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The phenomenon of phrasal nominalization, as exemplified by the English gerund, raises a challenge for the assumption that a phrase XP is headed by a word of category X. Many proposals have been made to deal with phrasal nominalization, in both multistratal and monostratal frameworks. Some seek to fit it in the endocentric mold; others are plainly exocentric. Comparative evaluations tend to be made along partisan lines (multistratal vs. monostratal) or on the basis of methodological principles (discarding vs. allowing exocentricity). This article aims for a less aprioristic approach, taking generalizability as a criterion for evaluation. More specifically, it investigates three types of phrasal nominalization as they manifest themselves in Dutch, that is, the nominalization of infinitives, adjectives, and participles, providing first a theory-neutral description of the data and then an analysis I call 'factorial' in the sense that it captures both what the three types have in common and what differentiates them. It is cast in the framework of constructional head-driven phrase structure grammar, since the latter's hierarchy of phrase types provides a natural starting point for a factorial analysis. The resulting treatment is exocentric. In a final step I compare it to a number of endocentric alternatives, showing that it scores higher on the scale of generalizability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present research is about analysis on ungrammatical constructions encountered in the texts written by the 3rd semester undergraduate students of English Language Education Program of Tanjungpura University. The objective of the study is to describe the types of the ungrammatical constructions and the causes of the ungrammatical constructions. The method of research is descriptive. The research participants were 34 students of the 3rd semester undergraduate students of English Language Education Program of Tanjungpura University. The data were collected from corpus written by the students. The ungrammaticalities occurred in the students’ text. They were 496 errors encountered by the students. 312 errors related to phrasal errors and 184 related to clausal errors. The phrasal-related errors affected the area of noun phrase (37%), gerund phrase (13%), verb phrase (17%), infinitive phrase (12), prepositional phrase (12%), adjective phrase (7%), and adverb phrase (2%). The clausal-related errors were alternating form (49%), omission (33%), simple addition (15%), double marking (2) and misplaced subject and verb (1%). The sources of these errors were interlingual (2,9%) and intralingual (97,1%). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Nueva Revista de Filología Hispánica is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper investigates non-finite forms in Kazym Khanty (Ob-Ugric, Uralic). In Khanty, almost all subordination makes use of one of the two non-finite forms: -ti (nfin.npst) or -əm (nfin.pst). We propose that their uses are best treated under the headings 'bare non-finites, 'head-agreement non-finites', and 'verb-agreement non-finites'. The three classes are defined based on the subject agreement pattern used in non-finite constructions. Different syntactic tests, such as interaction with argument alternations, island effects, and adverbial modification, are used to show the morphosyntactic nature of the classification. The three classes differ in the amount of functional structure they involve: bare non-finites can vary from vP to TP, head-agreement non-finites are of AspP–TP size, and verb-agreement non-finites are CPs dominated by a nominal shell. The findings support both Givón's Binding Hierarchy and the Implicational Complementation Hierarchy proposed by Wurmbrand and Lohninger, showing that both are also true for languages where all the subordination is done by means of a single form. We also discuss the Khanty data in light of Cristofaro's Subordination Deranking Hierarchy and argue that the amount of functional structure does not correlate with the degree of deranking/balancing of the embedded clause. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers a contrastive analysis of two linguistic elements: the Spanish gerund and the Chinese aspectual particle 着 (zhe). To address the problem of the use of the gerund in Spanish, Chinese students often resort to categories of words similar to the gerund in their mother tongue or English. The natural equivalent for the Spanish gerund is the aspectual particle 着 (zhe), since both share an imperfective aspectual meaning. In this study we aim to contrast these two linguistic elements through their morphological, syntactic and semantic characteristics, in order to achieve a practical result for Chinese students, as well as to help them achieve a better learning of the Spanish gerund. