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International scholarships are an established mode of aid distribution for many donor countries and a life-changing educational opportunity for recipients from the global South. This article draws upon ethnographic field research centred on Dili, Timor-Leste, focussing on case studies of a scholarship applicant, a scholar, and an alumnus. It employs the concept of "Southern agency," investigating individual practices shaped by influences that both constrain and enable action, namely local infrastructure, family and kinship groups, literacies, and the colonial legacy. Scholarship places are limited and extremely competitive, while assigning a moral imperative for alumni to learn and return to contribute to local development, often resulting in the re-production of socially normed roles echoing the colonial era. The global upheaval in higher education resulting from the COVID-19 pandemic emphasises the need for alternative interventions in the global South, including greater investment in local higher education institutions, and online learning.

A considerable body of sociological literature has examined the role that education plays in the ongoing reproduction of class-based inequalities. However, there is a relative lack of research that has focused on the reproduction of inequalities linked to the combined influences of disability and social class. Based on a qualitative study of 19 Australian families, this article examines how the strategies that mothers adopt to advocate for their dyslexic children are shaped by social class. We argue that the expectation by schools that mothers will advocate for their child reproduces inequality because advocacy hinges on mothers having access to specialised cultural capital and considerable financial capital. Our findings also indicate that there is a reliance on mothers to advocate for their child in order to get support. We argue that this reliance on advocacy shifts responsibility for inclusion from the state to mothers, further reproducing a system that is exclusionary of students with disabilities.

This paper examines the problems and potential of Massive Open Online Courses (MOOCs) and Open Education Resources (OER) in the global South. Employing a systematic review of the research into the use of open online learning technologies in Southern contexts, we identify five interrelated themes emerging from the literature: (1) access to the Internet; (2) participant literacies; (3) online pedagogies; (4) the context of content; and (5) the flow of knowledge between North and South. The significance of Southern voice and participation is addressed in the final section, which concludes that on balance, the literature offers a qualified endorsement of the potential and actualities of MOOCs and OER in the global South. The ongoing tendency for the research literature to pay little heed to the agency of the social actors with the most to gain from these innovations is noted, opening up space for further research into the lived experience of online learners in the global South.

This article introduces a collection of papers comprising the special issue, "Competing interests: Parents, Schools and Nation States." Drawing on the seven papers in the collection, and situating them in recent developments in the sociological field, the article discusses globally shifting relations between families, schools and the state across a range of nations in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries (Australia, Germany, India, Norway, Singapore, Sweden, USA). The article proposes that the school is a crucial site for relations between family and state, and argues that a significant focus of the material and occupational investment of contemporary parents is the formal education of their children, re-shaping not only the relationship between parents and schools but also the nature of parenthood itself. In the contemporary context of global neoliberal education reform, parents are analysed both as local actors in schools and as subjects of national and international policy regimes.

Portraying a localised educational system as part of broader global flows of policy ideas and practices emanating from multiple sources -- an eduscape-- the paper focuses on family practices shaped by global policy flows and the return impact of families on the translation of these policies into local school formations. Under scrutiny are the decentralising or devolutionary directives, linked so often to choice and competition, which took hold in Western jurisdictions in the 1980s, the influences of which are still strongly felt. The conceptual links spread to a mobile 'second modernity', implicating many a family in movement associated with choices they are obliged to make, and which are often correlated to family achievement and success. The observations reported here are framed conceptually by an interest in the synthesis of Beck's individualisation thesis and Bourdieusean practice approaches in order to portray and comprehend social being and social change.

This ethnographic study of a beginning-level German course at an Australian university examined the student experience of learning second language (L2) grammar in a flipped classroom. Students accessed explicit grammar instruction and completed grammar exercises prior to attending face-to-face classes; during class, the structures were briefly reviewed by the students and then applied in interactive task-based activities focused on meaningful use of the L2. In surveys and interviews, learners reported that the opportunity to manage the pace and depth of their interaction with online grammar modules facilitated their learning and increased their confidence. Linking these outcomes to research that has shown that flipped teaching models reduce or assist in the management of cognitive load, the study presents a compelling case for flipping the L2 classroom.

