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Koreni krize koja danas potresa razvijena zapadna društva nalaze se u samoj srži neoliberalnog projekta započetog krajem sedamdesetih godina dvadesetog veka, sa usponom Margaret Tačer i Ronalda Regana. Ideja o društvenoj jednakosti, stalno prisutna u prethodnih „slavnih trideset godina” (E. Hobsbaum), i relativno uspešno ostvarivana u tom periodu snažnog privrednog rasta i pune zaposlenosti, kejnzijanske ekonomske politike, države blagostanja, jakih sindikata i socijaldemokratskih vlada, najpre je bila potisnuta, a potom gotovo zaboravljena. Početkom osamdesetih godina dvadesetog veka dominantna postaje priča o imperativu privrednog rasta koji će „na koncu biti dobar za sve” jer će, kao plima, „podići sve brodove u luci”. „Skupa” država blagostanja je proglašena za kočnicu funkcionisanja „nevidljive svemoćne ruke tržišta” koja je sama po sebi, po dubokom uverenju neoliberala, sposobna da valjano uredi svet. Zato zakonske kontrole poslovanja (primenu antimonopolskih zakona, na primer) treba svesti na minimum, poreze na dobit i imovinu smanjiti, ukinuti- otežati-umanjiti socijalnu pomoć (jer će to naterati zabušante da rade, smanjiće se izdaci i oporaviti ekonomija), privatizovati socijalne usluge – sve to u ime rastuće kompetitivnosti na „slobodnim” tržištima, itd. Za razliku od imperativa štednje, kao još jedne središnje tačke neoliberalne paradigme, Kejnzijanska ekonomija, na delu tokom onih trideset slavnih godina, tvrdi upravo suprotno: vlade bi trebalo da se u periodu recesije odupru „iskušenju štednje”. Uzrok recesije je kontrakcija agregatne tražnje, tj. ukupne sume roba i usluga koje se kupuju, a koja doživljava slom kada ljudi i organizacije, nesigurni u budućnost, istovremeno odluče da štede novac. Kejnz je objasnio kako potrošnja novca stvara koncentrične krugove u ekonomiji, uključujući otvaranje novih radnih mesta, jer potražnja za dobrima i uslugama raste. Vlade ne treba da brinu o deficitu i „zdravim finansijama” u periodu krize, već kada se ekonomija

Tekstovi socioloških klasika (de Tocqueville, Marx, Simmel) i evropska empirijska istraživanja poslednjih decenija, nude plodan analitički okvir za razmišljanje o siromaštvu uz pomoć idealno-tipskih konstrukata „integrisanog”, „marginalnog” i danas preovlađujućeg „diskvalifikujućeg” siromaštva (S.Paugam). Primena ovog analitičkog okvira dopunjenog novim eksplikativnim faktorima – kao što su način regulacije tržišta rada, a pre svega, fleksibilizacija ili prekarizacija i rada i zaposlenja; strah od otpuštanja kao novi faktor nejednakosti; intenzitet društvenih veza (kao resursa koji mogu biti iskorišćeni u suočavanju sa društvenom devalorizacijom) i „prostorna diskvalifikacija” stanovništva sa velikim rizikom od siromaštva i zavisnosti od sistema socijalne intervencije – vodi, pored ostalog, novim uvidima i u kolektivne predstave o siromaštvu: sada kao o „društvenom padu” i ličnom porazu u procesu koji podrazumeva kumulaciju socijalnih hendikepa. Tako, ono što se danas smatra centralnim jazom u društvu – jaz između onih čija je budućnost sigurna, zaštićena i onih izloženih „pretnjama nasilja tržišta rada” (Maurin), prolazi kroz sve, nekada homogene, socioprofesionalne kategorije proizvodeći socijalnu nesigurnost i kolektivnu teskobu koja transverzalno prolazi kroz celo salarijalno društvo i shodno tome, ne samo da fundamentalno menja društveni odnos prema siromaštvu, nego vodi pogoršanju ukupnih društvenih odnosa, podriva socijalnu koheziju i nameće posebne mehanizme konstruisanja kolektivnih identiteta, The texts of sociological classics (de Tocqueville, Marx, Simmel) as well as recent European research offer a fruitfull analitical frame for thinking about poverty using the idel-type constructs of „integrated“, „marginalized“ and, nowdays dominant „disqualifying“ poverty (S. Paugam). The application of this analitycal frame, completed with new explanatory factors – as flexibilisation or precarization of work and jobs, the fear of getting fired as a new factor of inequality, the intensity of social ties and „spatial disqualification“ of social groups with the great risks of poverty and dependance of the social intervention system – lead to new insights in collective representation of poverty: now seen as personal failure, „social falldown“ in the process that include cumulation of social handicaps. So, what is nowdays perceived as a central social fracture – the fracture between those whose future is secured and those exposed to „threats of the job market violence“ (Maurin) – passes through the whole class structure producing social insecurity and diffused anxiety, undermining social cohesion and imposing new mechanisms of collective identities construction.

