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Human security, defined as "freedom from want and fear and freedom to live in dignity", provides an overarching concept to address threats to human security dimensions such as health, food, economics, the environment and sustainable development, while placing the individual at the centre of attention. Chemistry is central to addressing these challenges, but surprisingly its role and contributions to human security have hitherto not been explicitly set out. This article situates chemistry in the human security framework, highlighting areas where chemistry knowledge, methods and products are vital. It underscores three complementary facets: 1) chemistry contributes to many dimensions of human security, but needs to do much more in the light of oncoming global challenges; 2) the human security framing illuminates areas where chemistry itself needs to adapt to contribute better, by intensification of current approaches and/or by building or strengthening chemistry tools, skills and competencies; and 3) repositioning as central to human security affords chemistry a powerful opportunity to refresh itself as a science for the benefit of society-and it will need to engage more directly and dynamically at the interface of science, society and policy in order to do so.

The Nikāya Suttas frequently mention the concept of fear (bhaya) and related synonyms. This concept does not receive much scholarly attention by subsequent Buddhist philosophers. Recent scholars identify a ‘paradox of fear’ in several traditions of classical Indian Buddhism (Brekke 1999; Finnigan 2019; Giustarini 2012). Each scholar points out, in their respective textual contexts, that fear is evaluated in two ways; one positive and the other negative. Brekke calls this the “double role” of fear (1999, p. 443). Each also identify fear as purposely elicited to motivate acts aimed at achieving fearlessness, where freedom from fear is characteristic of nibbāna. They all find this puzzling. Finnigan asks: “Why would one purposefully incite fear if one’s goal is its elimination?” (2019, p. 221). Giustarini says that fear has a “contradictory nature” (2012, p. 513); Brekke calls it “the paradox of fear” (1999, p. 442). This article introduces the ‘paradox of fear’ as it appears in the Bodhicaryāvatāra of Śāntideva and the Nikāya suttas. It then critically examines Brekke and Giustarini’s proposed solutions. It argues that they get some things right in ways that are both supported by the Nikāyas and relevant to Śāntideva but that they leave some important questions unanswered. The article concludes by arguing that these questions are best answered if fear is analysed as appropriate when its objects are related to karma and rebirth.

Public service is something that needed by the public. So in this regard, the government as an official public body has the duty and responsibility to provide the best service to the public itself. Butthe efforts made as a public service provider do and work, certainly not able to provide satisfaction to the public itself.Satisfaction with a service is one of the rights that obtained by someone. "In accordance with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, ideals about free human beings, who enjoy civil and political freedom, and freedom from fear and poverty can only be achieved, if conditions are created where everyone can enjoy civil rights and its politics and economic, social and cultural rights”.To obtain input/information about public satisfaction in the field of population administration and civil registration services in Lombok TengahRegency, researchers tried to conduct research, with survey methods, in order to obtain input from the publichow about public services performed by public service providers in Lombok TengahDistrict,in the area of population administration and civil registration services. Keywords;civil registration; population administration; public satisfaction; public services

Drawing from Aung San Suu Kyi’s Freedom from Fear (1991) and Pascal Khoo Thwe’s From the Land of Green Ghosts (2002), this article examines how the discourses of nation-building in Burma are inextr...

In the first two decades of the twenty-first century, global powers and dominant nations, have called for China to be a ‘responsible international actor’. At the same time, we have seen moves from China to position itself, if not as a global superpower, a central power in an expanding geopolitical sphere emanating from East Asia. COVID-19 and the representation of China’s actions in response to the pandemic in both the United States and the United Kingdom seems to challenge and undermine the significant diplomatic attempts by China to demonstrate that it is a responsible power. In this context, China’s ability to control its population in order to gain control of the spread of the disease was initially a component of the narrative of how distant China’s governance is from ‘the liberal democratic ideal’. As a result, even in controlling a health disaster responsibly, it was still a means to present and highlight the ‘problematic’ nature of China’s rise within some audiences. China was, therefore, both irresponsible and central. These competing narratives are not only concerned with the practices of pandemic responses but also reveal a conceptual disconnect. These two representations of what is a ‘responsible’ action in response to a pandemic, cuts across the two major definitions of human security: freedom from fear (Canadian) and freedom from want (Japanese). As the ‘liberal West’ including the United States, Canada and European states have all been forced to move towards the implementation of mass lockdowns, in order to protect lives at the expense of freedoms, does this moment also demonstrate a move towards a more central conceptual role for China in defining human security? This chapter will explore how China has been represented in news media in a range of different states and argue that these stories and representations are a part of a larger contest over the concept of human-centred security.

