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This article presents the biography of a little-known Algerian Jew, Moïse (Maurice) Zekri (1879–1942), whose life illuminates several themes not normally associated with Algerian Jewry or French colonial history. An immigrant to Paris who opened one of the city's first gay venues, Maurice's Bar, in 1906, he also contributed to the rise of international organized crime in Montmartre, a development more commonly attributed to Corsicans. While based in Paris, Zekri traveled widely (to England, Belgium, Italy, Argentina, and the United States) and maintained close ties with Algeria, where he returned periodically. His social and professional circles included a diverse cohort of people ethnically and religiously, but his Jewish roots defined the end of his life. During the German Occupation of France, he was deported from his Paris home to Drancy, and in 1942, he was murdered in Auschwitz. Cet article présente la biographie d'un juif algérien peu connu, Moïse (Maurice) Zekri (1879–1942) dont la vie illustre plusieurs thèmes peu associés aux juifs algériens ou à l'histoire coloniale française. Immigré à Paris au tournant du vingtième siècle, il ouvre l'un des premiers établissements gais de la capitale, Maurice's Bar, en 1906, et il contribue à l'essor du crime organisé international à Montmartre, un développement plus souvent attribué aux Corses. Quoique basé à Paris, Zekri voyage beaucoup (Angleterre, Belgique, Italie, Argentine, États Unis), tout en maintenant des liens étroits avec l'Algérie où il retourne de temps en temps. Ses cercles sociaux et professionnels montrent une très grande diversité ethnique et religieuse, mais ce sont ses racines juives qui déterminent la fin de sa vie. Pendant l'Occupation allemande, il est déporté au camp de Drancy et de là à Auschwitz où il est assassiné en 1942. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on "Un village français" is an extremely generic French title chosen by the 30-year-old producer Emmanuel Daucé to convince the regional French channel France 3. It mentions series was made to produce a World War 2 period drama that would explore the "grey area" of the German occupation of France. It also mentions Villeneuve hosts both very specific political institutions like a Kreiskommandantur and a subprefecture.

This article analyses Romy Schneider's roles and performances in films depicting the rise of European totalitarianisms and the German Occupation of France during World War II. This small but significant corpus holds an important place in Schneider's career in France as it was decisive in the shaping of her persona (i.e. a media construction) in the 1970s, capitalising on her own personal life and identity being split between Berlin and Paris. Her roles and performances in those films built an atemporal image of Schneider, whose photogeny, eroticisation and Germanness were (and still are) equated with vulnerability and tragedy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 1914 and 1918, the German army occupied Belgium and large parts of France. One important feature of the occupation was the gender imbalance and, as such, these French and Belgian territories were often the theatre of encounters between the occupation soldiers and local women. Intimate relationships among them were not uncommon: one can find comments about them in two thirds of the diaries kept by people living under the German occupation. This article is based on the analysis of a corpus of 110 such diaries, revealing the way people perceived and judged these relations, but also the variations in this perception, geographical, chronological, social or gendered. Some of these diaries – especially when written by young women – also provide clues about different aspects (like harassment or occupation languor) of the 'psychological soil' in which these relations could emerge. In occupied France and Belgium most people considered these relationships to be appalling from a patriotic and moral point of view, and their sheer number was viewed as a concern, but some diarists tried to understand the origins of the phenomenon. The different interpretations suggested explanations such as gender, class, age, education, the length of the conflict or misery, but rarely demonstrated empathy for those who were called 'femmes à Boches' ('women for the Huns'). Prostitution flourished from the start of the occupation and was completely at odds with the standards emanating from the "occupied war culture". This rise provoked an outcry and disgust among the population: its expansion and its association with the occupier inflamed its visibility in public space, making it partly inhospitable to the occupied people. Weddings, in contrast, were extremely rare, and only reported in a few diaries. This quasi absence of formalized relations did not prevent the birth of numerous children born to a French or Belgian woman and a German soldier. These babies were generally officially recorded as having an 'unknown father' and were not welcome in the community, despite the anxieties generated by a drop in the birth rate during the occupation period. With the rise in sexual encounters between occupation soldiers and local women, venereal diseases became a common concern to both the occupiers and those occupied. During the first winter of the occupation, measures were taken by the German and local authorities to try to stop the spread of sexually transmitted diseases. Centers specialized in the (forced) treatment of women infected by venereal disease were created by the occupying authorities. These centers were sometimes nicknamed 'parc à poules' ('chicken parks') by the occupied population, ashamed of their very existence, but eager to see the 'purification' of the public space through the arrest of prostitutes and infected women. All in all, the various forms of intimate relationships were more often reported in the Operations- und Etappengebiet, close to the front, than on the territory of the general-government, where the density of the German presence was lower. But everywhere, these relationships – generally regarded as venal sexuality – aroused animosity and led to these women being ostracised. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the author discusses various reports within the issue about pseudotranslation including the use of pseudotranslation in the German Occupation of France, pseudotranslation in a number of paradoxes, and Miguel de Luna's "Verdadera historia del Rey don Rodrigo."

