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The issue of Salafism has become central to public debate in France today. While the Salafi movement in France has been portrayed in politics and media alike as a major security threat opposed to republican principles, its sociology reveals more complex patterns than one of radicalism alone, especially from a long-term perspective. An empirical analysis of discourses, behaviours and mobilization strategies within these puritanical fundamentalist communities leads us to hypothesize that since the early 2000s, the radicalism initially displayed by Salafism has proved unsustainable. Through looking at the long-term life trajectories of Salafi believers, we propose an overview of the different biographic scenarios that characterize these actors. What can we say about the way in which they have reinforced, reformulated, nuanced, or broken their ties with their Salafi socialisation? We show that Salafism in France today can be characterized as a fundamentalism diluted by a broader global dynamic of distrust towards violence and classic forms of political militancy, while at the same time maintaining claims to certain forms of religious radicalism. Based on a micro-sociological approach, we examine whether the respective prefixes ‘neo’ or ‘post’ most accurately characterize the long-term evolution of French Salafism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study represents the first German-wide investigation of Islamic theology and religious education students. We examined how these prospective multipliers approach Islam in a reform-oriented manner. It was also asked whether study motivation, representation by Islamic associations, segregation, value orientations, enemy images, as well as fundamentalism and Islamism determine reform orientation. An online questionnaire was completed by N = 252 students representative for gender. The newly developed Reform Orientation Scale was proved reliable and valid. Reform orientation was positively predicted by the motivation to impart European-shaped Islam and a value orientation towards gender equality, and negatively predicted by representation by DİTİB, social segregation, enemy images, and fundamentalism. The findings emphasise the need for reflections on representation by Islamic associations and anti-Western and anti-Semitic enemy images. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Set in Algeria, France, and the Arabian Peninsula in the early twelfth and the late twentieth centuries, L'Invention du désert is about an author who reexamines his life and his craft while writing a history of the Almoravid dynasty that ruled Andalusia and a large portion of the Maghreb from 1056 to 1152 CE. Accordingly, the novel is made of two basic narrative strands. The first focuses on the private musings and reminiscences of the narrator, moving forwards and backwards in space and time and going all the way to his childhood. The second narrative strand recounts the life, rise to power, and downfall of Mohamed ibn Toumert, the religious scholar and zealot whose followers brought down the Almoravids and founded the Almohad dynasty that lasted from 1152 to 1269 CE. The two major story-lines that constitute the novel are brought together by the narrator's reflection on history and archiving for the purpose of problematizing the way Algerian history is conceived and used to address two major social and political concerns confronting Algerians: religious fundamentalism and national identity. The purpose of this article is to examine how Djaout uses the desert both as a topography and a metaphor to challenge the logocentrism of religious fundamentalism and narrow and essentialist definitions of Algerianess. The paper at the same time shows how the understanding and critique of historical logocentrism that are advanced in L'Invention du désert parallel Jacques Derrida's philosophy put forward in Of Grammatology (Derrida in Of grammatology, Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, 1976) and other early works. Because the manuscripts, critical of Islam as practiced under Almoravid rule, Ibn Toumert carries with him function as archives, the paper also engages with some of the themes Derrida developed later in Archive Fever: A Freudian Impression (Derrida in Archive fever: a Freudian impression, University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1996). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fundamentalists are a group that arose among American evangelicals in the early 20th century as a reaction to extreme liberalization and especially intense criticism of the Bible. They are called fundamentalists because of the Fundamentals, written at the beginning of the 20th century. A characteristic of fundamentalists who read the Bible literally is their millenarianism. Although they began as an anti-modernist movement, fundamentalists’ extensive use of the media, one of the most important indicators of modernity, gave rise to the previously unknown concept of televangelists. This group has been adept at using radio, then television, and more recently, the Internet. New Testament readings with detailed descriptions, prayer times, and effective sermons are given, especially in programs with an audience. Pat Robertson, a prominent figure among these people, reached large audiences quickly with his satellite network and his continuous broadcasts and became an important name in the field of religious broadcasting in America.