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes a novel account for the overuse of free morphemes and underuse of bound morphemes in English as a second language (L2) based on the framework of Distributed Morphology. It will be argued that an Economy Principle 'Do everything in Narrow Syntax (DENS)' operates in the L2 learner's computational system. Consequently, derivation in Morphology becomes as limited as possible except when applying Vocabulary Items to syntactic objects (Vocabulary Insertion). This results in non-target-like use/acceptance of certain morphemes: Bound morphemes are often omitted in early L2 grammar, and alternative free morphemes may apparently be used instead. Two types of data, namely the overuse of be reported in previous research, and the preference of to- infinitives over -ing gerunds in early L2 grammar, will be presented in support of the proposal, and the plausibility of the operation of DENS will be discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study focuses on the construction mira que + clause and analyzes the discursive functions it develops when it is fixed. Using a macrosyntactic methodology and based on the fundamentals of construction grammar, the article describes the distribution and behavior of this construction and the procedural contents it develops. In some contexts, mira que acts as intensifier of a valuation word. In others it is combined with gerunds, participles or nouns with negative content. It appears in these cases as a suspended statement. In combination with other sentences it may introduce a justifying argument or a concessive anti-oriented meaning. The distributional context predetermines the argumentative orientation of the construction and makes it work as a discursive element more linked to the procedural dimension. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the discussion on clause negation. Topics include in the case of refrain the historical British database displaying only a weak tendency for negated clauses for favouring the increasingly common prepositional gerund; and rivalry between the two object variants being additionally constrained by two prosodic tendencies which being the preference for phrasal upbeats and sentence end-weight.

This article reports a set of experimental studies that support the following set of conclusions: (i) quantifier raising is sensitive to adjunct islands, (ii) wh movement is sensitive to adjunct islands, but (iii) quantifier raising and wh movement are not sensitive to adjunct islands in the same way. The experiments examined quantifier raising and wh‐argument extraction from three types of nontensed adjuncts: bare participial gerunds, after prepositional gerunds, and during PPs. The results provide an interesting puzzle. On the one hand, quantifier raising and wh movement shared a weak sensitivity to adjunct islands. On the other hand, the two operations behaved differently when it came to extraction from bare participial gerunds. I argue that this asymmetry results from the different interface constraints that quantifier raising and wh movement are subject to: Scope Economy and the Single‐Event‐Grouping Condition, respectively. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Inspired by Gaeta's study of morphological distinctiveness as the basis for category formation, this article considers the possibility that by virtue of their invariable suffix - ings English pluralia tantum nominal gerunds (PTNGs) such as surroundings can be regarded as a subcategory of nominal gerunds. It is shown that the set of PTNGs is semantically very disparate with regard to the verb that underwent nominalization in the course of their formation. Differences are observed in a very large corpus with regard to the quantifiers and other items that co-occur with PTNGs, namely quantifiers regularly associated with plural count (e.g. many) or with mass nouns (e.g. much), but there is too much variability among PTNGs for the totality of them to be a candidate for category status. • English pluralia tantum nominal gerunds are analysed for the first time. • The gerunds in question have properties of mass nouns and of plural count nouns. • English pluralia tantum nominal gerunds are not a semantically unified class. • Different members of the set co-occur with different quantifiers and demonstratives. • Pluralia tantum nominal gerunds have too few shared morphosyntactic co-occurrence properties to be treated as a category. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Diachronica is the property of John Benjamins Publishing Co. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Recent studies into the semantics of English gerunds have successfully uncovered meaning differences between nominal and verbal gerunds by adopting a referential perspective on their semantics. Referential research of gerundive nominalizations, however, still struggles with a number of issues, mainly centering around the position of verbal gerunds within the traditionally nominal domain of referentiality. This paper wishes to address these issues by establishing a multilayered model of referentiality which can be applied to both ordinary as well as less prototypical noun phrases. First of all, it disentangles the typically nominal feature of definiteness from the more flexible concept of specificity. Secondly, the model looks at the type of mental space in which the referent is accessed. Specific expressions are often associated with “actual” or realis spaces, whereas non-specific entities are