Funder: Clare Hall International Visiting Fellowship, University of Cambridge, England, U.K., Funder: British Academy International Visiting Fellowship, Funder: Zimmerman Fund for Scientific Innovation Awards in Brain Science, Robert J. and Nancy D. Carney Institute for Brain Science, Universal human rights are defined by international agreements, law, foreign policy, and the concept of inherent human dignity. However, rights defined on this basis can be readily subverted by overt and covert disagreements and can be treated as distant geopolitical events rather than bearing on individuals' everyday lives. A robust case for universal human rights is urgently needed and must meet several disparate requirements: (1) a framework that resolves tautological definitions reached solely by mutual, revocable agreement; (2) a rationale that transcends differences in beliefs, creed, and culture; and (3) a personalization that empowers both individuals and governments to further human rights protections. We propose that human rights in existing agreements comprise five elemental types: (1) agency, autonomy, and self-determination; (2) freedom from want; (3) freedom from fear; (4) uniqueness; and (5) unconditionality, including protections for vulnerable populations. We further propose these rights and protections are rooted in fundamental properties of the human brain. We provide a robust, empirical foundation for universal rights based on emerging work in human brain science that we term dignity neuroscience. Dignity neuroscience provides an empirical foundation to support and foster human dignity, universal rights, and their active furtherance by individuals, nations, and international law.

In its simplest form, human security is concerned with the provision of “freedom from fear and freedom from want”. In the context of climate change and disaster risks, the existing problems that have long been imperiled human lives are greatly enhanced. Looking back, Asia, in its pursuit of resiliency and security, has exhibited various innovative and effective means to ensure human security at all levels which are evident until now. Assessing the present status of security based on the projected threats, pathways toward climate-resilient and sustainable development still seemed to be a long journey. Since Asia accounts for almost 42% of the disasters worldwide over the last century, it should take the lead in defining the pathways toward resiliency, sustainability, and security. With the unceasing pursuit in ensuring human security both in Asia and the world, a resilient and secure world is still attainable for the current and the future generation. This concluding chapter synthesizes the previous chapters as well as looks at the future threats associated with the changing climate to solidify the argument that climate change and disaster risks have the capacity to undermine human security as gleaned from the Asian experience. It also elaborates some of the region’s innovative responses to address these threats that can hopefully be the basis for defining the pathways toward a more climate-resilient, human-secured, and sustainable future not only for Asia but with implications for the rest of the world.

UNTAC was a limited success when assessed in terms of legality, legitimacy, and effectiveness. This operation would not have been launched had the UN Security Council, especially the five Permanent Members, not reached an agreement and would not have enjoyed as much legitimacy as it did if foreign governments (especially the nineteen foreign signatories) and the Cambodian people, especially the four armed factions, had objected to the proposed course of action. Comparatively, however, the degree of legality was far higher than that of legitimacy. The mission succeeded in organising and holding a national election but fell short of ensuring a fully free and fair election. The disarmament process was the greatest failure. Overall, the Cambodians enjoyed more freedom from fear and freedom from want than any time since the mid-1970s.

The UN missions in Timor-Leste were a limited success when assessed in terms of legality, legitimacy, and efficacy. They would not have been launched had the UN Security Council not reached an agreement and would not have enjoyed as much legitimacy as they did if stakeholders such as the Timorese political elites, Indonesia, Portugal, and Australia had objected to the proposed mandates. Comparatively, however, the degree of legality was higher than that of legitimacy, and local legitimacy waned as Timorese elite felt uncomfortable with the usurpation of sovereignty by the UN. Despite the earlier mistakes and setbacks in 2006 of the UN intervention, the Timorese enjoyed more freedom from fear and want than any time since the declaration of independence in 1975.

