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Türkiye with its multifaceted soft power, it aspires to strengthen its influence throughout the surrounding countries of the Arabian Gulf. Türkiye is applying the maximum prominent cultural and educational diplomatic strategies for boosting knowledge and cooperation to preserve its impact inside the Gulf location. By establishing the Yunus Emre Institutes (YEE), the implementation of cultural and educational activities, the ties between Türkiye and the member states of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) has been reinforced. As a result of the world's rapid change soft power has become essential in the international arena. This article significantly assesses Türkiye's soft power tasks in the GCC area and its implication on the Arabian Gulf regional dynamics. It examines Türkiye's public diplomacy initiatives in the GCC through cultural and educational diplomacies on domestic and regional attitudes.

Drawing on the survey data from 259 students enrolled at American universities, the study explores how recent tensions between China and the U.S. and issues of public safety would affect Chinese students' perceptions and aspirations for American education. The findings of the research identify significant correlations between the effects of U.S. policies regarding Chinese students, concerns about U.S. public safety, and the impact of U.S. foreign policy toward China on Chinese students at American universities. Students' responses reveal how the pursuit of an American college education remains deeply intertwined with broader societal dynamics and geopolitical realities, which challenge the aspirations of Chinese students for education abroad in an increasingly deglobalizing world.

Migration has been a constant in human history, presenting various economic, social, and cultural challenges. The integration of immigrants into society, particularly in terms of language and education, plays a crucial role in fostering social harmony. While Turkey has made progress in its integration policies, challenges persist, including socio-cultural and economic disparities among refugees. This study aimed to explore the perspectives of education faculty students on the refugee situation in Turkey, revealing insights into foreign policy, sustainability, territorial integrity, and safety concerns. The study was conducted using the qualitative research design of a case study method. 55 teacher candidates participated voluntarily, and their views on refugees living in Turkey were obtained through focus group interviews. Participants emphasized the need for stable foreign policies and highlighted language education as essential for successful integration. They expressed apprehensions about the potential security risks associated with refugees and advocated for greater societal awareness and proactive measures. Ultimately, addressing the refugee issue requires both policy adjustments and heightened societal sensitivity. [This article was presented as an oral presentation at the ICRES conference held in Antalya on 27-30 April 2024.]

Policy evaluation studies, which assess the effect of an intervention, face statistical challenges: in real-world settings treatments are not randomly assigned and the analysis might be complicated by the presence of interference among units. Researchers have started to develop methods that allow to manage spillovers in observational studies; recent works focus primarily on binary treatments. However, many studies deal with more complex interventions. For instance, in political science, evaluating the impact of policies implemented by administrative entities often implies a multi-valued approach, as a policy towards a specific issue operates at many levels and can be defined along multiple dimensions. In this work, we extend the statistical framework about causal inference under network interference in observational studies, allowing for a multi-valued individual treatment and an interference structure shaped by a weighted network. The estimation strategy relies on a joint multiple generalized propensity score and allows one to estimate direct effects, controlling for both individual and network covariates. We follow this methodology to analyze the impact of the national immigration policy on the crime rate, analyzing data of 22 OECD countries over a thirty-years time frame. We define a multi-valued characterization of political attitude towards migrants and we assume that the extent to which each country can be influenced by another country is modeled by an indicator, summarizing their cultural and geographical proximity. Results suggest that implementing a highly restrictive immigration policy leads to an increase of the crime rate and the estimated effect is larger if we account for interference.

Countries in the global South, such as Pakistan, face challenges to determine their education policies without any external pressures. The national sphere of authority of the state has to deal with both global and national policy pressures. The travelling policy gets embedded in the local context adjusting to the local demands. However, for this embedding to take place smartly, the host/adopting country needs to demonstrate critical engagement. The developing countries are faced with a plethora of policy prescriptions from the global space; sometimes in the name of 'best practices' and at others in the name of funding conditionality or priority. Due to the absence of multi-actor critical engagement, the policies exist only during the project and as soon as the project is over, the policy is shelved. The article presents the case of a critical policy engagement -- 'teaching license policy dialogues'. This is an independent university-led effort to improve the teacher management system in Pakistan. A four-stage policy advocacy process is adopted to create critical policy space. It comprised (i) development of concept, (ii) preparation of green papers, (iii) policy dialogues and (iv) launch of the White Paper for policy consideration. The case shows a critical way of engaging with a global policy along with all stakeholders, assessing its efficacy, and make alterations as per contextual needs. We hope that our attempt at critical policy dialogue, which promotes critical engagement of multiple stakeholders on equal footing without pressure from a donor, might offer a better way forward. In this way, the policy may not be seen as a push from global space, rather it would be seen as a negotiation between global-national space. We further highlight the crucial, yet rare role of academia in the global South, which is desperately needed.

