name. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bonica's (Am J Polit Sci 58(2):367–386, 2014) campaign finance-based ideology scores, or CFscores, create an ideological common space that allows researchers to compare a wide variety of actors. Because relatively few citizens donate to candidates, however, the public is not well represented in this common space. This paper addresses that gap. It uses random forest machine learning on data from the 2012 Cooperative Congressional Election Study to impute CFscores for respondents who did not donate to candidates, based on how their policy views compared to those who did. These new scores are robust to differences in issue importance between donors and non-donors, and they outperform other ideological measures in predicting vote choice. The scores are then applied to a substantive exercise. Past research shows that extreme candidates for governor are penalized more by voters than those in lower-profile races. The implied mechanism—that vote choice for governor is more ideologically-driven—can be directly tested with imputed CFscores, since they uniquely allow comparisons between voters and candidates across races. An analysis of voting behavior in 2012 confounds expectations. Ideology appears to factor no more into vote choice for governor than for US House. These novel findings underscore the value of extending CFscores to non-donating survey respondents, and while current efforts are limited by data availability, this study offers encouragement and a roadmap to that end. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Greek state archives recently reopened the local archive at Ithaca. Its prolonged inaccessibility to researchers, and the unclassified and uncatalogued state of most of its records, has meant that sources from its large Venetian collection remain unstudied. This article describes the formation and development of the Ithacan archive during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. This archive was established to serve the island's governors and was functionally integrated with the Venetian administration of the island. A selection of primary documents presented here outlines the professionalization of public-record keeping at Ithaca and uncovers this local institution as the site of certain colonial technologies of power. This is further supplemented by a discussion of the provenance of the current "archive of the Venetian administration" through destructive events in the twentieth century, and an account of the present state of the records as a descriptive aid to researchers with a view to renewing interest in the collection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The starosts distinguished themselves among other state officials in the Principality of Moldavia as overseers of the northern counties, on the border with the Kingdom of Poland and the Great Duchy of Lithuania, as well as governors of Putna County, in the south. While this description accurately reflects their duties since the rule of Stephen the Great (1457-1504), it remains to be seen if the same could be said about the previous time periods. The study presents a detailed analysis of the political and administrative role of the starosts in the Principality of Moldavia between the end of the 14th century and the first half of the 15th century, showcasing the political careers of their holders during this period and attempting to pinpoint the exact area of the starosts' projected territorial power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Prohistoria is the property of Prohistoria Ediciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

After the conquest of the territories of the Hungarian Kingdom the Ottomans immediately organized their fleets on the river Danube and its tributaries and established captaincies (kapudanlıks). The first and most prominent was based in Buda the seat of the vilayet, patrolling initially the entire Hungarian stretch of the Danube. Subsequently, its administration and prestige has changed. The study follows the formation and development of the Danube fleet based in Buda, and analyzes the archontological data (appointments, family ties, next positions, incomes) of its commanders (kapudans). It can be demonstrated that for a decade after the capture of Buda (1541), the kapudans were mainly the sons of the pashas. Then the prestige of the captaincy drastically declined: the commanders of the fleet were no longer family or clan members of the local upper elit (such as beylerbeyis, sancakbeyis, defterdars etc.) but were chosen from the ordinary zaims, our last kapudan came even from the garrison of the fortresses. During the whole period covered by this study the majority of the captains later became governors of various sancaks of Ottoman Hungary, thus knowing the organization of the fleets helps us to follow the lives of the provincial elit and understand their carriers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of ISTEM is the property of ISTEM and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Bylye Gody is the property of Cherkas Global University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Anbar University for Law & Political Sciences is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper presents a comprehensive analysis of the social media posts of prefectural governors in Japan during the COVID-19 pandemic. It investigates the correlation between social media activity levels, governors' characteristics, and engagement metrics. To predict citizen engagement of a specific tweet, machine learning models (MLMs) are trained using three feature sets. The first set includes variables representing profile- and tweet-related features. The second set incorporates word embeddings from three popular models, while the third set combines the first set with one of the embeddings. Additionally, seven classifiers are employed. The best-performing model utilizes the first feature set with FastText embedding and the XGBoost classifier. This study aims to collect governors' COVID-19-related tweets, analyze engagement metrics, investigate correlations with governors' characteristics, examine tweet-related features, and train MLMs for prediction. This paper's main contributions are twofold. Firstly, it offers an analysis of social media engagement by prefectural governors during the COVID-19 pandemic, shedding light on their communication strategies and citizen engagement outcomes. Secondly, it explores the effectiveness of MLMs and word embeddings in predicting tweet engagement, providing practical implications for policymakers in crisis communication. The findings emphasize the importance of social media engagement for effective governance and provide insights into factors influencing citizen engagement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Telework has spread during the pandemic of coronavirus disease (COVID‐19). Using a unique individual‐level survey in Japan, we investigate how telework has changed the way people live and work and what impediments hamper telework use. As a result, we find that telework allows workers to spend more time on leisure and their families. Compared with routine task workers, non‐routine (abstract) task workers are more suited to telework. However, once engaged in telework, non‐routine task workers have fewer opportunities to communicate with coworkers, which is a serious impediment that tends to hamper work performance and compromise mental health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The governor of a senatorial province (proconsul) can delegate iurisdictional power to his legati (iurisdictio mandata). He cannot transfer ius gladii and coercitio, nor the power to release a criminal suspect from custody. The governor's practice however, as described by the transmitted text of D. 1,16,6pr., taken from Ulpian's De officio proconsulis, is held to be interpolated. Reexamination of the passage shows there is no need to suppose any manipulation of the text with regards to content. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines in detail the reasons behind the military campaigns of Tsarist Russia against the lands of the Karakalpaks and the Khivan Khanate. Firstly, based on archival data, the article investigates the number of armed forces that attacked the Khivan Khanate under the leadership of General Governor of Turkestan, von K.P.Kaufman. Based on historical evidence, the article mentions the aggressive movements into the territories of Kungrad, Khojeyli, and Mangyt, where the Russian army reached through the Orenburg and Mangyshlak detachments after the defeat of the Khivan Khanate. In particular, the article highlights the military operations that occurred in the city of Mangyt, with additions from the information of M.Y.Bayaniy and Colonel M.Ali Khanav-Avarsky. Alongside this, the article examines the drafting of the Gendimiyan Agreement, a treaty concluded as a result of the seizure of the lands of the Karakalpaks and the Khivan Khanate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the socio-political life during the terms of the II, III, and IV State Dumas, specifically examining the career and kinship connections within the “Stolypin administration” and the deputy corps. The study covers the period from April 26, 1906, to September 5, 1911, when P. A. Stolypin held the position of Minister of Internal Affairs. It also explores the period from the election of the II Duma on February 20, 1907, to the election of the IV Duma on November 15, 1912, to identify former or future governors or vice-governors among the deputies of the Stolypin era. The geographical scope of the study includes the provinces of European Russia. The authors aim to analyze the relationship between bureaucratic and political elites during the Stolypin era. The article examines the career biographies and factional affiliations of Stolypin administrators connected to the Duma, as well as the kinship ties between the governor corps and Duma deputies. The authors conclude that provincial administrators were predominantly associated with the Union of October 17 and right-wing factions, with most not seeking to pursue parliamentary careers. Typically, these were public figures who had previously held positions in local government and nobility self-government before serving in provincial administration.