In the context of modern social model of disability, this paper presents some of the leading theoretical frameworks that define the key problems of socialization and social integration of children with disabilities. Transformed into a social-scientific research, problems of physical, mental or social disability were given a new meaning: instead of individual "psychologically deviant acts," disability is interpreted as a consequence of the "continent of social relations." Second, and equally important, rather than the status (state) of disability, the focus turn on the very process of social relations that structure the phenomenon of deviance. Within the research of social processes that defined the context of individual development of children with disabilities, two problem circles were opened: firstly, general issues of socialization of these children, and secondly, issues related to the problems of their social integration in the formal education system. In the final section, key implications of different approaches have been derived: to provide conditions for active participation in social life for all members of the community date, regardless of the existence of physical or social barriers.

Istraživanje je osmišljeno kao jedan oblik a posteriori društveno-istorijskog eksperimenta: da bih otkrio obrise strukture jednog društvenog univerzuma, kakav je francusko intelektualno polje, veštački sam izazivao efekat „crvene krpe“, uključujući u njega jedan od potencijalnih operatora, odnosno „jugoslovensku aferu“. Rečena afera poseduje specifična svojstva, a pritom je trajala gotovo čitavu jednu deceniju i permanentno je izazivala reakcije velikog broja dejstvenika u prostoru javnosti Francuske. Glavni cilj istraživanja je, dakle, da uz pomoć prospografskog pristupa dejstvenicima, kao i analize njihovih akcija i reprezentacija, odgovorim na sledeća pitanja: koji su modaliteti i forme intervencija unutar – oko „jugoslovenske afere“ (1991-1999) – konstruisanog polemičkog prostora u francuskom prostoru javnosti; kako se dati prostor kroz pojedinačne i grupne antagonizme i konkurenciju strukturiše, tj. kakva je veza između, s jedne strane, objektivnih pozicija intelektualaca, i, s druge, njihovih idejno-političkih dispozicija i zauzimanja političkih pozicija u „jugoslovenskoj aferi“ (odnosno argumentacije i sredstava koje koriste kako bi iste legitimisali i nametnuli drugima); koja je logika recepcije razaranja Jugoslavije i ratova za njeno nasleđe u Francuskoj, odnosno da li je ona primarno vezana za događaje u bivšoj Jugoslaviji, ili za unutrašnje političke izazove u Francuskoj; da li su i u kom pravcu različita tumačenja evoluirala u odnosu na evoluciju jugoslovenske stvarnosti; i kako se zazimanje pozicija i strana u odnosu na „jugoslovensku aferu“ uklapaju u postojeće odnose snaga u Francuskoj: da li su – i na koji način – uslovljeni postojećim strukturama, odnosno da li eventualno i sami utiču na (re)konfiguraciju francuskog intelektualnog polja. Da bih na ova pitanja odgovorio, poslužio sam se oruđima sociologije politike, istorijske sociologije, sociologije saznanja, odnosno sociologije intelektualaca. Pored toga, koristio sam 5 teorijski aparat Burdijeove, The research is conceived to be a sort of a posteriori socio-historical experiment: aiming to discern the outlines of a social universe, such as the French intellectual field, the “red cloth” effect, containing one of its potential operators – “the Yugoslav affair” – was artificially produced. Similarly to the intellectual field, the “Yugoslav affair” has its’ specificities. It also lasted for almost a decade, thus permanently provoking many actors in the French public space to react. The prosopographic approach to the actors, as well as an action and representation analysis were used in other to attain the main aim of the study, which is to provide answers to the following questions: defining procedures and forms of intervention, pertaining to the “Yugoslav affair”, within the polemical space constructed in the French public space; defining the way in which the space is structured by the individual and collective antagonisms and competitions, or rather exploring the connection between the objective positions of the intellectuals on one hand, and on the other their political stands in the “Yugoslav affair” (their argumentation and means used in order to legitimize their views and to impose them on others); determining the logic of the reception and the representation of the breakup of Yugoslavia and the wars for its heritage and deciding whether the logic depends primarily on the events in former Yugoslavia or on the internal political challenges in France; determining whether and how the different interpretations evolved, compared to the evolution of Yugoslav realities; determining the way in which taking a particular stand pertaining to “the Yugoslav affair” corresponds to the existing balance of power in France; determining whether and how the intellectuals are dependent on the existing structures and whether they are influencing the (re)configuration of the French intellectual field. In order to answer these questions, I set my research in the disciplinary frame