Globalisation has driven the pursuit of more active citizenship forms. Many governments see educational policies as critical to preparing young citizens with the necessary skills, knowledge, attitudes, and behaviours to thrive in a changing global context. However, what active citizenship education is and means varies across countries. Little is known about how active citizenship is conceptualised in educational policies in Singapore and the kinds of citizens these policies and programmes aim to nurture. This article draws on an analysis of 20 Singapore policy texts, such as political speeches, press releases, and curriculum documents, to examine the kind of Singaporean citizens the Singapore government seeks to nurture. We argue that globalisation provides a critical context for local conceptualisations of citizenship, but the active Singapore citizen is not an individualistic nor a universal neoliberal citizen subject. In line with Asian conceptions of citizenship, which posit that 'good' people make good citizens, active citizenship in Singapore has a prevailing focus on 'good' character and an active citizen who prioritises the well-being of the collective, yet caught in a paradoxical pursuit of a neoliberal citizen.

Since the 1990s, Hong Kong has been promoting globally-endorsed, Western-derived early childhood ideologies and approaches, such as the Project Approach (*Chen et al., 2017). This orientation appears to be influenced by policies and practices linked to global neoliberalism and neocolonialism. To shed light on the state of knowledge concerning the implementability of the imported "foreign" practices by Hong Kong kindergarten teachers (teaching children ages 3-6), I conducted a research synthesis analyzing the 10 empirical articles that met the inclusion criteria. The analysis was guided by the two existing theoretical frameworks: (1) "Tian Shi" (timing/temporal), "Di Li" (context/spatial), "Ren He" (human capital) (Chen and Li, 2023) and (2) the "foreground-middle ground-background" (Chen, 2022) as well as the newly proposed "globalization-localization interaction dynamics model." A content analysis revealed three salient findings. First, due to the lack of "Tian Shi," "Di Li," "Ren He," Hong Kong kindergarten teachers' implementation of the imported early childhood approaches with fidelity has been largely unsuccessful. Second, the evidence corroborates the "foreground-middle ground-background" theory, suggesting that a hybrid approach (combining both the local and global practices) represents the "best" implementable one. Third, the manner in which the teachers implemented the imported practices seemingly reflects a "glocalization-dominant" pattern. This pattern constitutes one of the four quadrants within my proposed "globalization-localization interaction dynamics model." The four quadrants represent the specific degree of interactive dominance: (1) "grobalization-dominant" (high in globalization and low in localization); (2) "glocalization-dominant" (high in both localization and globalization); (3) "non-committal" (low in both globalization and localization); and (4) "localization-dominant" (low in globalization and high in localization).

What constitutes an "Asian perspective" in the field of adult education? Through a literature review of journal articles from 1990 to 2023 on adult education in the geographical category of Asia, I analyzed how these discussions connect to an Asian perspective. I identified five approaches through which Asian voices have been articulated in the literature: (1) distinct and shared cultural traditions, (2) ambiguities in Asian diaspora transitions, (3) local and/or historical practices applying the lens of Western or external theories, (4) local and/or historical experiences with a focus on practice, and (5) Indigenous/independent theorizing. In addition to a need to de-reify theory by contextualizing processes of theorizing, I argue for deimperialization in the field of adult education -- a need to interrogate imperial imaginaries that persist in education theorizing and practices across Asian regions and making the category of "Asians" fluid by historicizing relations of power such as colonialism, imperialism, and neoliberal capitalism.

As global concerns about climate change deepen, Australian sustainability curriculum plays an increasingly significant role in the way students relate to concepts of home, belonging, and the future. Such futures are imagined in a local context shaped both by ongoing colonial processes and the continued presence of First Peoples, in which invader-settler futurity is the dominant force. As such, a global emphasis on Education for Sustainability raises questions of what types of relationships to place and country are produced through policy and curriculum, and what the implications are for students' investments in the future of place and unceded Country. As a white invader/settler writing from the Country of the Kulin Nations (Melbourne, Australia), in this paper I offer an analysis of UN Education for Sustainability Declarations from the past five decades, alongside Australian national curriculum documents and its translation into state-level curriculum. In doing so, I reveal the ways that sustainability policy and curriculum works to collapse place and Country into the concept of 'environmental resource', largely oriented towards the future of the nation. I argue that in the global policy context, resources are framed to deliver equal distribution "across" nation states, functioning to obscure the operation of patriarchal white sovereignty "within" states such as Australia. I further identify that the ways this problem of resource management is deployed as a virtuous state policy through local curriculum, which functions to solidify invader-settler use of disembodied Indigenous knowledges, to secure futurity.

This article discusses an undergraduate module which introduces students to the study of the history of education through the lens of our own institutions -- UCL (University College London, UK), founded in 1826, and the IOE (Institute of Education, UCL's Faculty of Education and Society), founded in 1902. The module critically examines the close, but often hidden, connections between British education and empire, asking what impact these imperial legacies have today. After outlining the module's origins and relationship with the history of UCL and the IOE, the article sets its creation in the wider context of initiatives that seek to critique and reimagine institutional histories within higher education for a variety of purposes. The article also explores the developing role of the IOE Archives team in teaching, and explores how academics and archivists work together to teach institutional histories, and how this work can prompt change.