This ethnography, based on fieldwork in Dili, Timor-Leste between 2015 and 2017, adopts an orthodox sociological theorising of agency to investigate the ways in which people in Dili negotiate the numerous interacting structural barriers to digital education. Having identified a lack of attention to learner agency in the literature on the promotion and adoption of MOOCs and OER in the Global South (King, Pegrum, and Forsey [2018]. 'MOOCs and OER in the Global South: Problems and Potential'. "International Review of Research in Open and Distance Learning" 19 (5): 2-20. doi:10.19173/irrodl.v19i5.3742), the paper addresses Connell's [(2008). "Southern Theory: The Global Dynamics of Knowledge in Social Science." Crows Nest: Allen & Unwin] influential criticism of the imbalances in global knowledge production, and explores the parallels in technologically enhanced learning. A new concept- Southern agency- is developed through the stories of three Timorese students and their engagement with digital education, focussing on the influences of local infrastructure, family, literacies and the colonial legacy. The paper highlights the need for more extensive research into local practices of learning with technologies and advocates Southern agency as a heuristic device to gain valuable insights into the lived experience of Southern learners.

Internationalization and the concomitant flow of cultural diversity often associated with it are highly prized by universities; many tertiary institutions claim internationalization of the campus, the curriculum, research, and the student body as a major goal, a key performance indicator. However, in the current climate of global international education, overseas student integration and their adjustment difficulties into the life of the host country are often posited as personal failures, and international education scholarship focuses heavily on the failure of international students to integrate into host societies. We question the assumptions underpinning the tendency of universities to link internationalization to the development of interculturality across the campus through bringing together students from different national backgrounds. The belief is that students seek such interactions; internationalization could be achieved through such simplistic practices; this assumption needs empirical scrutiny. In this focused study, we report the motivations and experiences of 24 Chinese international students in an Australian university. A significant majority of the participants reported little interest in intercultural interactions with both host national students and other international students outside their own cultural groups. For those who have hopes of becoming some form of "global citizen," the experiences of these Chinese students suggest that cross-cultural communication is not as successful as hoped in the spaces of encounters, including classrooms, university student accommodation, and social activities out of the classrooms. The voices of these students suggest the need for intervention in the realization of the internationalization vision held by most universities and a reframing of goals and practices to narrow the breach between lofty rhetoric and the practice of international education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We argue here that critical educational scholarship is crucial to developing educational analysis attuned to the nuances of place, mobility, and change in rural locations. Critical sociological analysis, we argue, can also nuance and complicate simplistic portrayals of rural communities and their social, economic, and cultural character. Two central narratives in rural education today relate first, to the economic and social problems faced by challenged "left behind" communities faced by depopulation and restructuring, and second, "boomtown" communities that experience rapid infusions of wealth and population. We offer two linked case studies from Australia and Canada that draw on what we call a rural sociological imagination to interrogate how education is framed in contemporary convergences of history and biography in rural locations. These framings complicate and even confound meritocratic and human capital assumptions that underpin contemporary educational policy discourse, particularly as it relates to rural education.

Based on research in Karratha, a remote resource town in Western Australia, this paper explores the ways in which blue-collar affluence disturbs the meritocratic mythology of formal education. In the opening decade of the twenty-first century Karratha was one of Australia's most affluent towns, yet its adult population was characterised by a level of formal qualifications that was well below the national average. These demographic realities test fundamental beliefs about the functions of education in industrial modernity in ways that help illuminate the importance of Corbett's challenge for educational sociologists to strengthen their commitment to posthumanist studies focused on building sustainable human spaces, particularly in rural areas. Further to this we need to stretch the possibilities of humanist education beyond the successes linked to financial security. Comprehending alternatives to the structurating influence of the myth of an education-based meritocracy offers an important strategy for doing so.

The research we report on was conducted from our computer desktops. We have not met the people we have studied; they are part of what Eichhorn described as a "textual community", gathered around the threads of online conversations associated with a website servicing the needs of English-language speakers in Germany. The thread in question started in 2008 with a query from someone about to move to Berlin, seeking advice about the best international school in which to enrol her three children. The ensuing conversations are revealing, not only because of the schools canvassed and the manner in which they are discussed, but also because of the schools that are not charted into the discussion. This paper raises questions about qualitative research methodologies in online settings, particularly in relation to studies of the global middle-class. It examines claims about an emerging commitment to "nonlocal ethnography" and the surmising one can make about research subjects one never meets, but who remain comprehensible because of the broader cultural context in which they are situated. The research carries the promise of "rich enough" ethnography, reflecting a commitment to understanding what people "do", documenting and analysing the intricate realities influencing and shaping individual choices people make, the complexities they face and the realities they help create. The fact that it was done "at a distance", in so-called virtual spaces, does not undermine its ethnographic authenticity.