Naomi Goldenberg's model of religion as a "vestigial state" is an excellent interrogation of how religion interacts with the state. To Goldenberg, religions traditionally functioned in the same manner as nation-states before being conquered and delineated as semi-autonomous institutions under the larger secular apparatus. However, I argue in this paper that Goldenberg's "vestigial state" fails to account for the dynamism that religions have in their relationships to the state. I propose seeing religions as "alternative authorities", which can be subordinate, cooperative, or hostile to the secular state. These perspectives as an alternative authority are seen best in the evolution of American fundamentalism and Christian nationalism, whose adherents have historically distinguished themselves from the state while simultaneously engaging in the effort to reshape it. In looking at how these movements develop, we understand that religions are constantly evolving in how to achieve and maintain power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Christian nationalism and race are both important predictors of firearm policy preferences in the United States, and a growing body of research argues that ideas about gun control tend to be racially coded. Building on these findings, we use data from the 2021 General Social Survey to examine how race and ethnicity moderate the association between Christian nationalism and firearm policy preferences – specifically requiring a police permit to purchase a gun. Analyses show strong, racially divergent associations between Christian nationalism and opposition to requiring gun permits. Christian nationalism is associated with higher opposition to requiring gun permits for non-Hispanic White Americans, but lower opposition for non-Hispanic Black Americans. Moreover, accounting for biblical literalism attenuates the association for White Americans but amplifies the association for Black Americans. These findings support the conceptualization of Christian nationalism as a racialized ideology, i.e. one which has different meanings and effects across ethno-racial identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this contribution, Andrew Arato and Jean Cohen's Populism and Civil Society is confronted with current gender studies research on populism. This research mainly focuses on right-wing populism and highlights strong links between right-wing populists and the religious right, which are to a large degree organized by "anti-gender," a stance both against social constructivist notions of gender and against basic gender rights, especially in the fields of reproduction and of LGBTIQ concerns. Against the backdrop of this literature, I argue that in Populism and Civil Society, right-wing populist anti-gender politics are not addressed in a way that takes account of their full complexity; and that these politics furthermore suggest to treat right-wing populism and left-wing populism as phenomena that do not only differ in content, but also in form. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is part of a wider project that addresses gaps in the scholarly knowledge of the philosophical and theological foundations of the Biblical Fundamentalism that originated in North America. Through exploring the relevant literature, including primary sources from within Fundamentalism, the article examines the anti-European sentiment in early Fundamentalism and how this sentiment led to a rejection of philosophical values associated with Europe, especially with Germany. The article will show that anti-European, especially anti-German, sentiment bolstered Fundamentalism's rejection of subjectivity in thinking, and even its rejection of human subjects themselves. In the place of subjectivity associated with European philosophy, Fundamentalism embraced an extreme objectivity that claimed the heritage of Reid and Bacon but eliminated subjectivity from the Fundamentalist horizon. This article thus shows how Fundamentalism radically opposes God and human beings, and faith and philosophy, with the resulting way of thinking that can be characterised as "naïve realism", an approach to thinking that excludes the active thinking subject and does not allow for critical judgement or personal understanding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this research article is to analyze Mohsin Hamid's well-known book "The Reluctant Fundamentalist" in light of multiculturalism, utilizing James Troutman's theoretical framework. The main character, Changez, is a perfect example of how the author depicts concerns about racism, discrimination, identity crises, and violations of human rights that minority communities experience. In order to address racial, ethnic, religious, economic, social, political, and psychological aspects of multiculturalism, the research incorporates a number of epistemological viewpoints from fields such as sociology, anthropology, political science, psychology, and education. It looks at important issues, patterns, and debates in this field. The primary analytical method in this qualitative study is textual analysis, which provides interpretive insights into the research question. Thematic textual analysis is employed to interpret the intricacy; this involves steps such as familiarization, coding, subject generation, theme evaluation, definition, naming, and write-up. The book depicts a number of issues, including racism, identity crises, human rights violations, and prejudice against minority communities. Changez, the main character, serves as an excellent example. The results highlight problems like prejudice against minorities, the brittleness of institutional and political institutions, and the identity crisis that characters in the book like Changez go through. Themes of prejudice, rejection, and identity crises are also highlighted. In addition to providing aesthetic pleasure, the study suggests that more research into these matters enables a more thorough analysis of the text using a variety of theoretical frameworks, including psychological, post-colonial, deconstructionist, and cultural theories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fundamentalists are a group that arose