Book review of: Alison Brysk, The Struggle for Freedom from Fear: Contesting Violence Against Women at the Frontiers of Globalization. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2018, 386pp. ISBN 9780190901516386 (hardcover).\ud \ud In The Struggle for Freedom from Fear: Contesting Violence Against Women at the Frontiers of Globalization, Alison Brysk presents a vast and thorough examination of the prevalence, patterns, and drivers of violence against women throughout the world. She accomplishes this through an analysis of international and national treaties and legal reforms, public policy, social justice campaigns, and norm changes across a variety of rapidly globalizing countries. Framing violence against women as a 'gendered form of human rights abuse' (p. 27), Brysk's goal is to 'map pathways of response' to this violence for countries that fall into what Brysk labels 'semi-liberal gender regimes' (p. 6), in order to better understand how to reduce and prevent gendered violence and other human rights abuses. The book is largely successful in this ambitious endeavor. [...]

Human security is a concept that challenges the traditional notion of national security by placing the 'human' as the central referent of security instead of the 'state.' It is a concept that encompasses health and well-being of people and prioritizes their fundamental freedoms and basic livelihoods by shielding them from acute socioeconomic threats, vulnerabilities and stress. The epicenter of “health security” is located at the intersection of several academic fields or disciplines which do not necessarily share a common theoretical approach. Diverse players in the “health security” domain include practitioners in such fields as security studies, foreign policy, international relations, development theory, environmental politics and the practices of the United Nations system and other multilateral bodies like the World Health Organization (WHO) and the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO). Improvements in health are not only dependent on continued commitments to enhance the availability of healthcare and to strengthen disease prevention systems; they are very much enhanced by that intersection between global security and global health. What is emerging is global health diplomacy paradigm that calls for strengthening of core capacities in the public health and foreign policy arenas aimed at advancing human security through the strengthening of global health diplomacy practices. Human security in its broadest sense embraces far more than the absence of violence and conflict. It encompasses human rights, good governance, access to education and health care, and ensuring that each individual has opportunities and devices to fulfill his or her potential. Every step in this direction is a step towards reducing poverty, achieving growth and preventing conflict. Freedom from want, freedom from fear and the freedom of future generations to inherit a natural environment – these are the interrelated building blocks of human- and therefore national security.

In 1966 the General Assembly of the UN agreed on the “International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights” (adopted 1976). The preamble points out that in recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family “the ideal of free human beings enjoying freedom from fear can only be achieved if conditions are created whereby everyone may enjoy his economic, social and cultural rights, as well as his civil and political rights.” This group of human rights includes economic rights, rights with regard to social security, labour and employment, as well as cultural rights which may be regarded as a shield for the protection of human dignity, especially of specific groups, such as women, children and refugees (Vierdag 1978). In this book, the term “socio-economic rights” is used as an umbrella for these contents. This volume offers an answer, how young people in 18 countries understand and value socio-economic rights and to which degree religious convictions and practices are connected with attitudes towards these human rights. All research papers take the individual background of the respondents into account, i.e. the degree of education, migration background and value orientation. The general questions of this volume are: What religious attitudes can be found among religious and non-religious citizens with regard to socio-economic rights? Can religion be identified as a force supporting the human rights regime? Which additional concepts strengthen or weaken the consent to these rights?

This chapter applies a critical human security perspective to cyberspace. It contends that emancipation provides human security with its core purpose, as it frees people both from the constraints imposed by despotic regimes (freedom from fear) and from an exploitative economic system (freedom from want). The idea that human emancipation can challenge the pre-existing order is reflected in the literature that foresees the digital revolution ushering in an age of transparency and empowerment. Conceiving security as emancipation, this chapter utilises the conceptual tool of the “three faces” of power to examine how human agency is enabled by the digital revolution (freedom from) as well as being simultaneously constrained by it (oppressed by).