The Fulbright Program is the United States' flagship educational exchange program. Since 1946, the program has been heralded as a program that promotes mutual understanding across cultures. However, the Fulbright Program's role as a U.S. Department of State initiative warrants further examination of how this educational exchange program functions as a foreign policy effort on behalf of the United States. This mixed methods study uses data presented in five years of data available in the Fulbright Foreign Scholarship Board's Annual Reports of the program. The study finds seven themes present in the written content of the annual report: Human rights, peace and security; access, diversity, and opportunity; collaboration and partnership; mutual financial investment; excellence as a result of Fulbright; program impact; and solving global problems.

This article examines the structural disparities between the archives at the University of Nigeria Nsukka (UNN) and Michigan State University (MSU). While Nigerian archivists work to preserve their institutions' local content, they must contend with cultural and infrastructural constraints foreign to their American counterparts. To elucidate these differences, this analysis builds upon Stoler's 'archival turn' framework which shifts the gaze on archives to consider them as subjects of inquiry rather than mere sources of data. Reflecting on my own experience working with physical archives at UNN and MSU, along with digital artifacts from these institutions' websites, I analyze the contents and accessibility of hardcopy and digital collections at both universities. In conclusion, I argue that the ongoing and uneven footprint of imperialism, both socio-cultural and infrastructural, results in an unequal distribution of Trouillot's 'archival power' amongst global institutions like UNN and MSU. Additionally, I highlight means by which some Nigerian scholars have contested imperialism to reclaim ownership over their own archival contents and narratives.

This article is concerned with the discourses of teachers and teaching work that have circulated in UK and US education policy circles during the COVID-19 pandemic. Drawing on UK and US policy texts published in Spring and Summer 2020, we discuss how the policy discourses underpinning these texts re/define and mis/recognise teaching work. On a theoretical level, the article bears on a poststructuralist tradition calling, "inter alia," for a critical deconstruction of discourses and the relationships of power they sustain, while also borrowing from critical theorists' understandings of social justice. We argue that while some aspects of teachers' work have attracted more visibility and recognition, these processes have been partial and coexist with the strengthening of some of the hierarchies of teaching work in place prior to the pandemic.

UNESCO's relatively high prestige across East Asia has spurred intensifying efforts by governments to use its imprimatur to legitimate official narratives of the past and visions of the future. This article focuses on China's use of UNESCO as an arena for competitive national 'branding' in the education field, especially relating to STEM and AI. We analyse the Chinese state's engagement with UNESCO's education work in the context of shifts in budgetary and political influence within the organisation, and of a growing 'securitisation' of education within China itself. We show how Chinese engagement with UNESCO's educational agenda reflects both domestic political considerations and the 'major country diplomacy' of Xi Jinping, as manifested in the 'Belt and Road Initiative' and intensifying strategic competition with the USA. We conclude by discussing the implications of rising Chinese influence within the organisation for UNESCO's capacity for articulating a coherent and consistently humanistic vision for education.

By the time political independence was achieved in the 1920s in Ireland, its national education system over the previous century had been underpinned by imperial ideology and values. In the early 1920s, curriculum planning was influenced by the post-revolutionary and post-war context and, unsurprisingly, placed an emphasis on building nationhood and a distinct Irish identity for the Irish Free State. Central to this curriculum planning was Rev. Professor Timothy Corcoran who acted as an external advisor to the 1922 and 1926 conferences that developed primary curriculum policy. This article explores and assesses the influence, impact and legacy of Corcoran through an analysis of his prolific writings as they related to the primary school curriculum. The analysis reveals that Corcoran's thinking, more than that of any other stakeholder in the era, was uniquely influential in determining the philosophy, content and pedagogies prevalent in primary schools in Ireland until the 1970s.

We explore the literature on internationalization in higher education and distinguish between the mainstream and radical approaches to critical scholarship. We argue that the mainstream approach continues to steer internationalization towards socially progressive and equitable aims, while growing concerns have surfaced especially with regard to its commercialization. We focus on the postcolonial approach and suggest that it has inherent limitations stemming from its roots in a 'modern global/colonial imaginary' based on an outdated bipolar or unipolar, rather than multipolar, view of geopolitics. In the analysis of higher education, this perspective fails to recognize contemporary forms of colonialism and, in contrast to other strands of critical scholarship, neglects the shifting nature of geopolitics and the various forms and locations of colonialism. Consequently, we argue that the postcolonial approach becomes myopic, as it tends to be West-centric, selectively critical and denies local agency. Moreover, it falls short in explaining the motives behind internationalization in diverse contexts. Therefore, we argue for a plurality of critical approaches, widely applied, to gain a comprehensive understanding of internationalization on a global scale.

This paper emerges from a set of questions about what it means pedagogically to undertake the paradoxical and difficult task of "unlearning" the emotional experience of imperialism. The analysis discusses the notion of 'emotional imperialism' and the various forms in might take; to do so, the author draws on concepts from affect theory (Reddy's notion of 'emotional regimes') and decolonial theory (Fanon's concept of 'affective ankylosis') to shed light on what emotional imperialism might involve in social and political life, including education. The analysis concludes with a discussion of the political, theoretical and pedagogical implications of 'unlearning emotional imperialism' in educational settings. It is argued that calls for undoing and unlearning emotional imperialism in education are an inseparable part of new onto-epistemological, affective and political imaginaries that aim to transform colonial violence into nonimperial ways of living in our common world.