This paper provides an overview of the basic social consequences of the process of expansion of higher education, inflation of diploma and de-valorization of their instrumental value in the labor market, with special emphasis on the problem of social (class) and gender inequalities that accompanies this process. In the absence of appropriate domestic sources, research material and our statistics overview, the critical-theoretical analysis were based on the findings of numerous studies of French sociologists of education. The main conclusions on legal trends growth curves of higher education and consequential decline 'use value' of acquired diploma are beyond the limited and isolated scope applications: On the contrary, these conclusions create a general theoretical paradigm that forms the basis of full understanding, interpreting an explanation problem of devalorization diplomas, very significant and actual social (sociological) phenomena. ., U ovom radu dat je prikaz rezultata istraživanja osnovnih društvenih posledica procesa ekspanzije obrazovanja, inflacije visokoškolskih diploma i devalorizacije njihove instrumentalne vrednosti na tržištu rada, sa posebnim osvrtom na problem društvene (klasne) i rodne nejednakosti koji prati taj proces. U nedostatku domaćih izvora, odgovarajuće istraživačke građe i statističkih pregleda, kritičko-teorijska analiza rađena je na temelju nalaza brojnih istraživanja, uglavnom francuskih sociologa obrazovanja. Osnovni zaključci o zakonitim tendencijama krivulja rasta visokog obrazovanja i konsekventnog opadanja 'upotrebne vrednosti' stečenih diploma, međutim, nadilaze opseg ograničene i izolovane primene: naprotiv, ti zaključci kreiraju opštu teorijsku paradigmu koja čini polazište za puno razumevanje, tumačenje i objašnjenje problema devalorizacije diploma u svim razvijenim zemljama sveta, uključujući i našu zemlju. Osnovne implikacije zaključnih razmatranja odnose se na kreiranje nove politike obrazovanja usmerene ka jačanju osnovnih principa meritokratije i promociji temeljnih vrednosti zapadnog društva (ravnopravnost, sloboda, solidarnost) za koje se zalaže najveći broj državnih politika obrazovanja, najčešće samo deklarativno. .

Public perception and imagination tend to view natural disasters and catastrophes as phenomena that impact everyone equally. However, they do not occur in a historical, political, economic or social vacuum. Every phase and aspect of a disaster - its causes, vulnerability, preparedness, aftermath, response, reconstruction, the scope of the disaster and the price paid in the end are, to a lesser or greater extent, socially conditioned. Natural disasters actually replicate and amplify existing social inequalities and their effects. Such was also the case with hurricane Katrina. Black people, the poor, the elderly ... remained in sunken New Orleans because their economic and social exclusion diminished their possibility to escape the disaster (the same way it diminished their opportunity to escape poverty). Had Katrina been a mere accident of geography and ecology, it would have been possible to peacefully await the resolution of its aftermath. However, because the inequalities which Katrina made apparent have deep socio-historical roots, it was illusory to expect that they would be repaired by the public policies on offer. Because of this, Katrina remains a powerful reminder to those advocating for a more just and democratic society.