This chapter focuses on civil society peace workers on Mindanao. These insist that the signing and implementation of a political peace agreement is not sufficient to speak of peace. Nor is freedom from fear, although some respondents concede that ordinary people might consider this to be all the peace they want. Professional peace workers, however, work on three other visions of peace. First, peace-as-justice, similar to non-violent activism in Lebanon, but with more stress on the desired outcome: ‘self-governance and a larger share of the natural resources that Mindanao has for the Moros. Secondly, peace of mind, a mostly indigenous vision that stresses the priority of good relationships over (political or economic) gains. Finally, like their Lebanese colleagues, Mindanaoan peace workers stress that in the end all three groups should live together in civil peace. Moros tend to favour peace as justice, indigenous Lumad peace of mind, and descendants of Philippino settlers civil peace.

This chapter introduces the visions of peace held by Dutch military officers. It argues that these military peace workers tend to think of peace as a ‘stairway’ of ever more holistic forms of peace, ranging from a minimal ‘freedom from fear’ that they seek to establish in (post-) conflict societies, to a holistic ‘peace-as-freedom’ that they defend at home. A second finding is that Dutch military officers are very relativistic about what they can achieve in (post-) conflict areas, more so than any of the other groups. Any step beyond establishing freedom from fear, including the establishment of some form of functioning state authority (statebuilding), a third concept of peace they adhere to, must be taken by local actors and in accordance with local traditions. This military attitude reflects some of the critique on the notion of liberal peace, specifically that associated with the local turn and everyday peace.

Indonesia has become independent country since 1945, however this country still facing many internal conflicts. The power of Soeharto (the second Indonesian President) regime that lasted for 32 years, spread fears to many people which make them silenced. After the reformation in 1998 that led to the collapsed of that regime, Indonesia experienced a period of “freedom from fear”. Since then there are many new mass organizations emerged in Indonesia. Some of these mass organizations are arrogance and causes fear to Indonesian people. Therefore, in the current era of president Jokowi leadership, the government acts firmly on those mass organizations by issuing Government Regulation No.2 which was signed on July 10, 2017. Moreover, this new regulation has raised pros and contras in society. One group of people who care about this is the Women Indonesian Care Group which consists of women from various segments on a racial, religious, educational, work and age basis. The researcher is interested to raise this matter as a research because it is a new thing in Indonesia where group consisting mostly of mothers perform an action in the form of a demonstration conducted in front of Parliament Building/House of Representative on Friday, July 27, 2017. It turns out that those mothers who have been upset and disturbed by the actions done by certain mass organizations. Thus they feel the need to do the demonstration. The method of this research is qualitative, researchers will conduct interviews with the perpetrators of demos, documentation studies and literature studies. Research is still underway until now.Keywords: Women Movement, Social Movement and Government Policy

Hundreds of thousands of other citizens have been denied the "freedom from fear" cited in the Preamble to the first pact; they live in constant peril of losing their jobs or if they express their opinions. Freedom of speech is suppressed by the government's management of all mass media, including the publishing and cultural institutions. A whole range of civil rights is severely restricted or completely suppressed by the effective method of subordinating all institutions and organizations in the State to the political directives of the ruling Party's apparatuses and the pronouncements of highly influential individuals. Some citizens—privately at their places of work, or through the media abroad have drawn attention to these systematic violations of human rights and democratic freedoms and have demanded a remedy in specific cases. Charter 77 is founded on the concepts of solidarity and friendship of people who share a concern for the fate of ideals to which they have linked their lives and work.

The study was funded by the Center for Hispanic Research, University of Texas at Arlington, Sigma Theta Tau International, and Sharon Davies Memorial Awards, Freedom from Fear.

This article provides an overview of the key principles of the state's fulfilmentt of the positive obligation to protect human rights from violations by business during the crisis caused by COVID 19: balancing the need to ensure public health and human rights protection; balancing the competing rights of non-state actors with taking into account the concept of the right to security as freedom from fear and freedom from want; implementation of the international human rights law requirement on restriction of human rights, including the derogation from international human rights obligations. The second part of the article is an overview of the results of a survey on the implementation by various countries around the world of the obligation to protect human rights from business violations during COVID 19. The purpose of the survey was to summarize the information about different countries obtained according to the proposed criteria to identify the main regulatory models that states use to fulfil their obligation to protect human rights from business violations in time of COVID 19.