Active learning is an engaging way of teaching and even experienced professors may not know how to start implementing its techniques to make classes more dynamic. Teaching cases can be a very useful active method of instruction, as an opportunity to assign students roles in the case discussion, centering them as the protagonists of their own learning process. In other words, students will learn by doing, as they will be engaged in thinking and communicating on the topic. This paper presents a teaching case on the Brexit process to introduce central concepts of Putnam's Two-Level Game model, such as level of negotiations, chief negotiator, win-set, voluntary defection, involuntary defection, and ratification. We assessed learning with self-perception questionnaires before and after the activity. The results suggest the activity improved the understanding of all selected topics covered in class.

This study aims to explore the panorama of international education development in China from a retrospective policy mapping perspective. In China, international education is closely linked with educational internationalization and opening to the outside world. The internationalization of education in China refers to the cross-border communication, cooperation, and integration of educational undertakings of different countries to realize the understanding and respect of multicultural society. In general, the international education policy in China includes four stages: From 1949 to 1976, the international education policy is the exploratory stage, from 1976 to 2000, the steady development stage of the international education policy in the reform and opening up period, from 2000 to 2012, the comprehensive development stage of the international education policy in the new century, and from 2012 to now, the new international education policy under the background of 'One Belt and One Road' and the new policy challenges under the COVID-19 pandemic. In addition, the conclusion and implication are offered in the last.

This paper reflects historically and contemporaneously on the relationship between 'International Education and Development' actors and foreign intervention in our colonial past and present, with a particular focus on Education in Emergencies (EiE), a sub-field of research and practice within 'International Education and Development'. Theoretically, this work is underpinned by a critical application of the 'implicated subject', Rothberg's (2019) conceptual addition to the study of violence and injustice which seeks to go beyond binaries of 'victim and perpetrator' and recognise the way many others are 'implicated' in systems of violence and injustice. In the first section we explore this framing for researchers and practitioners in the field of EiE and the complex ways that researchers and practitioners might be understood as 'implicated subjects'. In the second part we explore two dimensions of EiE actors as 'implicated subjects': Diachronic and Synchronic. In the diachronic dimension we highlight the way the colonial past hangs heavy in the present and in the synchronic dimension we explore the case of Afghanistan, and the links between military, development and education strategy. In the conclusion we reflect on their implication for improved ethical practices in EiE and in the broader field of International Education and Development.

This study analyzes the impact that U.S. curricula have on Mexican transnational returnees. Specifically, this article focuses on the ideological development of the army and imperialism promoted in U.S. schools among Mexican populations. Using a framework that combines critical literacies, transnationalism, and Bourdieu's concepts of "habitus" and "doxa", this study draws on data from 24 interviews to Mexican transnational returnee students (n = 4), Mexican national professors (n = 4), and Mexican national students (n = 4) during their concurrence in a program of English language teaching in central Mexico. Findings suggest that, before returning to Mexico, Mexican transnationals are exposed to educational practices that foster unawareness of U.S. hegemony, imperialism, and expansionism. When (back) in Mexico, transnationals pursuing a degree in language teaching had interiorized uncritical perspectives of the U.S. army, which contrasted with the ideological inclinations of their Mexican national counterparts. This ideological discrepancy partially explains the tensions and mutual discrimination among these populations regardless of their common Mexican origin.

Deception is a misrepresentation of reality that attracted many researchers examining it from various perspectives. However, no due attention has been given to the discursive deception strategies in the work of think tanks. This study aims at exposing the deception strategies deployed in the conservative American think tanks' discourse which concern itself with the (re)production of socio-political realities. The study holds the significance of the detection and explication of argumentative and pragmatic discursive deception strategies which impose ideological hegemony and socio-political polarization of the positively presented "Self" against the negatively presented "Other." This study attempts to answer a twofold question: what are the discursive deception strategies involved in the work of think tanks, and why/how these strategies are applied? To this end, eight political texts from three think tanks were analyzed adopting an eclectic model based on van Dijk (2000) and Yule (1996). The analyzed data mainly focuses on four political themes namely (1) terrorism in Islam, (2) Russian role in the Middle East, (3) the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, (4) the U.S. policy in the Middle East. The results demonstrate the pervasiveness of discursive deception strategies in the think tanks' discourse which endeavor to communicate an ideological polarization of a positive presentation of the "Self" against a negative presentation of the "Other" and reinforce a hegemony of particular socio-political realities. Findings can be beneficial for students of (critical) discourse analysis, media, communications studies, and English for special purposes.

