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Isabel Truesdell Kelly (1906–1982) was an indefatigable field worker, often in rigorous situations that would challenge even the most seasoned outdoors person with all of the modern gear of today. She worked in the western United States, many rugged areas of Mexico, and also in Central and South America, as well as Pakistan. Archaeology was her “ rst love,” although she did major ethnographic studies and made many contributions to applied anthropology. Theory was not her strong interest, but deep description was, in whatever she was pursuing. Her employment career was outside of academe, owing in part to the period in which she took her graduate training (late 1920s-early 1930s), as well as to circumstances that led her in her early years to spend most of her life in Mexico. But she remains a seminal gure in anthropology, as a pioneer in several geographic areas (including the Great Basin), and—in spite of what was then a non-traditional career path—as a role model for women.

Adovasio et al. (1986) described Early Holocene basketry from the northern Great Basin as "simple twined and undecorated." Cressman (1986) reported the presence of decorated basketry during the Early Holocene, which he characterized as a "climax of cultural development" in the Fort Rock Basin in Oregon. These contrasting interpretations are the product of relatively small basketry assemblages reliably dated to the Early Holocene from this area, as well as the questionable recovery context of some critical specimens. We report on the direct AMS dating of a number of basketry specimens central to this issue. Early Holocene basketry from the northern Great Basin does include decorated and complex structures; however, since most of the dated specimens fall toward the end of the Early Holocene, the evidence presented here does not provide definitive closure to the issue.

Mountain Sheep in the Sky is a referent phrase used by older Numic people to refer to the stars of the constellation Orion. Fragments of the tale of a hunt in which these stars are featured were recorded in the Great Basin from before 1900 to the 1940s in different variants. An attempt is made to relate these fragments to demonstrate what may have been a widespread tale type. Its demise may be related to the general demise of star tales—perhaps due to shifts in native educational priorities.

As noted, it is difficult to say much about the future of cultural anthropology and linguistics in the Great Basin in the 1990s without saying at least something about the past. In other words, what was it (and is it) that ethnologists and linguists have been trying to do, who has contributed to the tasks to date, and what remains to be done? Although there are some recent summaries of data tied to these questions (e.g., D. Fowler 1986; Jacobsen 1986; Miller 1986), they are worth reviewing again.

The harvesting of Pandora moth larvae (Coloradia pandora lindseyi Barns and Benjamin), or piagi, by the Owens Valley Paiute and other native peoples of the Sierra Nevada of California, has attracted varied attention since the turn of the century. Early papers by entomologists, including Aldrich (1912, 1921), Eldredge (1923), Englehardt (1924), Patterson (1929), and Essig (1934), described the basic process, but were based more on hearsay than on direct observation. They thus created some fanciful impressions. Later ethnographic descriptions, such as those by Steward (1933) and Davis (1965), helped sort fact from fancy, although not completely, as they too were based on secondhand information rather than direct observation. In June, 1981, we observed elderly Paiute from Bishop, California, harvesting and processing Pandora moth larvae. At that time, cost/benefit checks were made on both collection and processing, to which basic nutritional data were added. That season the larvae were collected by hand rather than by the tree-base trenching method that is well attested in the archaeological and ethnographic records. In June, 1982, we planned some additional experiments with the trenching method of collection, in order to compare the basic efficiency of the two techniques. Although unable to complete the experiments because of a population collapse among the larvae, we were able to extrapolate some data from other sources toward these comparisons. This paper focuses on these results, after first describing and illustrating the basic harvesting techniques.

The Chemehuevis. Carobeth Laird. Banning: Malki Museum Press, 1976. xxviii + 349 pages, 2 maps, $15.00 (hardback), $8.95 (paper).

Killwa Texts: "When I Have Donned My Crest of Stars." Mauricio J. Mixco. University of Utah Anthropological Papers No. 107, 1983, 305 pp., 3 figures, 17 photos, 4 drawings, 4 maps, 1 appendix, $20.00 (paper). Killwa Dictionary. Mauricio J. Mixco. University of Utah Anthropological Papers No. 109, 1985, 382 pp., 2 appendices, $25.00 (paper).

By way of conclusion, it is perhaps worth noting some of the geographical relationships of Pyramid Lake fishing implements and practices. Most are clearly shared with the Walker River Northern Paiute, and at least to some degree with the Carson Lake and Humboldt Basin groups (Speth 1969; Stewart 1941). Platforms, weirs, gill nets, dip nets, and set Unes are found over much of the area, with local adaptations to fit specific hydrographic features. These same features, plus some of the same methods of weir and basket-trap construction, the use of shuttles and gauges, and large hfting nets, are also shared with some adjacent groups to the west,including particularly the Klamath (Barrett 1910; Kroeber and Barrett 1960). These and other features, as Kroeber and Barrett (1960) pointed out some years ago, also show a continuum from the Klamath area to the Pacific Coast. The kuyuidikadi and several other Northern Paiute groups can now be added to these distributions. In addition, some of these features seem to have been well established in the western Great Basin in the prehistoric past. Parallels are particularly noticeable by Lovelock times (Loud and Harrington 1929). Apart from any supposed or actual relationship between the Northern Paiute of west-central Nevada and the carriers of Lovelock lifeways (Grosscup 1963; Heizer and Napton 1970), it is clear that the whole of this region of the western Great Basin has been involved in fishing complexes of various orders and varying degrees for several millennia. The ecological and technological relationships that characterize the region through time are part of an important adaptive pattern that deserves to be further explored and more tightly defined. Park's data help with the ethnographic definition.