У расправама теоретичара из различитих научних области, тема људског ресурса све је присутнија. Међу економистима и стручњацима из сродних дисциплина преовладава сагласност да економски раст и развој, али и укупан друштвени напредак, у великој мери зависе од инвестиција у знање, односно све облике образовања и обуке целокупног становништва. Убрзана преоријентација, у развијеним економијама света, од сировинске компоненте ка оној људској, снажна је потврда места и улоге људског ресурса у њиховим развојним стратегијама. Људски ресурс, схваћен као учење и образовање, не јавља се само као битан фактор развоја индивидуалнoг потенцијалa већ и благостања друштва у целини. Препознавање значаја образовања за укупан развој земље подстиче, чак и развијене државе света, да стипендирањем студената подрже њихове напоре да своје професионално и укупно обрзовање унапреде у оним срединам које могу да им понуде највише. Значај овога, данас може да се уочи у образовним политикама развијених држава света као и у настојњу да се формира јединствен научни и образовни простор Европе. Србија је већ од 30-их и 40-их година 19 века, у свим фазама развоја, препознавала значај образовања за економски и друштвени напредак. Није само улагала напор да развије домаће школство, већ је најбоље ученике слала на школовање и усавршавање у иностранствo. Као једaн од најзначајнијих историчара истраживача у овој области, Љубинка Трговчевић-Митровић је описала државни план да се интелектуалнa елита Србије оформи на иностраним универзитетима, значајним у 19. веку. „То је период када почиње превласт рационализма и са њиме високо уважавање разноликих знања, па самим тим науке и образовања“ (Трговчевић, 2003). Циљ је био да се у свакој генерацији одаберу најдаровитији ученици, који ће затим бити послати на школовање у иностранство, и да се на тај начин допринесе модернизацији традиционалног друштва. Образовањем тих ученика у иностранству, стварала се кадровска база, која је омогућавала даљи развој образовног си, In the debates of the theorists from different scientific fields, the topic of human resources has been continuously emerging. Among the economists and experts from related disciplines, there has been a prevailing consensus that economic growth and development, and an overall social development largely depend on the investments in knowledge, in other words, in all forms of education and learning of the entire population. An accelerated shift in the developed economies of the world from the raw material component to human, is a strong confirmation of the place and role of the human resource in their development strategies. Human resource, understood as learning and education, emerges as an important factor not only in the development of the individual potential but also in the welfare of society as a whole. This recognition of the importance of education for the overall development of a country encourages even the developed countries that by providing scholarships for students, support their efforts to improve their professional and overall education in those areas which can offer them the most. The importance of this issue today can be seen in education politics of the developed countries of the world and in the effort of forming the unique educational and scientific area of Europe. Since 1830s and 1840s, Serbia has, in all its stages of development, recognized the importance of education for the economic and social development. Not only did Serbia make an effort to develop domestic school system but also to send the best students abroad for education and professional training. Ljubinka Trgovcevic-Mitrovic, one of the most important historians in the research field, described the government plan of forming a Serbian intellectual elite in foreign universities in the 19th century. “This is a period when the predominance of rationalism begins and with it the high appreciation of the diversity of knowledge, and therefore science and education “ (Trgovcevic, 2003). The g

In the historiography of Serbian medicine, there is little data on the life and work of Dr. Dimitrije Radulović. He belonged to the first generation of Serbian doctors of the 19th century. He was born in 1814, in Bela Crkva, completed his studies of medicine in Pest, where he received his title Doctor of Medicine. After Pest, he went to Vienna, where he specialized in obstetrics. Among Serbs, he was the author of the first work in the field which we today call sports medicine. With this work, as well as with his later work, he established important foundations of sports medicine among the Serbian people. He was the first to write about the importance of physical exercise and the impact of different sports on the physical development of children, adolescents, and adults, thus contributing to the definition of optimal physical activity and hygienic-dietary regimes. His goal was to preserve and improve health, i.e. to improve the prevention and curative of various diseases and injuries, as well as the rehabilitation of patients., U istoriografiji srpske medicine malobrojni su podaci o životu i radu dr Dimitrija Radulovića. Dr Radulović pripadao je prvoj generaciji Srba lekara devetnaestog veka. Rođen je 1814. godine u Beloj Crkvi, a studije medicine završio je u Pešti, u kojoj je stekao zvanje doktora medicine. Posle Pešte odlazi u Beč, gde se specijalizuje u oblasti porodiljstva. Među Srbima je bio autor prvog rada iz oblasti koju danas nazivamo sportskom medicinom. Tim radom, kao i svojim kasnijim delovanjem, postavio je temelje sportske medicine među Srbima. Prvi je pisao o važnosti telesnog vežbanja i uticaju različitih sportova na fizički razvoj dece, omladine i odraslih; na taj način dao je doprinos definisanju optimalnih fizičkih opterećenja i higijensko-dijetetskih režima. Cilj mu je bio da se očuva i unapredi zdravlje, odnosno da se poboljšaju prevencija i kurativa različitih oboljenja i povreda, ali i rehabilitacija pacijenata.