In the field of international education and development, International Language and Culture Promotion Organisations (ILCPOs) have played an important part for more than a century. More than 40 countries and regions have set up such organisations. Despite the diversity of these ILCPOs, few comparative studies have been conducted to examine their operations and impacts. In contrast to the existing literature that usually evaluates the role of these organisations from the perspectives of cultural diplomacy, public diplomacy and soft power, this research proposes a 'smart power' analytical framework and compares China's Confucius Institute with its European counterparts -- France's Alliance Française, the UK's British Council and Germany's Goethe-Institut -- in Africa from six critical dimensions: relationship with parent countries; operational mode; accessibility to local people; scope of activities; main internal issues; and local people's needs, in an attempt to evaluate their operations and performance.

This article analyzes the experiences of two preservice English language teachers within their bachelor's degree and their pedagogical practicum through a collaborative autoethnography. The authors discuss their empowerment as a contributing agent to the field of English language teaching and address issues such as methodologies, mentor teachers, native speakerism, colonial ideologies, and decolonization processes. Findings suggest that preservice English language teachers should be allowed to reflect, analyze, and thus contribute to understanding the social dynamics of what it means to teach and be a language teacher. Preservice English language teachers are not passive agents but builders of knowledge, capable of transforming their vision of education, making visible the critical aspects of education, and resisting imposed colonial pedagogical processes.

During the period 1922-37, both the British and Italians launched institutes for educational cinematography and collaborated in the creation of the League of Nations' International Educational Cinematographic Institute. Their leading newspapers dedicated entire sections to the advertising of educational campaigns through cinema. Comparing official documents and the print apparatus about the establishment and the activities of two institutes for educational cinema in Europe gives us a perception of how similarly and differently the British and Italians used their educational films to convey imperial sentiments and rhetoric into civilian life during fifteen years of colonial rule.

This paper examines how international education (IE), as an important tool of public diplomacy (PD) and soft power (SP), faces unique challenges as issues of national security (NS) become more prominent in this era of new geopolitics. It presents a model to understand the relationship between PD, SP and NS and then applies this model to a comparative study. The contrasting histories, approaches and perspectives of IE as it operates as a component of foreign policy and at the nexus of PD, SP and NS in both the U.S. and Canada are analysed. The paper concludes with three challenges faced by IE in the contemporary context: first, the diminishing role of the university as a distinct and valued non-state actor; second, the weakening of foreign policy as an outward looking, distinctly international investment; and third, the problem with choosing isolation over engagement as a strategy.

In recent years, news media have increased reporting about alleged foreign interference in universities worldwide. A flurry of new policies has followed. This article reviews discourse and policy on foreign interference in higher education in select countries. It identifies the alleged perpetrators and victims, the victims' concerns and responses, and the voices shaping the narrative about foreign interference. We combine the concepts of sharp power and right-wing authoritarianism to inform a discourse analysis and comparative policy analysis of a data set of 161 news articles and related media sources spanning a 30-month period of 2019-2021. Our findings highlight how government actors within the United States and Australia drive the international English-language discourse about Chinese foreign interference in a polarized media environment. We observe well-founded fears of China's exploitation of international students and research collaborations to the detriment of national security. At the same time, a resurgent worldwide authoritarian movement is also exploiting these concerns to augment longstanding assaults on higher education. Our study helps to bridge the gap between the primarily positive framing of the internationalization of higher education in scholarly discourse and the negative focus on foreign interference in higher education in the media, government, and other public discourse. It also serves as an important introduction to this phenomenon and call to action for scholars of the internationalization of higher education to conduct further research and actively engage in the broader discourse around this topic.

We provide a case study of how Carnegie Foundation grants to the University of Alberta (Western Canada) during the Great Depression impacted the university's community engagement practices. Previously unutilized archival sources contribute to a historical survey of the university's Department of Extension as Carnegie philanthropy enabled the establishment of a Fine Arts Division within this department. The many benefits to the wider province, however, were laden with imperialist assumptions around race and the European "canon," and thus contributed to the concurrent development of settler institutions and erasure of Indigenous people's cultures and livelihoods. As Alberta's economy shrinks, unemployment increases, and university funding is cut, it remains unclear whether the desire for new and innovative forms of outreach and engagement seen in the Great Depression still exists today. Concluding, we ask what alternatives to philanthropy we can, as scholars, university employees, and citizens, make available.

Recent consciously curated conditions of political polarisation have prevented English schools from taking even the first tentative steps towards decolonising the curriculum. Since returning to power in 2010, successive Conservative Secretaries of State for Education have resolved to restore traditional learning methods to English classrooms, championing the need for children to passively accept content chosen for them by government appointees who are answerable to political rather than to pedagogical priorities. This had already created an unsupportive political environment for transforming what children might learn, before such difficulties were magnified following the Brexit referendum of 2016. Decolonisation has increasingly been identified by Conservative Party strategists as one of their beloved wedge issues, something that can be used to stoke electorally expedient anger against 'the Remainer elite' among Leave-voting communities. Hopes for a serious debate about the principles of decolonisation were frustrated by the Johnson government hijacking the very mention of the word to use as evidence that the 'woke' brigade was running hopelessly out of control. The case for decolonising the English school curriculum has been subjected to a full-frontal populist culture-war attack on an educational establishment accused of refusing to allow children to see the good in their country.