Background Motoring is an emancipation. It is both an individual freedom and a collective freedom with car ownership at 30, 491, 000 vehicles by 2019 in Great Britain. Yet, as the evidence of the impacts of road transport accumulates and the health and environmental aims of sustainable travel become clearer, demand for an ethical analysis also intensifies. Purpose The paper draws on a previous limited ethics-based literature on road transport. Key tenet of liberalism, of ‘freedom from’ as well as ‘freedom to’, are highlighted. This includes Edmund Burke's concept of ‘equality of restraint’ in meeting common needs. Freedom from fear of road traffic danger forms part of an individual's rights. Findings Equality of rights and freedom from fear in road use have not been key considerations for reducing risks to vulnerable road users. Indeed, ethical issues have largely been ignored. The emergence of Vision Zero within the road safety field with its focus on zero deaths and serious injuries has brought an ethics-based approach to the mainstream although it appears to be struggling to gain traction in neo-liberal societies. Conclusions The Covid-19 pandemic has led to UK governments promoting the use of walking and cycling. These modes have hitherto been left to fend for themselves in an environment where road safety has been measured by casualty reduction while fear has suppressed walking and cycling with the consequence losses to physical and mental health. We ask whether an ethics-based contribution, and lessons from Covid-19, can help re-set the direction of UK road safety policy and practice.

This study presents a bottom-up approach to address the current impasse regarding the international peace. It notes that the existing top-down remedies for peace presented by leaders who are involved in committing crimes against peace have not been productive. Hence, this research hypothesises a solution that rests on empowering nations as right holders through a focus on an undeveloped post-Cold War right, namely the right of peoples to peace. This project adopts a combination of methods from inter-disciplinary contexts, including conceptual framework analysis, legal doctrinal analysis, and reflective equilibrium method. It employs a cosmopolitan methodology; however, it considers other philosophical theories, such as utilitarianism, in order to prohibit unconscious dogmatism. At the outset, the research advances a methodology to establish such a “right”. It provides a conceptual-legal framework for the “right to peace” by focusing on the normative content of entitlement, right holders and duty bearers through an international legal lens. Then, it lays a philosophical groundwork for this right to justify it. The study explores and develops a mechanism through which the right to peace can be implemented. For this purpose, political violence from above - specifically aggression - among various categories of violence is a point of focus. It discusses the prosecution of the crime of aggression as the implementation mechanism of this right, and analyses the existing deficiencies in international criminal law instruments. It analyses the “Kampala amendments” to the Rome Statute in order to explore the loopholes relating to the implementation of this right. It addresses the institutional mechanisms of the accountability of the UN Security Council, as one of the duty-bearers of the right to peace. In other words, the research endeavours to end the politicisation of the formula for peace through the judicialisation of it. This new formula may lead to engagement with other contemporary policies which result in the violation of peace, such as internal conflicts, state-executed terrorist attacks and proxy wars, with the aim of achieving Goal 16 of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development concerning peace, justice and strong institutions. 2023-01-24

This chapter discusses the acceptance of human security by the “ODA community” in South Korea. The authors examine official documents, academic publications, and interviews with stakeholders, to see whether the term “human security” was explicitly or implicitly used. The result shows that even though the South Korean government does not use the term very often, it has embraced the three freedoms, protection, and empowerment in its official development assistance (ODA) policies. While it is not clear whether the idea of human security has been fully implemented in ODA activities, it is noteworthy that the term has been explicitly used by the South Korean government. The chapter concludes by mentioning the possible utility of the concept with regard to future situations around North Korea.

This chapter traces the process of acceptance of human security in Thailand in terms of both concept and operationalization by reviewing literature and interviewing key stakeholders. The position of the Thai government on human security is Janus-faced. The Thai government capitalized on the concept of human security in 1994 at the time it was propounded by United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). After establishing the Ministry of Social Development and Human Security (MSDHS) in 2002, however, the focus has shifted from foreign policy for Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to domestic “Thai-style” social welfare policy. While “Thai-style” human security is supposed to be one way of localizing the alien concept, the author argues that its “depoliticization”, that is, the omission of the “freedom from fear” aspect, tends to narrow the concept’s scope of application.