among American evangelicals in the early 20th century as a reaction to extreme liberalization and especially intense criticism of the Bible. They are called fundamentalists because of The Fundamentals, written at the beginning of the 20th century. A characteristic of fundamentalists who read the Bible literally is their millenarianism. Although they began as an anti-modernist movement, fundamentalists' extensive use of the media, one of the most important indicators of modernity, gave rise to the previously unknown concept of televangelists. This group has been adept at using radio, then television, and more recently, the Internet. New Testament readings with detailed descriptions, prayer times, and effective sermons are given, especially in programs with an audience. Pat Robertson, a prominent figure among these people, reached large audiences quickly with his satellite network and his continuous broadcasts and became an important name in the field of religious broadcasting in America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Support for political violence by fundamentalist religious movements is both wide-spread and problematic, and now especially in Christian fundamentalist circles. To address this, this essay describes important components of the sophisticated ascetic and contemplative theory of spirituality of the fourth-century desert Christian spiritual master Evagrius of Pontus. Then, based on his theory, this essay offers guidance to modern-day Christian and non-Christian clergy who want to avoid alienating their congregations through partisan political stances, but who nevertheless seek to reduce those mental, emotional, and relational pathologies in their congregations which predispose passive and active support for political violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Anbar University for Law & Political Sciences is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Maldives commenced its transition to democracy after its first multiparty elections in 2008. This was challenging due to the Maldives being a Muslim nation, its authoritarian legacy of monarchical rule before independence, and by dictatorship after independence. This article analyzes the postindependence rule periods of Ibrahim Nasir and Maumoom Abdul Gayoom, which were akin to one‐man dictatorships. The third autocratic president postindependence, Abdulla Yameen, was an electoral authoritarian as he implemented authoritarian measures in a multi‐party context. I assess if religion provided political legitimacy to these authoritarian leaders or if religion was exploited by leaders to gain political support and civic spaces. Theories of authoritarianism, religious populism, electoral authoritarianism, as well as concepts of the ulema‐state alliance and the rentier state are utilized. In addition to their authoritarian legacy, democratic presidents like Mohamed Nasheed and Mohamed Solih had grappled with politicians' manipulation of religion through political Islam, Islamic nationalism, and fundamentalism to derail democracy by equating it to Westernization. These events resonate with Samuel Huntington's description of the conflict between the West and Islam as a clash of civilizations. Crimes against liberal thinkers by Islamic extremists are an added challenge. There is a real danger of another authoritarian reversal in the Maldives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In some publications, it has been observed that media proliferation promotes the negative views on Islamic fundamentalism, Islamic extremism, or Islamic terrorism. These discourses have contributed to worsening tension in different sociocultural contexts such as between the West and Islam, which is commonly known as Islamophobia. The discourse around islamophobia has become an implied tool to construct hegemony such as reflected in a political pretext to show attitude and view of the dominant power. The present study offers an insight from the perspective of critical discourse analysis to understand the discourse around islamophobia. Using the principles of Fairclough's (1989) Critical Discourse Analysis with its three dimensions: text, discursive practice, and social practice, the study adapted a two-stage analysis model to describe and interpret a section of Trump's inaugural speech that seems to be contradictory as it mentions a reflection of islamophobia amidst the promotion of peace. The result of the study shows that Trump's islamophobia is implied in the part of an inaugural speech as a content related to Islam and terrorism. Relevant to the intention of the speech given to the Indian audience, the observed section of the speech is probably not misplaced; instead, reflects Trump's view on Islam and terrorism as well as his dominance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Economic justice means observing economic rights in the field of economic behavior and relations. As an economic goal, this will be fully realized when each member of the society gets their right from the wealth and income of the society. In this regard, different viewpoints based on different bases have provided multiple meanings for the right. In all discourses of economic justice after the Islamic revolution, welfare and social security have been accepted as trans-sectoral categories in the category of the main duty of the government and the primary rights of the people; however, welfare and social security have taken on different meanings depending on which discourse and with what signs and symbols it is elaborated. This study aims to examine the discourses of the government of reform and construction (Hashmi Rafsanjani) by examining his bills, plans, and speeches using the discourse theory of Laclau and Mouffe (1985). This study is of a theoretical type, which was done in an analytical-descriptive manner using library and press sources and a survey method. Finally, the findings will be discussed based on the dimensions and components of social justice at the macro level of society in economic justice in the reform and construction of government (Hashmi Rafsanjani). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the life and contributions of Dr. Olive L. Clark (1894–1989), a long-time faculty member at the fundamentalist Toronto Baptist Seminary (TBS). In the 1920s, Clark sided with the fundamentalists and became a vocal critic of the Baptist Convention of Ontario and Quebec. As the first person to receive a PhD in Classics from the University of Toronto, she was a gifted scholar. In 1928, she became one of the first faculty members at the newly-minted Toronto Baptist Seminary—operated by the prominent fundamentalist leader T. T. Shields—and remained there until her retirement thirty-eight years later. Through those years and even into retirement, she took an active role in the fundamentalist community by training pastors, publishing lesson plans and articles, speaking in various churches, and serving as co-editor of The Gospel Witness newspaper. In the process, she helped guide and shape the movement, both behind the scenes and in visible ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Humanities & Educational Sciences Journal is the property of Humanities & Educational Sciences Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article explores the intersection of religious studies with concepts such as secularization, fundamentalism, and individualization, using Jim Spickard's framework of six narratives as a guide. It discusses the impact of secularization on religious studies, examining the decline in interest and religious literacy among students in Western countries. It addresses the reorganization of religious institutions and the increased diversity within religious studies classrooms.

Jenna Scaramanga and Michael Reiss, in their article, "Evolutionary stasis: creationism, evolution and climate change in the Accelerated Christian Education curriculum," examine multiple editions of science materials produced by Accelerated Christian Education, ranging from the 1980s to the 2010s. They find that the materials offer a profoundly limited vision of science education, one dominated more by a desire to stress a particular religious message than by the goal of teaching central scientific ideas. And though the publishers altered a few ideas here and there—such as eliminating some arguments for creationism that had been discredited even among young-earth creationists—the materials overall showed a surprising "evolutionary stasis" over time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The role of religiosity in radicalization is a topic of intense debate. To avoid essentializing religion, it is crucial to include a variety of factors that can explain radicalization beyond religiosity. The present study aligns with this approach by building upon the three Ps of radicalization (push, pull, personal factors). It examines the relative role of various forms of religiosity (pull factors) in radicalization within the context of social structure, perceived deprivation (both push factors), and demographic variables (personal factors). We analyzed previously collected data comprising a sample of 1,048 Muslims with Turkish migration background in Germany. Acceptance of active and reactive violence as indicators of radicalization with demography, social-structure position, perceived deprivation, and different forms of religiosity (individual, collective, orthodox, fundamentalist religiosity) were used as predictors. Individual religiosity was a protective factor against reactive violence when controlling for fundamentalism. Fundamentalism emerged as the strongest predictor of the acceptance of reactive violence. Both fundamentalism and orthodox religiosity were positive predictors of active violence. However, these latter effects should be interpreted with caution due to the naturally low acceptance of active violence. Finally, the deprivation-radicalization association was stronger for participants scoring higher on fundamentalism, while medium to high orthodox religiosity was the key factor connecting deprivation to radicalization. Implications are delineated regarding practical strategies, specifically formulated for addressing feelings of deprivation within minority contexts.

Many empirical studies have explored the relationship between religious identity, fundamentalism, and prejudice. However, very few investigations have been conducted into whether the relationship between fundamentalism and religious identity generates prejudice; this is because fundamentalism is often seen as a particular form of religious identity. This research positions religious identity and fundamentalism as two separate things, stemming from an awareness of contemporary developments that a fundamentalist does not always display “hard” or “extreme” expressions of religious identity. This study also analyzes the two within the context of a mutually explanative relationship (Religious identity → Fundamentalism, and Fundamentalism → Religious identity). 639 Islamic college students (372 males, 267 females) recruited with convenience sampling method participated in this study. Using a correlational design, the data were analyzed using hierarchical regression analysis to determine the role of gender, age, and religious fundamentalism in predicting prejudice. Furthermore, mediation analysis was carried out twice, by placing fundamentalism and religious identity, exchangeably, as mediating variables to predict prejudice. Results showed that (1) Age and gender did not significantly contribute to the prejudice. However, the prejudice can be predicted by religious identity and fundamentalism, (2) Fundamentalism is a mediator between religious identity and prejudice, (3) Religious identity is a mediator between fundamentalism and prejudice. This finding indicates that inter-religious prejudice can emerge as a reflection of both (1) fundamentalism through religious identity, as well as (2) religious identity through fundamentalism. The use of mediation analysis in this research sheds light on the complex interplay between religious identity, fundamentalism, and prejudice. It reveals that both fundamentalism and religious identity can mediate the relationship between each other and prejudice. This insight into the mediation processes can help researchers and policymakers better understand the mechanisms behind inter-religious prejudice.