This article advances theories and scholarship focused on Indigenous educational research in the U.S. by engaging with the scholarship of Bryan Brayboy and Sandy Grande. This article provides an overview of the history of Indigenous education research and suggests that engaging with Indigenous-centered theories is essential for scholars undertaking this research endeavor. This article also acknowledges how past research practices inform current research and offers researchers a brief demonstration of how to apply these theories to their own educational research practices.

Arguably New Zealand's best loved picturebook author/illustrator, Gavin Bishop invariably challenges populist power structures in his fiction and non-fiction. As such, his books are ideal vehicles for teaching children about such broad topics as race relations, colonisation, migration, class conflicts, gender relationships, environmental issues and spiritual beliefs. The fact that Bishop often addresses several of these simultaneously, and draws on found texts to do so, paves the way for the teacher to encourage the child to read not only the lines and images but between and beyond these in order to construct a fuller meaning. This article will discuss Bishop's (2018a) picturebook, "Cook's Cook: The Cook Who Cooked for Captain Cook," which qualifies as "faction", a genre that mixes fact and fiction, with Bishop reproducing historical events and characters whilst investing them with an imaginative dimension. Most obviously, the selected book portrays migration, including the colonisation of New Zealand and the Pacific, and its longer-term effects. Hence, it focuses on the subjugation of the indigenous people, culture, flora and fauna to those that are imported, as well as the domination of the working class by the upper class. However, Bishop is too skilful an author/artist to suggest that everything is black and white. Rather, through paralleling and fusing the aforementioned foci, and in the ways in which the print and pictures work separately, together, sometimes against each other, and in interaction with fore texts, he suggests that dichotomies are mixed. The article will examine those portrayed as minions and masters (whether human or non-human), their conflicts and conflations, and Bishop's use of verbal and visual techniques and fore texts to challenge dominant power structures. It will also argue that, while emphasising dichotomies, Bishop, the master storyteller and artist, creates structures that ensure his picturebook is balanced and whole and that, rather than treating the reader as a minion, allow him or her to become a master of meaning making.

New Caledonia is a French overseas territory in the South Pacific with a long history of differing attitudes towards independence (Fisher, 2019). The local government aims to challenge French cultural hegemony by building a "New Caledonian School" (Gouvernement de la Nouvelle-Calédonie, 2016). That is, a school in which students are exposed to resources that reflect the realities of the country and allow for marginalised groups to become more visible in the curriculum. It is through this context that this article investigates how children's literature, in particular picturebooks, began developing in New Caledonia. Children's literature in New Caledonia is a relatively new phenomenon. Using Gramsci's theory of hegemony, the paper explains the history of picturebooks in New Caledonia and their role in the curriculum. The official language of New Caledonia is French, but there are also 28 Kanak languages. Surrounded by Anglophone nations, such as Australia and New Zealand, education policies were put in place on this island to introduce English to students from primary school (Bissoonauth-Bedford, 2018). As a result, this article describes and analyses a bilingual picturebook written in French and English by Stephane Moysan (2017), entitled Yana's Treasure: An Amazing Trip in New Caledonia. In particular, it reviews how this picturebook provides opportunities to bring to consciousness essential elements of Pacific French culture and identity both within and beyond the New Caledonian context.

The reawakening of the Indigenous Gamilaraay language in northern inland New South Wales, Australia involves righting two centuries of prohibition and mistreatment after invasion by English-speaking settlers. Gamilaraay is no longer used as an everyday language in the community, although it has strong emblematic value for the Gamilaraay community. The hegemonic power of English means that it is seen as "normal", while Gamilaraay use is often confined to ceremonial uses. A burgeoning awareness of the importance of Gamilaraay and other Indigenous languages of New South Wales has been reflected in recent legislative changes, which have in turn resulted in funding support for language materials. This article describes a community development approach in writing bilingual picturebooks in Gamilaraay and English as we progress towards our ultimate aim of normalising the use of Gamilaraay once more. [Note: The page range (5-19) shown on the first two pages of the PDF are incorrect. The correct page range for this article is p5-20.]

This article asks media educators to consider how the assumptions and values we hold are reflected in our reception and circulation of youth-produced texts in ways that colonize youth interests, sensibilities, and aesthetics. Drawing from experiences facilitating youth media workshops and focusing on two videos produced by teens in foster care as case studies, I demonstrate how youth media programs overlook the value of "just for fun" youth-produced media texts. Although media educators value play as part of the media production process, I argue that the media we choose to circulate and celebrate are texts that resonate with and reflect adult values; this is because playful media texts are less likely to legitimize adult institutions and pedagogies. I propose that a youth-centered reading of playful youth media requires us to: acknowledge that the adult reading is not the dominant reading, validate memetic literacies, and legitimize embodied playfulness and pleasure. Circulating illegible youth media shifts how media educators read and articulate the values of playful texts.