This chapter describes the motivation of the research project, provides the theoretical framework of the entire book, and gives a summary of the findings of the case study chapters. In the process of diffusion of human security norms in East Asia, several features have emerged. First, East Asians have accepted a comprehensive definition of human security regarding the perception of threats. Second, East Asians tend to think that human security and state security are complementary. Third, the constituent elements of the human security norms such as freedom from fear and from want, freedom to live in dignity, protection, and empowerment are already accepted by East Asian nations. We need an extra effort to elevate human security to a full-fledged norm in the region.

One out of three women in the world has suffered gender-based violence. Yet from #metoo to Malala to Maria da Penha, women are rising up and pushing back. The purpose of this book is to show how to transform fear to freedom through a combination of international action, legal reform, public policy, mobilization, and value transformation. The Struggle analyzes drivers of violence and strategies for resistance in the semi-liberal countries at the frontiers of globalization. These hot-spots of violence represent the highly unequal middle-income countries, with declining citizenship and surging social conflict that now host two-thirds of the world’s population. The book profiles struggles against femicide, rape, trafficking, and related abuses in Brazil, India, South Africa, Mexico, the Philippines, Egypt, and Turkey in detail, with contrast cases beyond. Using the dual lenses of human rights and feminist theory of “gender regimes,” the book argues that different repertoires of abuse require distinct dynamics of change. Thus, The Struggle profiles strategies for transforming gendered power relations through multi-level campaigns on access to law and impunity, rights-based public policy, promotion of women’s agency, transforming violent masculinity, and reproductive rights. This study of campaigns to end gender violence at the frontiers of globalization expands our understanding of human rights reform pathways worldwide, and the interdependence of women’s rights with all struggles for justice.

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to look into how people in risky environments define human security by using the framework of the draft human security index of the Third World Studies Center, University of the Philippines to study five municipalities. The concept of human security used here is the comprehensive definition that covers “freedom from fear” and “freedom from want” dimensions but using a more local/bottom-up perspective in getting people’s sense of security and threats/risks. As a pilot research, the paper also reveals the shortcomings of the draft index as it does not highlight yet other factors like gender, ethnicity and other sectoral identities. Design/methodology/approach – The pilot municipalities all have a history of violent conflicts or insurgency and they also face other security threats/risks, e.g., natural disasters and effects of climate change, limited sources of livelihood, lack of food, water shortage, etc. Through surveys, focus group discussions and interviews, people ...

This article first refers to the importance of the freedom from fear as a forgotten freedom, and analyzes the political fear and its negative impact on the citizens’ behavior in the society as well as the violation of human rights and freedoms. The article also provides the historical discourse on this freedom in renaissance era, and also reviews the elements required in achieving freedom from fear and its close relation to human security. The article then studies the threats to freedom of fear including classical threats such as arbitrary detention, torture, and forced disappearance as well as the new ones like terrorism, organized crimes, and domestic violence, and then examines the impact of these threats on freedom from fear. The article concludes that the basic human rights and fundamental freedoms cannot be achieved in any society without providing freedom from fear in its true sense and comprehensive meaning