Drawing on Kristeva's theory of abjection, Wallerstein's world system theory, and Petras' imperialist-centered model of capitalist accumulation, this article argues that the immigration of Changez from Pakistan to America in The Reluctant Fundamentalist demonstrates a structural shift from the periphery to the center as a highly educated and skilled human capital in the era of global capitalism. The article contends that Changez's decision to accept a funded scholarship at Princeton University is a result of the lack of economic opportunities in Pakistan and the corrupt economic and political systems that impoverished his family. Furthermore, the article critically examines America's paradoxical policies of inclusion and exclusion toward Changez. While he gains access to Princeton University and the Underwood Samson company, his economic inclusion is not accompanied by genuine acceptance. In the context of global capitalism, Changez is economically included but psychologically abjected due to his ethnic identity. Keywords: Acceptance, Inclusion, Exclusion, Abject Identity, Hamid's The Reluctant Fundamentalist, Introduction: Immigration and Global Capitalism in The Reluctant Fundamentalist This article offers a comprehensive analysis of Changez's struggle for acceptance in America by placing his experiences as an immigrant within [...]

This article is the result of a literature review on the book "al-Furqan" by Ahmad Hassan, focusing on how fundamentalist ideologies are transmitted through the method of legal ijtihad in his interpretation. The research explores two main aspects: first, how A. Hassan's fundamentalist ideology is transmitted through the method of legal ijtihad, and second, how A. Hassan's interpretation practices of legal verses are presented in the book. Using a qualitative method, the researcher collected and analyzed the book "al-Furqan" as the primary data source. Additionally, a review of related books, scholarly articles, and other literature was conducted as secondary data sources. The research findings indicate that A. Hassan, while leaning towards textual interpretation, does not deny contextual approaches in some cases, particularly concerning Islamic law. It is noteworthy that his arguments are often based on opinions from various legal schools (mazhab). He also integrates various approaches according to the context of Islamic law, demonstrating the dynamic and adaptive nature of his ijtihad. The legal ijtihad method developed by Hassan offers a flexible framework rooted in fundamental Islamic principles, allowing its application in various contexts and situations. The study provides insights into how A. Hassan's interpretative approach can enhance understanding of religious texts and their application in modern contexts, showcasing the diversity and richness of thought within the Islamic intellectual tradition.

Fundamentalism is mainly of religious kind. In this essay, the religious feeling is considered an analytical subject-matter as a compromise between conscious and unconscious desires. It is treated as a transitional mental content curbing freedom of personal thought and agency. Through a brief historical survey, it is shown how fundamentalism does not equate with Islam, rather it is a 'overall psychological reaction' related to both authoritarian and dependent personality traits. The upholded thesis is that fundamentalism generates when a belief is radicalized and substitutes for a narcissistically wounded identity. This latter is especially unstable in people migrated in different religious and cultural environment due to the cultural, symbolic and identity eradication. The second and third generation seems to be those more affected. An individual Ego Ideal is superimposed to society; it becomes the justificatory for terroristic actions in which the freezing and Self-damaging experience is made resonate into others. Fundamentalism is a fusion desire with the supreme which the aim of healing the wounded identity; it is expressed through deathnarcissism which, in turns, leads to the complete stillness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study outlines the issues that led Turkey to the February 28 process. Although there are many studies on the February 28 process, there needs to be more literature on studies that address the internal and external dimensions of the process together. This study claims to address this deficiency significantly. In this study, which is the product of an extensive literature review, the process's economic, social, political, legal, and military dimensions are not examined under separate headings. Still, they are examined as a whole for internal and external reasons. In this context, the reasons for the February 28 process were reviewed internally and externally. Internal reasons that led Turkey to the February 28 process: The Susurluk crisis, which brought the dark relationship between state-politics-mafia to the agenda, the iftar dinner given to the leaders of the sect by the then Prime Minister Necmettin Erbakan at the Prime Minister Residence, the approval of the Welfare Party’s Culture Minister İsmail Kahraman for the construction of the Taksim mosque, the Welfare Party Sincan Mayor’s decision the organized Quds Night event, the anti-secular discourse and actions of the Aczimendis who have known for their closeness to the Welfare Party the damage to the interests of big capital circles by Erbakan’s implementation of the pool system and the anti-secular actions of the leading representatives of the Welfare Party. External reasons for the process can be listed as Erbakan’s trips to Iran and Libya and the D-8 initiative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Apparently, the most common debate in post-revolutionary Iran is the debate between "Tradition" and "Modernity," which ultimately has manifested in the two fronts of "Traditionalism or Fundamentalism" and "Reformism or Moderation." These two fundamental dichotomies have shown themselves in every crisis and transformation, and political parties and movements in Iran have grown and been able to attract public opinion and create a social base on the basis of this general rift in Iranian society. The present study aims to answer the main question of ‘How the future structuring and configuration of political movements in the Islamic Republic of Iran will be?’ And ‘What scenarios can be envisioned in this regard?’ To this aim, a qualitative document analysis method was used and data collected using the tool of fishing from various sources. Additionally, by employing the scenario-writing method, it delves into examining the future structuring and configuration of political movements in the Islamic Republic of Iran. Hence, three scenarios or configurations in the arrangement of political forces in Iran are conceivable: Continuation of the arrangement and structuring of political movements in the form of fundamentalism and moderation, reinterpretation and reconstruction of the principles and discursive elements of political movements known as fundamentalist and reformist and formation of a new arrangement and configuration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examined the discourses of two dramatic texts written by Naghmeh Samini according to the hegemony of the time of production and consumption of the text. The plays Sheklak and Khab dar Fenjan-e Khali were published in between 2004 and 2008. The selected texts were used over the same time as the fundamentalist government governed. In this research, the plays were not studied as mere artistic texts, but as a linguistic elements that include different discourses. Using Fairclough's critical discourse analysis, the social practice of dramatic texts were investigated. Using his three-stage model, i.e., analyzing the text, finding the discourse practice, and finding the social practice, the texts were analyzed. The results showed that the ruling discourse of that time had an impact on the formation of texts, and at the same time, the discourses used by the author in the plays are based on the author's gender and some other characteristics. The discourse is far from the articulation of the hegemonic discourse of the time. Although the author tries to distance himself from hegemony by using linguistic tools, yet the extent of this distance and how ideology and power are reflected in the texts can be examined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article combines two things: it explores how one should undertake the project of defining 'fundamentalism' and, based on the ensuing desiderata, it actually provides such a definition. After a few preliminary comments on 'fundamentalism' and the value of defining it, five goals of definitions are distinguished and elucidated: accuracy, precision, fairness, clarity, and fecundity. After that, various kinds of definitions and their interrelations are spelled out. Finally, the author provides and defends a so-called explicative definition of 'fundamentalism' both in terms of necessary and sufficient conditions and in terms of stereotypical properties. On the basis of empirical literature and a scoping review, it is argued that a movement is fundamentalist if and only if it is (i) reactionary towards modern developments, (ii) itself modern, and (iii) based on a grand historical narrative. More specifically, a movement is fundamentalist if it exemplifies a large number of the following properties: (i) it is reactionary in its rejection of liberal ethics, science, or technological exploitation; (ii) it is modern in seeking certainty and control, embracing literalism and infallibility about particular scriptures, actively using media and technology, or making universal claims; and (iii) it presents a grand historical narrative in terms of paradise, fall, and redemption, or cosmic dualism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The French Revolution profoundly altered European life, and its influence quickly reached America. Positions that opposed its ideological and political postulates arose very soon against it. Two of these positions attract attention: that of Edmund Burke and Joseph de Maistre. Both reactions severely question the Revolution from a conservative perspective but took different paths. The former will give rise to a possibilistic and procedural conservatism, compatible with liberalism; while the latter will initiate a counterrevolutionary and maximalist conservative tradition that will drift towards integralism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study’s setting is South African classical Pentecostals’ use of hermeneutics that became aligned with conservative Evangelicals’ fundamentalist practices since the 1940s. It addresses the lack within Pentecostal scholarship to relate some Pentecostal excesses and related abuses, such as the prosperity message, to the movements’ common literalist-biblicist hermeneutics Bible reading practices. It argues that an alternative hermeneutic to their hermeneutics true to the movement’s original ethos can protect them from such excesses. The study utilises a comparative literature analysis without any empirical research methods. The article developed a scholarly founded Pentecostal hermeneutical model by emphasising three propria: that the Holy Spirit is central in reading the Bible, the influence of an eschatological perspective to establish interpretation practices, and the faith community as normative for interpretation reflects the unique Pentecostal ethos. To be sound as Pentecostal hermeneutics, its charismatic experiences become exemplary for interpretation practices regulated by the faith community. Contribution: The research contributes to the current Pentecostal discussion about the diversity of hermeneutical practices within the movement and the challenges and dangers some of these practices hold for the reputation and prestige of the movement.