Language education and schooling are important topics in post-conflict contexts. This study explores the existing situation of mother tongue education in the de facto Abkhazia. The study had the following research questions: (1) What was the ethnic composition of Abkhazia during the Soviet Union, and how Russian occupation changed it? (2) How well is the ethnic composition of the occupied territory of Abkhazia reflected in language schooling? (3) What type of language education policy is used in Abkhazia? The research revealed that the opportunity for mother-tongue education is restricted for minority as well as majority ethnic groups in Abkhazia. Based on this finding, a new language education policy approach emerged. The language education policy in de facto Abkhazia is classified as an "Invasional Approach, " implying Russian language domination. All other languages, including the language of the majority ethnic group, are ignored. Based on this finding, the new language education policy framework is identified, including Reconciliational, Oppressional, and Invasional approaches.

The aim of this scoping review is to investigate the language policy's ideological basis which mandates the learning of English as a foreign language in secondary schools all over the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). It also aims to reveal the current state of affairs with regard to English as a foreign language in the Congolese curriculum. Using the approach proposed by Arksey and O'Malley (2005), several published articles, books, journals and dissertations were consulted for our scoping review. Spanning a period between 1960 to 2020, the main focus was on educational language planning and policies in the DRC. After analyzing the selected publications, the results indicated that until today there is no language institution to regulate linguistic practices and teaching. The DRC's state-owned schools still use the old national curriculum, which was left by the Belgian colonizers with some modifications. Foreign language teacher education and production of academic materials need to be integrated in the budget planning and implementation processes to accompany the policy regarding the teaching of English language at secondary schools. There is also an expressed need for a language institution engaged in research and training of different languages such as French, English and recognized national languages.

US education is hardly divorced from systemic societal inequalities. Utilizing the cases of the English-speaking Caribbean and post-apartheid South Africa decolonization efforts, we engage the settler coin concept to interrogate the popular notion that we can achieve systemic change in the US without fundamentally transforming the education system. What lessons might the US glean from other decolonization efforts in the Caribbean and South Africa? How have the instrumental ideas and work of Caribbean and South African scholars and educators shaped and advanced a decolonization vision? Answering these questions requires considering the overall goals of the US education system relative to advancing a larger decolonization project.

Background: For many years, the lived experiences, knowledge systems and histories of previously colonised people have been misinterpreted, removed and devalued in university teaching. The present curricula of African universities are predominantly Eurocentric and Criminology is no exception. In the wake of the #RhodesMustFall student protest action, there is a recognition and need to include African epistemology within the discipline of Criminology. Aim: The study investigated the views of lecturers and postgraduate students regarding the content, transformation and decolonisation of Criminology curricula. Setting: South African universities offering Criminology as a degree and/or academic subject. Methods: A total of 87 respondents, 42 lecturers and 45 postgraduate students, voluntarily participated in an online survey. Lecturers were purposively selected whilst postgraduate students were recruited via snowball sampling. Results: Nearly all the respondents had heard of decolonisation before, with the majority of the academic staff members being aware of it prior to #RhodesMustFall. Respondents agreed that the Criminology curriculum needs to be decolonised, with statistically significant differences emanating between black lecturers and white lecturers. Conclusion: Decolonisation and transformation have been debated for many years without meaningful translation in and changes to Criminology curricula.

In the present study, the issue under scrutiny is the meaning and current policies of the internationalization of higher education (HEI) in Turkey. This research is a descriptive case study and the data were collected through document analysis. The documents analyzed within the scope of the study are as follows: "Internationalization Strategy Document in Higher Education 2018-2022 (CoHE, 2017)"; "Research Project Report on Making Turkish Universities an Attraction Center for International Students in the Framework of Internationalization of Higher Education (Kadioglu & Özer, 2015)"; "Growth, Quality, Internationalization: A Roadmap for Higher Education in Turkey (Çetinsaya, 2014)", "10th Development Plan 2014-2018 (T.R. Ministry of Development, 2013)" and "11th Development Plan 2019-2023 (T.R. Presidential Strategy and Budget Department, 2019)". The content analysis method was used to analyze the data. The available evidence seems to suggest that the internationalization of higher education in Turkey has academic meanings in the sub-dimensions of education/training, institutional quality, research/publication, and human resources; cultural meanings in the sub-dimensions of cultural ambassador, diversity, and integration; political meanings in foreign policy, soft power, political closeness sub-dimensions and, finally, economic meanings in the sub-dimensions of human resources, growth, global competition, and economic mobility. There is overwhelming evidence corroborating the notion that the policies of recognition and visibility, mobility, internationalization, strategic planning, and student opportunities have been applied to the internationalization of higher education in Turkey. Overall, this study strengthens the need for the Internationalization of Higher Education Working Committee, which comprises all the stakeholders under one roof. The current data highlight the importance of continuous efforts to make the faculty members, students, and administrative staff competent in foreign languages.