typically linked to “virtual” or irrealis spaces. It is argued here, however, that deverbal nominalizations like gerunds realize specificity independently of the mental space the entity is located in. The multilayered model that is proposed is applied and integrated in a corpus-based analysis of Present-day English nominal and verbal gerunds. Mapping out the interactions between (in)definiteness, (non-)specificity and actuality/virtuality, it will be concluded, allows us to situate the various subtypes of nominal and verbal gerunds more accurately on the cline of functional nouniness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to examine gerundial constructions found in some ninth-century legal documents produced in the Lombard duchy of Salerno and passed down by the so-called Codex diplomaticus Cavensis. Special attention is devoted to three kinds of constructions: the complement gerund governed by nouns, the gerund of purpose, and the adverbial gerund. In the first two of these syntactic domains, the variation between both different types of gerundial structures and infinitive constructions is analyzed, enabling us to observe both the spectrum of syntactic variability of the gerund and the dynamics of variation between these two verbal moods. To interpret this alternation, especially on dependence on nouns, a crucial role is played by sociolinguistic factors. In the last of the mentioned domains, the alternation between gerund and present participle is investigated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research seeks to account for the density of use of the gerundio 'no perifrástico' ('non periphrastic' gerund) and the -ing form by Spanish and English users in order to determine their functionality as a resource for textual cohesion. The aim is to explore descriptively and through contrast (Valenzuela, 2002) the semantic values of consequence and the link (Lenz, 1925; Nesfield, 1956; Gili Gaya, 1961; RAE, 1973; Hernández, 1984; Quirk y otros, 1989; Biber et al., 1999; Fernández, 1999; Huddleston & Pullum, 2002; Miller, 2002; Wardhaugh, 2003; Dontcheva- Navratilova, 2005; RAE y ASALE, 2009) in authentic texts in interaction, in order to demonstrate its cohesive role in the textual construction (Halliday & Hasan, 1976; Hartmann, 1980; Bolinguer; 1990; Halliday & Hasan, 1990; Holland & Lewis, 1996; De Beaugrande & Dressler, 1997; Biber & otros, 2002; Miller, 2002; Carter & McCarthy, 2006). The samples correspond to a probabilistic selection of texts from the written press. The analysis relies on, first, the identification of these non-personal forms and, then, on their description considering their meanings of link and consequence through conjunctive cohesive resources. The results showed that the users of Spanish and English, although in different degree, use these forms as linking resources. These forms become additive or consequence conjunctions that connect propositions bringing meanings depending on their relationship with the independent clause or with a different one. These hybrid forms conform a functional element that explicitly joins ideas and is, at the same time, an element that carries meaning, but without the syntactic freedom that lexical classes enjoy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates a non-standard use of the Spanish dative clitics found in post-verbal position in spoken Spanish by native speakers in Havana, Cuba. Historical clitic placement was indeed found in post-verbal position; however, this use largely disappeared by the 17th century (Penny 1991). Consequently, typical contemporary clitic placement is in pre-verbal position in all cases when accompanied by finite verbs except for imperatives, gerunds, and infinitives. Initial observations of this current post-verbal non-standard clitic placement lead the researchers to systematically investigate this phenomenon to determine the extent of its use and acceptance. Therefore, the present study investigates speakers' responses to both standard and non-standard clitic use and placement via survey. Participants included 11 adult native Spanish speakers from Havana, Cuba. Findings revealed acceptability of both standard and nonstandard clitic use and placement, as well as original examples of non-standard clitic use and placement. As such, we discuss the findings, implications, and possible historical explanations of this non-standard construction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents a brief overview and comparison of the imperfective and perfective aspect in Estonian and Latvian. The main means of expressing the perfective and imperfective aspect in Estonian are the case opposition of the direct object (the nominative/genitive or the partitive), the use of verb particles, and the general context. In Latvian, the opposition of the perfective and imperfective aspect is mainly expressed by existence or absence of verb prefixes, adverbs, and also the context. In Latvian, verb prefixes, besides perfectivity, may also add or modify the lexical meaning of the verb. We compare how the perfective and imperfective aspect are expressed in both languages in the case of transitive verbs, based on the correspondences found in a