Naomi Goldenberg’s model of religion as a “vestigial state” is an excellent interrogation of how religion interacts with the state. To Goldenberg, religions traditionally functioned in the same manner as nation-states before being conquered and delineated as semi-autonomous institutions under the larger secular apparatus. However, I argue in this paper that Goldenberg’s “vestigial state” fails to account for the dynamism that religions have in their relationships to the state. I propose seeing religions as “alternative authorities”, which can be subordinate, cooperative, or hostile to the secular state. These perspectives as an alternative authority are seen best in the evolution of American fundamentalism and Christian nationalism, whose adherents have historically distinguished themselves from the state while simultaneously engaging in the effort to reshape it. In looking at how these movements develop, we understand that religions are constantly evolving in how to achieve and maintain power.

This article is part of a wider project that addresses gaps in the scholarly knowledge of the philosophical and theological foundations of the Biblical Fundamentalism that originated in North America. Through exploring the relevant literature, including primary sources from within Fundamentalism, the article examines the anti-European sentiment in early Fundamentalism and how this sentiment led to a rejection of philosophical values associated with Europe, especially with Germany. The article will show that anti-European, especially anti-German, sentiment bolstered Fundamentalism’s rejection of subjectivity in thinking, and even its rejection of human subjects themselves. In the place of subjectivity associated with European philosophy, Fundamentalism embraced an extreme objectivity that claimed the heritage of Reid and Bacon but eliminated subjectivity from the Fundamentalist horizon. This article thus shows how Fundamentalism radically opposes God and human beings, and faith and philosophy, with the resulting way of thinking that can be characterised as “naïve realism”, an approach to thinking that excludes the active thinking subject and does not allow for critical judgement or personal understanding.

Marjane Satrapi’s graphic novel Persepolis is far from being a simple coming-of-age narrative. The autobiographical tale, projected onto the background of a relatively hostile country, tells the story of a young girl growing up in revolutionary Iran, a place where threats of violence, arrest, and torture are everyday fears. Art Spiegelman’s graphic novel Maus is the story of the Holocaust seen through the eyes of the main character, Vladek, which juxtaposes the minutiae of day-to-day life with the enormity of the experience. This paper analyzes the social, historical, and cultural context that led to the Iranian Revolution and the Iraq-Iran war, on the one hand, and to the greatest extermination of the Jews in history, on the other. It aims to prove how lies, misconception, and murderous actions can be justified by virtues or allegedly good intentions.

This article undertakes an examination of the contentious issue surrounding the translation of "fundamentalism" to "Usulia," with a specific focus on the divergent perceptions of this concept among both Muslims and non-Muslims. Through historical exploration and conceptual analysis, the study aims to illuminate the various perspectives regarding the usage of "Fundamentalism/Usulia" within an Islamic context. Drawing from an analysis of pertinent literature and scholarly discourse, it becomes apparent that despite attempts to incorporate fundamentalist ideologies into the “Usulia” framework, most Islamists vehemently reject this translation, perceiving it as perpetuating a negative Western stereotype. The article delves into the theological, social, and political factors that underpin these differing stances, along with their implications for Islamic movements. By providing insights into this ongoing debate, the research contributes to a deeper comprehension of the internal diversity within Islamic thought and the intricate relationship between fundamentalism as a Western concept and “Usulia” in contemporary Islamic discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]