The article discusses the centenary of the Portuguese Expeditionary Corps (C.E.P.) during World War 1 in France and mentions the introduction to the C.E.P., the postal history of the C.E.P., and the corps' mail censorship during the beginning of World War 1.

Geographical scholarship in France enjoyed a high international reputation in the 1930s. Following German invasion in 1940, the country was fragmented into the occupied north and the ‘free zone’ of the south, with territorial division imposing restrictions on routine movement and fieldwork. In 1939, younger academics were conscripted, many of whom spent years in prisoner-of-war camps in Germany. Despite disruption, teaching programmes and doctoral research continued, and journals and books were published. Using biographical information, this article explores the experiences of French academic geographers. Some languished in prison and others joined the Resistance or the Free French, but the majority carried on with scholarly duties as usual. There is little evidence that geographers collaborated with occupying forces or with agents of the Vichy regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The deportation and forced labour of Belgian and northern French civilians in the fall and winter of 1916/1917 is one of the darkest chapters of the history of the German occupation regime behind the Western Front. The forced conscription of civilian labourers was part and parcel of the radicalization of labour policies in the occupied Eastern and Western territories – albeit a radicalization which was subsequently rescinded. Only the exceptional circumstances of war explain this shift from a labour policy centred on voluntary enrolment to ever-more coercive practices. The forced mobilization of civilian labour in the occupied territories, but also its failure, can be interpreted in the context of the First World War's ‘totalizing’ tendencies. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines the occupied war culture of the Nord in 1914–18, focusing on various forms of behaviour met with opprobrium and disdain by many among the occupied population, which flood archival documents. An argument is put forward for a new conceptual category to understand such actions and the wider culture – what is termed ‘mauvaise conduite’ or misconduct, in some senses a forerunner to the notion of collaboration. This concept covers actions which comprised both illegal and legal misconduct – behaviours that were forbidden by French law, and those which were permitted but frowned upon by fellow inhabitants. This conflation of different forms of misconduct – illegal and legal, sexual and non-sexual, friendly and political – was central to the culture of the occupied population, who occasionally expressed outrage at certain actions via physical and verbal attacks on suspect individuals. In doing so, they upheld a moral-patriotic framework based on the notion of respectability. Breaches of this framework were also punished by the French authorities after the war, but only on a small scale, andmauvaise conduitewas eventually replaced in the memory of the occupation by the other aspect of the occupied war culture: resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the economic and financial position of France in 1920. It states that the financial situation in the country has grown steadily worse since the armistice on November 11, 1918 and that the poor financial management of the French government is one of the reasons. It describes the political and social situation in the country at the end of 1920, as well as the financial policy of the administrations from 1914 to 1918 and the two years following the armistice. The future financial position of France depends on the reduction of expenditure, the settlement of the foreign debt, the settlement of the reparation payments by Germany and the stabilization of foreign exchange.

The article offers views of the author concerning downfall of the French Third Republic. The author says that it is true that France was defeated because she did not have enough tanks, planes and allies and also because there were many competent or careless men among her military and political leaders. He presents a sociological case history to explain France's defeat and the downfall of the Third Republic.