text corpus of literary works and their translations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I argue that the presuppositions associated with factive predicates are triggered not by the predicates themselves, but by their complement clauses. Evidence is brought to bear from different clause types in English, some of which, such as some gerunds and nominalizations, cause the presuppositions to disappear in certain uses of the implicit conditional, or simple subjunctive, construction. I survey the attempt to analyze these facts by assuming that factive predicates trigger presuppositions, that their complement clauses do, and that both do, and find that the thesis that solely the complement clauses are responsible for the presuppositions achieves the maximum explanatory power. This hypothesis has further implications for the nature of presuppositions in general. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides an analysis of transparent gerunds in Spanish, as in ¿Qué llegó [silbando ] Juan? 'What arrived [whistling ] Juan?', using a decomposition of Aktionsart in a series of syntactic heads. A traditional analysis of these secondary predicates as adjuncts would undermine well-established syntactic principles restricting movement and extraction. We argue that these transparent gerunds should be analyzed as syntactic constituents merged as part of the syntactic projections associated with Aktionsart. More precisely, they qualify as RhemePs - assuming Ramchand's First Phase Syntax system - thus allowing their arguments to be extracted. Well-attested differences between Spanish and English gerunds will be explained in our analysis by proposing that the Spanish gerund projects as PathP (given it carries a path preposition), whereas English gerunds are simply RhemeP (lacking any sort of preposition). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on nominal gerunds that combine verb-like semantics with the use of an indefinite article, as in Such reflection enables [a sharing of understandings]. The indefinite article in constructions like these is at first sight irreconcilable with the uncount status of the nominal gerund, and this gerund type has therefore tended to be either neglected or reduced to fully lexicalized (count) nouns. We argue that the use of the indefinite article is functionally motivated but cannot be captured in traditional referential categories, indefinite nominal gerunds being either specific, non-specific or generic and locating their referents in spatio-temporal, virtual or generic space. Instead, it is suggested, indefinite nominal gerunds impose a more schematic type of conceptualization on the event that is reified, that is they conceptualize it as a delineated event. The “particularized”, well-delineated event that indefinite nominal gerunds profile, it is shown, is either viewed directly, as a second-order entity, or the perspective that is taken is third-order, conceptualizing the event as an “idea”, “problem” or so forth. The delineation imposed by the indefinite article can be contextually supported by the syntactic function assumed by the indefinite nominal gerund, and/or through the use of lexical items. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Much difficulty in the analysis of Latin constructions with dominant participles is caused by a typologically unusual pattern of subject agreement: instead of being assigned case according to their subject function (like, e.g., the accusative subjects of infinitives), subjects of participles appear in the same case as the participle itself. This study presents evidence against deriving dominant participle constructions from participles' attributive uses and argues that they should instead be analyzed as a syntactic nominalization in which the participle is the head that agrees with its subject in case. Our account relies on two separate components: (i) a clausal nominalization rule, introduced at the level of phrase structure, and closely resembling the structure of the English gerund; and (ii) a subject agreement rule, treated as a lexical property of Latin participles, and common to all their uses (not just the dominant use). Our synchronic account is supported by diachronic evidence, which suggests that the dominant participle construction developed in Latin through reanalysis of the absolute participle construction (shared by many ancient Indo-European languages). The change involved the introduction of a clausal nominalization rule, while the subject agreement rule was likely present from early on and not affected by the change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the history of the ACC-ing gerundive, a subtype of verbal gerund differing formally from both bare gerundives (I enjoyed reading the paper) and POSS-ing gerundives (I was surprised at Jane's arriving late) in having an overt subject argument either in the common case, if it is a full noun phrase (Two people worrying about each other, with no external diversion, brews a deadly atmosphere) or in the accusative case, if it is a personal pronoun (You can't prevent me telling the truth). Findings from a corpus-based study show that early instances of ACC-ing gerundives most often functioned as preverbal sentential subjects and served as arguments to causative predicates such as brew, make and oblige. Based on this evidence, it is argued that ACC-ing gerundives have emerged as an intersection of a number of pre-existing constructions, most especially a subtype of absolute participle, now obsolete, that encoded causative (factive) semantics and preceded its superordinate clause. The development of the new gerundive subtype from this participial source, which proceeded as a succession of small discrete steps, can be fruitfully accounted for as a case of constructional change, along the lines proposed in Hilpert (2013) and Traugott & Trousdale (2013). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides a detailed comparison of the referential behaviour of noun phrases and nominal and verbal gerunds from Middle to Late Modern English. It will be shown that in earlier stages of English, nominal and verbal gerunds to a large extent resemble prototypical noun phrases in their referential functioning, but also exhibit 'non-nominal' uses that depend on clausal rather than nominal grounding strategies. It is argued that the study of (diachronic changes in) the semantic and functional behaviour of nominal and verbal gerunds in Middle and Modern English should take into account that these are functionally hybrid constructions, showing referential traits of both prototypical noun phrases and clauses. This functional hybridity, then, was gradually sorted out, with nominal gerunds specializing to nominal reference and verbal gerunds continuing to adhere to the functional apparatus associated with subordinate clauses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses various report within the issue on topics including determiner zone of the English noun phrases, the adjective multiple, and the difference between nominal and verbal gerunds in Middle English and Modern English.

The study reported in the present article examined the strategies used by speaker-writers of two Semitic languages, Hebrew and (Modern Standard) Arabic, in order to compensate for the lack of grammaticized categories in comparable written narrative and expository texts. For this purpose, we analyzed film-based texts written in Hebrew by native speakers of Hebrew and Arabic as closely related languages that differ in the linguistic constructions available for expression of predicative content. Both Hebrew and Arabic lack a productive system of non-finite forms. Hebrew gerunds, for instance, are highly marked and rare in usage while Arabic lacks a grammatical category corresponding to the infinitive. Our focus was on such categories, as intermediate between nouns and verbs. Texts were compared by quantitative distributions of target forms and by their functions in narratives and expository compositions. The study revealed no quantitative differences between Hebrew and Arabic speakers with regard to the distribution of non-tensed forms in their writing. The latter did not tend to use nominalizations in the contexts where the grammar of Hebrew requires an infinitive; however, they employed such forms in a greater number of various functions and syntactic contexts. From a cross-generic perspective, non-tensed forms were more frequent in expository texts than in narratives, following modal propositions that typically require infinitival complements. The study thus suggests non-obvious differences between speaker-writers of closely related languages in the expression of predicative content in narratives as compared with expository discourse. By shedding light on strategies adopted by advanced learners of a second language in the course of text construction, the findings of the study indicate important avenues for further corpus-based research in Semitic languages and have implications for language pedagogy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Electronic Turkish Studies is the property of Electronic Turkish Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article offers a cognitive perspective on the evolution of the semantics of English nominal gerunds (NG) (I regret the signing of the contract) and verbal gerunds (VG) (I regret signing the contract). While the formal differences between NGs and VGs are well documented, their semantics remains largely unexplored territory. The perspective that is taken here is centered on the linguistic notion of reference and various aspects of the conceptualization involved in it. As they formally hover between more nominal and more clause-like internal properties, gerunds form an interesting test case for the cognitive perspective on referentiality. Our corpus analysis describes how the situations that NGs and VGs refer to are conceptualized as deictic expressions grounded in the speech event in Present-day English, and how this has changed since the Early Modern period. It is shown that only a multi-layered model of referentiality can account for the subtle differences found between NGs and VGs: while no fundamental shifts are found with regard to the traditional referential subtypes (specific, non-specific, generic), NGs and VGs do turn out to differ in their choice for either nominal or clausal grounding mechanisms, in their status as existentially stable or flexible entities and in the mental spaces in which they situate the events that they conceptualize. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author analyzes the disadvantages of the available theories of semantic and linguistic analysis and proposes a formal model that takes into account the semantic-syntactic structure of sentences in natural language. The author provides examples of constructing logical-linguistic models for different types of sentences, based on which the fundamental principles of the synthesis of logical-linguistic models of natural language sentences are formulated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Among the strategies used by people to request others to do things, there is a particular family defined as pre-requests . The typical function of a pre-request is to check whether some precondition obtains for a request to be successfully made. A form like the Italian interrogative hai x ‘do you have x’, for example, is used to ask if an object is available — a requirement for the object to be transferred or manipulated. But what does it mean exactly to make a pre-request? What difference does it make compared to issuing a request proper? In this article, I address these questions by examining the use of hai x ‘do you have x’ interrogatives in a corpus of informal Italian interaction. Drawing on methods from conversation analysis and linguistics, I show that the status of hai x as a pre-request is reflected in particular properties in the domains of preference and sequence organisation, specifically in the design of blocking responses to the pre-request, and in the use of go-ahead responses, which lead to the expansion of the request sequence. This study contributes to current research on requesting as well as on sequence organisation by demonstrating the response affordances of pre-requests and by furthering our understanding of the processes of sequence expansion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article details two types of null direct objects in a corpus of casual Iberian Spanish conversation. Topics discussed include the hendiadic constructions with the verb coger "take" and constructions with a perception verb that have a turn-regulatory function, previous studies that account the appearance of Spanish ambitransitive verbs without an explicit object, and the illustration of low degree of topicality by null objects.

The English gerund system consists of two types of gerunds: a nominal gerund (the learning of a language), and a verbal gerund that developed out of the nominal gerund (learning a language). While the formal aspects of this diachronic verbalization of the gerund are well documented, much remains to be said about the discourse-functional side of the change. In this paper, it is argued that the formal verbalization of the gerund is accompanied by an important change in the discourse-functional organization of the gerund system. Based on functional characterizations of noun phrase (NP) behavior in the literature, the prototypical behavior of complex NPs is operationalized as (i) functioning as manipulable discourse participants that are important enough in the following discourse to be susceptible to anaphoric targeting and (ii) being inaccessible to anaphoric targeting of internal participants. The results of an analysis of a set of nominal gerunds, verbal gerunds and ‘regular’ complex NPs covering the period 1640–1914 (taken from the Penn Parsed Corpora of Early Modern and Modern British English) shows that the increasingly clause-like appearance of the verbal gerund is in fact accompanied by atypical NP behavior. Moreover, the paper makes clear that the changes in the discourse-functional organization of the gerund system did not only affect the verbal gerund, but also had some implications for the nominal gerund. These findings shed new light on the (diachronic) processes of verbalization and nominalization, and on what they mean on a discourse-functional level. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Revista Nebrija de Lingüística Aplicada a la Enseñanza de Lenguas is the property of Revista Nebrija de Linguistica Aplicada a la Ensenanza de Lenguas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Why do nominalizations mean what they do? I investigate two deverbal nominalizers in Northern Paiute (Uto-Aztecan, Numic: Western United States), -na and -di, which create nominalizations that describe either an event (like the poss-ing gerund in English) or an individual (like agent nominalizations with -er). I propose a syntax and semantics for these deverbal nominalizations that account for their interpretive variability. On the syntax side, I argue that -na and -di overtly realize the nominal functional head that canonically assigns case to possessors when this head takes a vP complement. On the semantics side, I propose that Northern Paiute has operators that abstract over a variable inside nominalizations. This accounts for the meanings that deverbal nominalizations in Northern Paiute have, and it highlights their relationship to nominalization patterns in other