Brendan Howe. (2013). The Protection and Promotion of Human Security in East Asia . Palgrave Macmillan, Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire, x + 258 pp., GBP60.00 hardcover (ISBN 978-1-137-29364-0). This book, published as part of the Palgrave Macmillan Critical Studies of the Asia Pacific Series, is an important contribution to the study of human security in East Asia. The book is organized into three sections covering the theoretical framework, case studies, and significant East Asian actors involved in human security. Each of these sections warrants evaluation, not just on its own merit but in terms of how it contributes to the overall coherence of the book. Part 1, “Operationalizing Human Security in East Asia,” presents the author’s perspective on human security, with specific reference to East Asia. The plan of the book and the approach are introduced in chapter 1, with chapter 2 setting out an approach to human security. As highlighted in the United Nations Development Programme’s Human Development Report in 1994, the concept of human security arose because of dissatisfaction that traditional state-centered security was focused too much on the protection of states as sovereign entities, with insufficient attention to the suffering that people might be enduring. In this light, Brendan Howe elaborates an approach to human security that focuses not just on “freedom from fear” but also on “freedom from want” (prioritizing material needs). In chapter 3, where East Asian perspectives on human security are discussed, he argues that these perspectives mostly emphasize the goal of “freedom from want,” particularly through the instrument of “good governance” (involving interventionist strategies); good governance can thus allow for stronger states than is normally the case with liberal approaches to governance that assume a more limited role for government and put more emphasis on individual freedoms. In part 2, there are five case studies designed to provide insight into the dynamics of … d.mcdougall{at}unimelb.edu.au

As international institutions like the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) continue to mainstream lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersex, queer (LGBTIQ) and sexual orientation, gender identity/expression, sex characteristics (SOGIESC) considerations within their programming and practice, the question remains, are the voices of the most vulnerable included? This chapter utilizes a human security approach as a means to examine the structural oppressions and systemic marginalizations hindering the progression of LGBTIQ/SOGIESC inclusion within international development practices. It examines the three major components of human security, the freedom from fear, the freedom from want and the freedom to live with dignity, in order to reconceptualize each original UNDP human security measure, including economic security, food security, health security, environmental security, personal security, community security, and political security, from a LGBTIQ perspective. In doing so, it highlights how the numerous vulnerabilities impacting the lived realities of LGBTIQ persons become situated among the interlinkages between international development, human rights, and security praxis. By comprehensively examining the interlinkages of said praxis, in addition to the multidimensional complexities impacting the lived reality of LGBTIQ persons, this research can help advance the promotion and protection of LGBTIQ inclusion within international development.

Samuel Warren and Louis Brandeis’s idea of the “right to be let alone” was multi-dimensional. One dimension involved the breadth of harm. Harm could occur by physical or non-physical means. Justice Brandeis elaborated on this idea in Olmstead v. United States, stating that the Fourth Amendment prohibits not only physical trespasses, but, more generally, “unjustifiable intrusions by the Government upon the privacy of the individual.” Warren and Brandeis’s “right to be let alone” also included a depth dimension: harm can be caused by incomplete actions, such as attempts or threats. They wrote that liberty once meant nothing more than “freedom from actual restraint,” and the right to life served only to “protect the subject from battery in its various forms.” But with “recognition of man’s spiritual nature, of his feelings and his intellect,” the “protection against actual bodily injury was extended to prohibit mere attempts to do such injury; that is, the putting another in fear of such injury.” While the breadth dimension of the “right to be let alone” has been recognized in constitutional law (see Katz v. United States), its depth dimension — freedom from fear — remains undeveloped. Focusing on the original meaning of the Fourth Amendment’s “to be secure” text, this article briefly explains how Warren and Brandeis’s “right to be let alone” can be more fully incorporated into Fourth Amendment doctrine.

This chapter endeavors to address a particular application of mindfulness of thinking and how it can be used in ways conducive to improved well-being. One aspect of mind that has a significant impact on emotional life and well-being is self-criticism and the criticism of others. We all occasionally act in ways that cause distress, to ourselves and to others; therefore how such actions are acknowledged, and how an individual works with them, is important. This chapter explores how such situations can be managed both to personal and communal benefit. The provenance of stress stemming from a lack of forgiveness both of ourselves and of others is explored. In relation to this, the ability to watch the flow of thoughts and consequently to make skillful judgments is examined as a way to relieve such causes of stress and thereby to contribute to well-being. The interrelationships between fallibility, mindfulness, loving-kindness, and forgiveness are discussed, highlighting the importance of objectivity toward thought, as well as benevolence toward oneself and others. Traditional Buddhist practices—of “asking for forgiveness” (khamati) as well as “invitation for feedback” (pavarana)—are assessed as significant methodologies that support stress relief and can inform more general applications for communal well-being. Lastly, the effects of behavior and the role of ethics in well-being are explored in the light of classical Buddhist guidelines in this area, as well as the role of the Five Precepts in being said to give “freedom from fear and oppression.”