In this article, we review the process of building relationships around education and international development at IOE (Institute of Education), UCL's Faculty of Education and Society (University College London, UK). The analysis looks at how hierarchies linked to colonialism were inscribed in initial structures, and unevenly and disparately contested by students, staff and a range of interlocutors around the world over one hundred years. The article considers how this history shapes practice in the present and perspectives on the future. In describing and reflecting on processes for change, the article considers some of the questioning, discussion and new forms of relationship that are emerging as part of trying to develop an orientation away from a colonial past. Efforts to decolonise education have raised questions and actions associated with reimagining practice. We reflect on what we have learned and unlearned from our efforts to promote decolonial, socially just alternatives.

This study reviews the literature on the evolution of distance learning in Barbados and Canada's higher education systems in the context of their unique geographies and colonialism. First, postmodern concerns about what is "good" in education (Slaughter, 2001) are considered, followed by a brief discussion of the role of distance learning in neo-colonialism. Next, the evolution of Barbados and Canada's higher education systems within the colonial context is described, setting the stage for the development of distance learning. Both countries' roles within the Commonwealth of Learning organization are compared and used to locate neo-colonial patterns. This analysis highlights risks and benefits of working with external organizations to meet higher education needs in Barbados and Canada, the neo-colonial complexity of a Commonwealth educational organization, and opportunities for strengthening the local while embracing the global in both of these regions.

While learning and teaching English as an additional language are lifelong learning processes for both learners and teachers, these two sectors are largely dominated by West-centric linguistic and cultural imperialism, epistemic hegemony, racism, and neoliberalism, which are tied to colonialism and imperialism. In light of this issue, I argue that it is necessary to decolonize and de-imperialize the teaching English to speakers of other languages (TESOL) teacher education curricula to prepare future English as an additional language (EAL) teachers to identify, challenge, and resist the hegemonic elements embedded in EAL education worldwide. I claim that plurilingual pedagogical approaches can be identified as critical pedagogies since they can empower adult EAL learners by resisting linguistic and epistemic imperialism through activation and endorsement of their plurilingual repertoire, diverse knowledge systems, and identities. Drawing on the literature of plurilingualism, decolonization of knowledge production, and curriculum design, this article discusses how plurilingual approaches can be combined with critical and transformative pedagogies in a TESOL curriculum for the purpose of training future EAL teachers to empower their adult EAL learners globally. These curriculum suggestions are relevant to TESOL curricula to illustrate how plurilingualism and decolonizing theory can be put into practice.

This conceptual paper examines the relationship between two academic areas: applied linguistics and Indigenous language revitalization. While the two domains have shared interests, they tend to operate separately. This paper examines: 1) possible reasons for this separateness; 2) mutually beneficial reasons to be in closer conversation and 3) changes necessary for the creation of an ethical space of engagement (Ermine, 2007) between these academic areas. We write from distinct positions: Belinda, a nehiyaw woman working in Indigenous language resurgence and Andrea, a white settler woman working in language issues related to settler-colonialism. Drawing from our joint and individual experiences, we explore how these research fields can complement each other as well as intersect to create richer interdisciplinary knowledge.

Pakistan has been engaged in the project of madrassa reform since the early days of its nationhood. Since gaining independence from Britain in 1947, successive Pakistani governments have introduced a series of reforms aimed at regulating and reforming the madrassa sector, but the repeated failure of these efforts suggests the presence of some systemic barrier to reform. This article looks at the history of the madrassa in South Asia under British rule, and raises the question of how this colonial experience has shaped madrassa reform in post-colonial Pakistan. It highlights three key policy interventions of the British in the education sector, namely the 1835 Minute of Lord Macaulay, the 1854 Educational Despatch of the Court of Directors of the East India Company, and the formal institutionalization of higher education, to show that the cumulative effect of these policies was the creation of an ideological binary which bifurcated the education system. It argues that by institutionalizing a singular conception of education, this colonial legacy has impacted key madrassa reform efforts undertaken by Pakistan in 1962, 1979, and 2001/02. The article concludes with a discussion of the necessity of decolonizing future reform efforts such as the national curriculum reform--the introduction of the Single National Curriculum--that Pakistan is currently embarking upon.

Prior to the arrival of Europeans in the 15th century, education existed in the Gold Coast (now Ghana) with the goal of introducing young people into the society by teaching children the traditions and values of the community, as well as the meaning of life. However, Great Britain, during colonization, implemented their own form of education within the Gold Coast. Great Britain thought it was their responsibility to bring the Gold Coast into the modern world by using education to lift the natives to a higher level of civilization. The Christian missionaries' eagerness to propagate their faith through education and the British colonial governments' educational policies, character-training curriculum, and desire to civilize natives, instead became a tool to achieve social control over the people of Gold Coast-Ghana which resulted in cultural annihilation, religious, and linguistic hegemony.

Educational leadership scholars are unanimous in their appreciation of the importance of context. As a concept, however, context is not unproblematic and, while being scarcely theorised, the recent growing interest around the topic has shown fundamental differences in the way that it is approached with repercussions on how the field progresses. The analysis of published literature on context undertaken in this article, therefore, attempts to look beyond current framing of context as antecedent and moderator, in order to propose a relational critical realist perspective to framing context and, hopefully, shape as well as decolonise future policy, practice and theorising in educational leadership.