languages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to shed new light on the history of en + gerundio. Specifically, it attempts to offer a description of this form's use and eventual disappearance, by examining the competition it has maintained with other adverbs and locutions over time. The article is divided into three main sections. The first presents the origins and previous findings on the phenomenon being studied, its geographical distribution, and its time value. Studies on the prepositional gerund have mostly explained its use and values according to its behavior in contemporary Spanish. The second section presents new data, compiled from various historical and contemporary linguistic corpuses, and questions previous characterizations and explanations. The last section offers an alternative to traditional explanations, based on the evolution of the prepositional gerund in comparison with its competitors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studia Universitatis Babes-Bolyai, Philologia is the property of Babes-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In dialect studies, some morphemes defined as anaptyxis are usually happen to be seen. Those morphemes are to be intensive for the words they are added to. The affixes some of which are related to the Turkish archaic written languages do not have distinctive functions except for recurrence and adding condiment. Intensive affixes reveal in case category, enclitic structure or in archaic affix style, eg: affix +n is typically in imperfect conjugation, third person singular (gelcekdi+n "gelecekti"). Also, the intensive postposition ok is conventionally in some words or affixes: hinci+k/ şinci+k/ şindi+k "şimdi". Intensive affixes are thought to increase the gerunds in dialects, to function differently in different verbs, and to be used sterotypically since the Old Turkic to present. The study deals with the Güneybatı Anadolu (Southwest Anatolia) dialects including İzmir, Muğla, Denizli, Manisa, Uşak, Kütahya, Afyon and Balıkesir which is very close to these dialects. In this study, the intensive affixes encountered in the region will be handled and whether these structures are epithesis or archaic will be discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article which studied structures of gerundium with -IncA used in function of postposition in Seyahatnâme is comprised of introduction, research and conclusion sections. In the introduction section; occurrence of postpositions have been expressed. In the research section; usages of limiting postposition of the words ''varınca'', ''gelince'', ''olınca'', ''gidince'', ''çıkınca'' and ''enince'' in Seyahatnâme have been explained with examples. In the conclusion section; the determinations and the comments revealed through the study have been stated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Türk Dünyası Araştırmaları is the property of Turk Dunyasi Arastirmalari Vakfi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Few studies have investigated referential null subjects in present-day non-standard varieties of German. This paper explores the distribution of 4,000 null and overt referential subjects in finite clauses in a new corpus of spoken Swabian, a North Alemannic dialect spoken in Southwest Germany. The paper describes Swabian subject use as it emerges from the corpus data with regard to morphological form, syntactic distribution, reference and informational status. Swabian, unlike Standard German, allows and in some cases prefers clause-internal referential subjects to be null, whilst in other contexts, referential null subjects are ruled out. There is a robust second person null-subject property, with 61% of 2nd singular subject pronouns being dropped clause-internally, i.e. from a position following the finite verb in main clauses or following a complementiser in embedded clauses. 1st singular and 3rd singular neuter subjects are dropped clause-internally as well, but at much lower frequencies and only in very specific phonological and lexical constellations, not previously noted in the literature. The empirical findings are compared with an earlier unquantified study of Swabian (Haag-Merz 1996) and discussed in light of other work on present-day Germanic vernaculars and previous accounts of partial null subject languages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article we discuss about some situations of syntactical ambiguity: the Subjective Genitive versus Objective Genitive, the ambiguity of the Gerund, the syntactical ambiguity generated by interpreting the Gerundial Predicative Adjunct, the ambiguity of the Participle, the Genitive Nominal Attribute versus the Dative Indirect Object, the Dative Pronominal Attribute versus the Dative Indirect Object, the homonymous subordinate clauses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article documents and examines linguistic innovations (neologisms) in Arabic verbs, focussing on verbs derived from nouns refer- ring to the names of geographical locations and peoples in the Middle East and elsewhere around the world. These verbs and their accompanying gerunds were found through a systematic examination of Arabic-language newspapers (daily, weekly and monthly issues) published in various Arab countries between the years 1994 and 2010. These neologisms have begun to appear in the press in the context of contemporary political developments. The article presents a classification of the different types of verbs derived from geographical locations and peoples in the Middle East, and the socio-political context in which these words were derived. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper discusses some special cases of gerunds in the attribute position. This phenomenon is rather exceptional, because gerunds usually are defined as being adverbs. Word class shift is generally ruled out for Turkic languages. As will be argued, there might be exceptions from this rule. In this context, constructions based on direct speech on the one hand and some going back to post-verbials on the other seem especially interesting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Quechua-dominant Spanish mterlanguage in the Andean region the gerund is frequently found instead of finite verb forms typical of monolingual Spanish. Using data collected among Quichua-Spanish biingtlals in northern Ecuador, this study challenges claims that direct transfer of the Quichua subordinator -s(h)pa - often called a "gerund" - is the immediate source of the Andean Spanish gerund. Quichua-dominant biinguals produce Spanish gerunds mostly in subordinate clauses, reflecting the general pattern of Quechua. However, in a Quichua-to-Spanish translation task, -s(h)pa was most frequently translated as a gerund by school children who had received Quichua language classes, and least frequently by traditional Quichua-dominant speakers. An examination of historical documents suggests that the gerund was used in Spanish foreigner talk directed at indigenous speakers. The ultimate source of the -s(h)pa = Spanish gerund equation is traced to 16th and 17th century Quechua grammars written in the Latinate tradition, and to Spanish priests' and missionaries' (mis)appropriation of this grammatical interpretation in their interaction with indigenous speakers in the Andean zone. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this study is to investigate the errors concerning V-ing forms in Korean college freshmen's English essays in order to provide some guidelines for teaching the forms effectively. The data for this study were retrieved from a learner corpus consisting of 815 essays written by Korean college freshmen. A total of 3,843 words were found in the form of V-ing, which were categorized according to their roles as follows: (a) present participles (1,235 tokens), (b) gerunds (2,591 tokens), and (c) unclear cases (17 tokens). Of the 3,843 forms of V-ing, a total of 292 tokens were classified as erroneous, 137 of which were participle-related errors and 138 gerundrelated errors. The most frequently occurring errors under the categories of present participles and gerunds were the use of a present particle without a main verb (64.2%) (e.g. I *looking for the meaning of the building's name) and to-infinitive related errors (66.7%) (e.g. Therefore, we try to *changing our college's image), respectively. Pedagogical suggestions based on the findings of the study are also provided at the end. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents an analysis of one of the meanings of the French gérondif: the manner. On the basis of large data provided by monolingual as well as parallel corpora (FRANTEXT and InterCorp), the author verifies and completes thoughts on this subject by Halmøy (1982, 2003) and Kleiber (2011). The author claims that the manner meaning is, in the case of the gérondif, derived from the basic meaning (accompanying circumstance) by two different procedures: on the one hand, a lexical procedure, specifying the inherent lexical aspect of the main predicate, and on the other hand, a pragmatic procedure, based on the contextual hypotheses concerning the emotional state of the agent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Highlights: [•] This paper investigates the evaluative properties of vivir +V[Gerund] in the Spanish of Bogotá. [•] This construction denotes event frequency that deviates from a normal or sufficient number of repeated events. [•] Both nominal and verbal expressions that convey high number may receive evaluative meanings. [•] Evaluative meanings of marked plural forms are motivated by a “Division of pragmatic labor” (Horn, 1984). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The dominance of Western grammar apprehension on Turkish grammar is a widely known truth. Given judgements in this tradition, even mostly show coherence with general linguistics, in custom some contradictory situations for Turkish arising is a matter needed to be asserted. In this study, a data being thought to be like that will be approached. Although it takes personal mark, debates about -sA conditional suffix's being evaluated as gerund are not about to seem to have finished for today. View of that this suffix takes personal mark and structures of gerund doesn't take "personal mark" will be explicated in the light of former issues in this study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]