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The Belgian Constitution holds an obligation for governmental schools to organise RE in the recognised religions and in non-confessional ethics for all children of school age. While neither the Flemish nor the French Community legislator can thus abandon RE altogether, both legislators have recently taken initiatives, moving beyond the opt-out system, towards an opt-in system and a partial withdrawal of RE in governmental schools. After a brief description of the Belgian RE system and its historical roots, we scrutinise these evolutions. Although the Constitution does offer some room for manoeuvring, not everything goes: ending the possibility for students in governmental schools to opt for RE in any of the recognised religions or in non-denominational ethics altogether would, for instance, not be allowed. This is different from the perspective of human rights instruments such as the ECtHR, which permits, but does not require governmental schools to organise moral or religious education. Following the margin of appreciation doctrine of the ECtHR, the ECHR does not pose strict limits on governmental possibilities. It remains, however, to be seen whether the Flemish and French Community will manage to stay in line with the stricter regime of the Belgian Constitution.

Since 2009, there is a discussion about how RE should be organised in state and 'private' (mainly Catholic) schools in Flanders. Especially the proposal to introduce non-denominational and integrative RE for all pupils in all schools stimulated the debate. More than ten years later, the RE system, which is based on (semi-)confessional and in state schools also separate RE courses, has not changed profoundly. Despite this status quo, several initiatives have been taken to improve the RE system from within. This article describes and evaluates these initiatives from the perspective of our preference for integrative RE for all.

Like most Western nations and regions, Flanders and Québec are characterized by increasing religious diversity and secularization. Accordingly, 'learning to live together' is a main objective in their public education programmes. In spite of this similarity, both regions seem to interpret the concept of 'living together' in a different way and especially when it comes to wearing religious symbols and organizing religious education in governmental schools, there is a huge difference between the Flemish and Québec policy. In this article, we will have a closer look at both policies and try to find out which one is to be preferred in their present educational contexts.

In 2018, the Québec Ethics and Religious Culture program celebrated its 10th anniversary. The launching of this program in schools in 2008 can be seen as the final step in a profound reorganization and a related deconfessionalization of the Québec educational system, a shift considered necessary to adapt school curricula to the present Québec society, which is characterized by secularism and increasing religious diversity. At present, Flanders (Belgium) is also undergoing a similar 'paradigm shift', with all the debates that accompany it. Because there are several important similarities between the present education and RE system in Flanders on the one hand, and the previous education and RE system in Québec on the other, a comparison between both regions can benefit the discussions involving the RE system and improve the future education policy in Flanders, but also in other regions or nations with comparable educational contexts. In this paper, I will therefore address the main similarities and differences between the two education systems and explain why the Québec education system in general, and the ERC subject in particular, could be seen as an inspiring example for future Flemish education policy. In addition, I will argue why some aspects of the present Québec system, and particularly of ERC, are rather controversial and/or problematic.

Inspired by the comparative method for RE as outlined by Bråten, this article elaborates on some similarities and differences between the present RE system in Flanders (Belgium) and the past RE system in Québec (Canada). After a brief outline of the societal level, the focus will be on the institutional level, where international, national and sub-national legislation will be examined. In addition, attention will be given to informal processes on the societal sub-national level, and especially to the debates with regard to the deconfessionalisation of RE in Flanders on one hand, and the debates on this issue in Québec on the other. This comparison will not only reveal important similarities, but also significant differences. Interestingly, it seems to be the case that especially these differences, and the particularities of the Flemish educational system, make the deconfessionalisation in Flanders even more complicated and difficult -- but therefore not less urgent -- than in Québec.

This article reflects on the place of RE in a pillarised education context, taking into account the fact of religious diversity and pluralisation among the school population on the one hand, and the freedom of religion and education of faith-based schools on the other. Particular attention will be given to Belgium and the Netherlands, which do not only have a comparable pillarised education model, but also have a quite similar religious landscape. After a brief historical sketch of the educational systems in both nations, attention will be given to the present situation and to the challenges of religious diversity and secularism in faith-based schools. In order to meet these challenges, recent developments concerning RE in Belgium and the Netherlands are discussed. In conclusion, we will outline some suggestions for the future of RE in faith-based schools in a pillarised education context.

Based on Habermas' normative theory of religion in post-secular society, this article elaborates on the organisation of Islamic religious education (RE) in state schools. Hereto, a brief sketch of the Habermasian concepts of "reflexive religion" and "complementary learning processes" will be given. Subsequently, the author addresses the role of RE in post-secular society and applies these Habermasian concepts to confessional RE, with particular attention to Islamic RE in Belgium, where this subject is included as an optional subject in the state school curriculum since 1975, but where it is also criticised today, in particular with regard to content, teacher-training, textbooks, and inspection. These deficiencies will lead us to one of the main problems of Islamic RE and of confessional RE in general: the absence of state control. Based on Habermas' ideas, the author concludes that it is up to the state to elucidate under which conditions confessional RE can be part of the regular curriculum, and to facilitate these conditions, by funding and co-organising teacher training, reviewing curricula and textbooks, formulating a 'core curriculum' and controlling teachers, for example. If these conditions have not been met, confessional RE should not be a part of the regular curriculum in a liberal state.