Internationalization of higher education is usually accompanied by rhetorical flourishes that are always going to be difficult to live up to. The research reported here is based on surveys and focus group interviews with students at our home university that asks what students expect to learn and really learn from the university study abroad program. In emphasizing what the students surveyed and interviewed for this study reported learning, or thought they might learn, we are able to offer suggestions that can narrow the breach between the rhetoric and the practice of international education and suggest ways of ensuring that students gain as much as possible from their experiences while studying abroad.

Based mainly on my own ethnographic research, which is committed to uncovering the constructed or "practiced" nature of social life, I seek to demonstrate the ways in which Australian school teachers, administrators, students and parents are engaged in a re-productive process that simultaneously reinforces and reinvents schools and schooling. Set against a backdrop of concern bordering on panic among some groups about middle-class flow away from Australian government schools, this paper explores the practices of social class and its structurating effects. A sample is presented of the ways in which those working in Australian schools tend to direct their energies towards ensuring market share of middle-class students, a practice emerging out of beliefs and experiences that lead teachers to find middle-class schools "stimulating and encouraging places to teach in", in contrast to the "disruptive" and "wearing" working-class schools. The study raises important questions not just about how we want to organize our schools and education system, but ultimately about what sort of society are we seeking to re-produce right here, right now? (Contains 2 notes and 1 figure.)

In the growing school choice research literature little, if any, attention has been given to the choices made by the providers of educational services. Yet the workplace preferences shown by teachers and school administrators influences educational practice in important ways and helps illuminate some of the important issues raised in the school choice literature, such as the impact of marketisation on school planning, infrastructure and service delivery in public and private schools, social justice and resource distribution. Following discussion and analysis of the tendency for educational anthropologists to ignore teachers and their work, I use the stories of two teachers to help illustrate the research upon which this essay is built. Based on in-depth interviews with fifteen teachers in Perth, the capital of Western Australia, the primary aim of this paper is to "give voice" to teachers by describing and analysing the social implications of the workplace choices exercised by a range of teachers. Issues of permanency, care, systemic needs, commitment to different forms of social equity, gender and age all emerge as important influences on the choices made by individuals when it comes to the type of school they choose to work in. (Contains 2 tables.)

The research reported here demonstrates the need for greater subtlety in the practice of policy than appears to be evident in many parts of the globe. Based upon an ethnographic study of school reform, this paper heeds Appadurai's call for those researching the "global diaspora of ideas" to pay attention to the contextual conventions governing their translation. This allows us to contemplate how beliefs and practices produced as part of a global swirl of ideas are adapted to meet local conditions. In other words, it is study of neoliberalism in practice. A single-minded focus on neoliberal ideals, in particular on the apparent need for individual autonomy, caused various key players to lose sight of the pragmatic realities of running an education system catering for a diverse population spread unevenly across an enormous expanse of land. Contrary to a commonsense view of the public service as a stultifying force, I argue it can, and does, play a significant role in maintaining some level of commitment to equity.

The winds of decentralizing reform that have been driving their way through various government education systems across the globe over the best part of two decades have generated a great deal of conflict. In the late 1990s those working in the Western Australian government high school in which I conducted the research reported here found themselves in the middle of a devolutionary storm that drew them into an increasingly disruptive conflict with their reform-minded principal. Victor Turner's influential depiction of significant conflict in terms of a processual unit that he called a social drama has considerable analytical purchase for this case study. However, while the four stages--breach, crisis, redress and reintegration--were easily recognizable in the events described here, it is Turner's claim that conflict brings "fundamental aspects of society, normally overlaid by the customs and habits of daily intercourse into frightening prominence" that is of greater interest. Linking social dramas with practice theory provides a productive means for analysing and explaining the sorts of conflict produced in any social setting. (Contains 1 note.)

My 'lost project' is captured in a recollection of a senior school ball, my final ethnographic encounter following 15 months of fieldwork in a middle class government high school, from which students barely get a mention in any of the publications stemming out of the overall project. Two questions are pursued in the paper, focused firstly on why students were ignored in the final rendering of my doctoral research and why I continued to continue to research student groups so actively right up to the end point of the project? Attributing this apparently contradictory set of circumstances to an anthropological commitment to holism that eschews the smallness of studies of groups and sites and fail to take account of broader socio-political contexts, the author is content enough in acknowledging that insights reported here would not have emerged without an ongoing commitment to an engaged holism throughout the whole of the project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]