In this chapter, the author examines the quality of democracy from a governance perspective, investigating developments in Korea during the last three decades. Howe complements a democratic governance perspective with elements of a human security perspective that lets him explicitly focus on the dimensions of freedom and equality. In a first step, he discusses various perspectives on democracy in the literature to come up with a set of quality criteria that go beyond mere procedural democracy and emphasize the actual practice of equal rights, opportunities, and the guarantee of the rule of law, accountability, participation, and competition. According to the “human-centered, entitlement rights-based approach” the author applies, one of the core responsibilities for those in power is to provide for the protection of the people so that they are free from fear, free from want, and can live in dignity. In the following sections, Howe examines developments in “achieving at least limited forms of procedural democracy, and good governance in terms of reconciling conflicting interests and generating collective good” between democratic transition in 1987 and the end of the liberal governments of Kim Dae-jung and Roh Moo-hyun. This is followed by a similar evaluation of the conservative government of Lee Myung-bak, and that of his successor, Park Geun-hye, covering the period up to the year 2015. Howe then scrutinizes qualitative distributive shortcomings and human-centered challenges in Korea’s democracy guided by the three criteria of freedom from fear, freedom from want, and dignity.

This article will critically interrogate the relationship between Human Security and Ontological Security from a broadly postcolonial perspective. The dislocation engendered by successive waves of neo-liberal globalisation has resulted in the deracination of many of the world's inhabitants, resulting in a state of collective ‘existential anxiety’ [Anthony Giddens, Modernity and Self-Identity: Self and Society in the Late Modern Age, Cambridge: Polity Press, 1991]. Under such conditions, the search for ontological security becomes paramount. However, conventional understandings of Human Security as ‘freedom from fear and want’ are unable – from a post-colonial perspective – to provide ontological security since they operate within a culturally specific, Eurocentric understanding of the ‘human’ as ‘bare life’ [Giorgio Agamben, Homo Sacer: Sovereign Power and Bare Life, Daniel Heller-Roazen (trans), Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1998]. It will then be argued that post-secular conceptions of Human Security [Giorgio Shani, Religion, Identity and Human Security, London and New York: Routledge, 2014] by acknowledging the role which culture and religion can play in providing answers to existential questions concerning the ‘basic parameters of human life’ are better able to ‘protect’ ontological security in times of rapid global transformation given the centrality of religion to post-colonial subjectivity. This will be illustrated by the case of the global Sikh community. It will be argued that ontological, and therefore, Human Security rests on reintegrating the ‘secular’ and ‘temporal’ dimensions of Sikhi, which had been severed as a result of the colonial encounter.

Human security is a concept that challenges the traditional notion of national security by placing the 'human' as the central referent of security instead of the 'state.' It is a concept that encompasses health and well-being of people and prioritizes their fundamental freedoms and basic livelihoods by shielding them from acute socioeconomic threats, vulnerabilities and stress. The epicenter of "health security" is located at the intersection of several academic fields or disciplines which do not necessarily share a common theoretical approach. Diverse players in the "health security" domain include practitioners in such fields as security studies, foreign policy, international relations, development theory, environmental politics and the practices of the United Nations system and other multilateral bodies like the World Health Organization (WHO) and the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO). Improvements in health are not only dependent on continued commitments to enhance the availability of healthcare and to strengthen disease prevention systems; they are very much enhanced by that intersection between global security and global health. What is emerging is global health diplomacy paradigm that calls for strengthening of core capacities in the public health and foreign policy arenas aimed at advancing human security through the strengthening of global health diplomacy practices. Human security in its broadest sense embraces far more than the absence of violence and conflict. It encompasses human rights, good governance, access to education and health care, and ensuring that each individual has opportunities and devices to fulfill his or her potential. Every step in this direction is a step towards reducing poverty, achieving growth and preventing conflict. Freedom from want, freedom from fear and the freedom of future generations to inherit a natural environment - these are the interrelated building blocks of human- and therefore national security.