As a result of secularisation and increasing religious diversity, several European nation have states adapted their policy with regard to the organisation of Religious Education (RE) (or its equivalent) in state schools (schools funded and established by the state). In this article, different strategies will be outlined and evaluated: (1) the shift from confessional/catechetical to semi-confessional RE; (2) the possibility of exemption; (3) the organisation of an alternative, non-confessional, subject; (4) the expansion of RE subjects (multi-religious RE); (5) the shift from confessional to non-confessional RE; (6) the integration of information about religions in other school subjects. Based on a human rights perspective, the author argues why some of these strategies are preferable to others.

This article focuses on Islamic education in Belgium. First, attention is given to the organization of Islamic classes in state schools, where some important problems occur, such as the lack of appropriate teachers and inspectors, the mono-confessional content of the curricula, and the absence of state control. Next, the content of religious education (RE) classes in Catholic schools, which are also attended by many Muslims, will be addressed. Finally, the author argues that a shift within the current RE classes is not sufficient today. Based on autonomy-based, epistemological, and societal arguments, the author proposes a shift from confessional to non-confessional RE.

In the federal state of Belgium, education is, since the constitutional amendment of 1988, organised in an autonomous way by the Flemish, French and German Communities. Within each Community, there are different kinds of schools: "private" (but state funded) schools, which are mainly, but not exclusively, Catholic, and "official" or state schools, which can be divided into community schools, municipal schools, urban schools and provincial schools. This "pillarized" education model is the result of a long school battle between Catholics on one hand, and liberals, socialists and free-thinking humanists on the other: the former defending a private, but state-funded, Catholic education system; the latter defending "neutral" education, both established and funded by the state. In 1958, a historical compromise was reached with the schoolpact and in 1959, this compromise was sealed in the "schoolpact law", which guarantees financial support for private (mainly Catholic) schools on one hand, and a choice of education in recognised religions and in non-confessional ethics in official (state) schools on the other. Up until today, the subsidised Catholic school network, in which more than 60% of all students are enrolled, is still the largest provider of education in Belgium and particularly in the Flemish Community, where 62% of all primary and 75% of all secondary schools are private--mainly Catholic--schools, with a similar percentage of students. This article delves into the "Catholic" identity of the Catholic schools, which was a few decades ago a decisive factor in the school choice and was one of the markers of the pillarised society, and now is for most parents no longer important. This is followed by a comparison with religious education in state schools--where students can choose between Roman Catholicism, Protestantism, Orthodox Christianity, Anglicanism, Islam, Judaism, and non-confessional ethics. A discussion on the current debates surrounding these "new" Catholic schools concludes the article.

In spite of recent tendencies of secularisation and religious pluralism, most Belgian schools are Catholic schools, where Roman Catholic religious education is a compulsory subject. As we will argue, this can lead to a "de facto" undermining of the freedom of religion and education and a shift in the system is therefore required. In the long term, the number of Catholic schools should be in proportion with the number of students/parents choosing these schools. In the short term, however, this strategy is not recommended and for pragmatic reasons, we propose a system in which religious education in substantially subsidised faith-based schools is no longer compulsory. We will argue that such a system does not lead to an infringement of the (internal) freedom of religion of faith-based institutions and that it will guarantee more educational and religious freedom than the current system does.

In Belgium (Flanders), citizenship education is one of the cross-curricular achievements, but it is not scheduled as a separate school subject. Alternatively, citizenship education is integrated in diverse school subjects and particularly in the religious education classes. However, with this didactical approach, two problems arise. First, attention to liberal, democratic values is not always given in a sufficient, convincing way and is often dependent on the teacher staff's efforts and goodwill. Second--and more important--,religious education in Belgium is organized by the independent religious instances of the recognized religions and not by the state. As a result, religious education teachers are often responsible for citizenship education, without supervision of the state. Not surprisingly, the aims of citizenship education are not always reached and Flanders scores below the European average with regard to citizenship education. In order to improve this situation, this article recommends a new, obligatory, non-confessional subject about (and not into) religion, where attention is given to religious diversity, ethics, philosophy and citizenship education. For pragmatic reasons, an immediate introduction of this subject would be impossible, but a gradual and profound change is recommended.

After an elaboration of the paradigm shift concerning religious education in Europe, we will give a critical presentation of the Belgian and Flemish system of religious education. The article continues with a discussion of diverse proposals to change the religious education system in Flanders, and concludes that the introduction of an independent, nondenominational, and obligatory subject about religions, ethics, citizenship, and philosophy is the most promising option. In addition, denominational religious education can still be offered as an optional subject. This double system seems the best approach to cope with the educational challenges, the freedom of religion, and (religious) education in Flanders today.

This article describes the way in which religious education (RE) has been organised in Flanders and Belgium, and gives attention to the problems and challenges that arise these days. We argue that the "Schoolpact" of 1958 which implies separate RE in different religions in public schools needs a revision. Therefore, we propose an alternative system, within the boundaries of the Belgian constitution that makes room for integrative RE as a new compulsory school subject in all schools.