U istoriografiji srpske medicine malobrojni su podaci o životu i radu dr Dimitrija Radulovića. Dr Radulović pripadao je prvoj generaciji Srba lekara devetnaestog veka. Rođen je 1814. godine u Beloj Crkvi, a studije medicine završio je u Pešti, u kojoj je stekao zvanje doktora medicine. Posle Pešte odlazi u Beč, gde se specijalizuje u oblasti porodiljstva. Među Srbima je bio autor prvog rada iz oblasti koju danas nazivamo sportskom medicinom. Tim radom, kao i svojim kasnijim delovanjem, postavio je temelje sportske medicine među Srbima. Prvi je pisao o važnosti telesnog vežbanja i uticaju različitih sportova na fizički razvoj dece, omladine i odraslih; na taj način dao je doprinos definisanju optimalnih fizičkih opterećenja i higijensko-dijetetskih režima. Cilj mu je bio da se očuva i unapredi zdravlje, odnosno da se poboljšaju prevencija i kurativa različitih oboljenja i povreda, ali i rehabilitacija pacijenata., In the historiography of Serbian medicine, there is little data on the life and work of Dr. Dimitrije Radulović. He belonged to the first generation of Serbian doctors of the 19th century. He was born in 1814, in Bela Crkva, completed his studies of medicine in Pest, where he received his title Doctor of Medicine. After Pest, he went to Vienna, where he specialized in obstetrics. Among Serbs, he was the author of the first work in the field which we today call sports medicine. With this work, as well as with his later work, he established important foundations of sports medicine among the Serbian people. He was the first to write about the importance of physical exercise and the impact of different sports on the physical development of children, adolescents, and adults, thus contributing to the definition of optimal physical activity and hygienic-dietary regimes. His goal was to preserve and improve health, i.e. to improve the prevention and curative of various diseases and injuries, as well as the rehabilitation of patients.

Educational inequalities are one of core subjects of sociology of education. Sociological theory interpretes these inequalities in different ways. This paper explores the specific contribution of cultural capital to educational inequalities. Significance of cultural capital for functioning of Serbian educational system is explored drawing upon ideas by: (1) Pierre Bourdieu, (2) Bourdieu's critics (such as Alexander), (3) researchers who have modified Bourdieu's theory in order to understand different educational systems (for example DiMaggio), as well as (4) ideas of some Bourdieu's contemporaries who do not use concept of cultural capital, but whose theories might be complementary to Bourdieu's ideas regarding significance of cultural capital (Boudon, Baudelot, Establet). Consequently, the two main goals of research were: (1) to reassess value of mentioned theories for understanding educational reality in Serbia, and (2) to contribute to better understanding of Serbian educational system. More precisely, the following was tested: (1) whether or not cultural capital correlates with educational achievement, (2) is this correlation of the same intensity for different subjects (referring to DiMaggio's concepts of "subjects of ability" and "subjects of cultural capital"), (3) does cultural capital correlate with educational aspirations, (4) does cultural capital have equal effect on educational practices of pupils of different age (at the end of primary school and at the end of secondary school), (5) does cultural capital correlate with value that students attribute to education. In order to answer these questions, we have undertaken a two phase research. During the first phase 575 eighth grade primary school pupils and 1969 final year of secondary school pupils were surveyed. In second phase, eight case studies were conducted. In focus of these studies were eight pupils (four from primary school and four from secondary school) which, based on the theoretical assumption, Tema nejednakosti u obrazovanju predstavlja jednu od sržnih tema unutar sociologije obrazovanja. Iako su u sociološkoj teoriji nejednakosti obrazlagane na različite načine, u ovom radu smo pokušali da istražimo na koji način kulturni kapital doprinosi proizvodnji i održanju nejednakosti. Značaj kulturnog kapitala za funkcionisanje obrazovnog sistema Srbije pokušali smo da ispitamo oslanjajući se na ideje: (1) Pjera Burdijea, (2) njegovih kritičara (npr. Aleksandera), (3) istraživača koji su pomoću manje ili više modifikovane Burdijeove teorije pokušavali da bolje razumeju različite obrazovne sisteme (npr. Dimađia), (4) kao i na ideje nekih Burdijeovih savremenika koji ne koriste pojam kulturni kapital, ali za čije teorije se čini da mogu biti u izvesnoj meri kompatibilne sa Burdijeovim idejama o značaju kulturnog kapitala (Budon, Bodlo i Estable). U tom smislu, dva su glavna cilja istraživanja: (1) da se ispita kojom od spomenutih teorija se najbolje može objasniti obrazovna realnost u Srbiji i (2) da se doprinese boljem razumevanju obrazovnog sistema Srbije. Preciznije, pokušali smo da ispitamo: (1) da li je kulturni kapital povezan sa obrazovnim postignućem učenika, (2) da li je ta povezanost istog intenziteta za različite školske predmete („predmete sposobnosti” i „predmete kulturnog kapitala” o kojima govori Dimađio), (3) da li je kulturni kapital povezan sa obrazovnim aspiracijama učenika, (4) da li je kulturni kapital jednako značajan za definisanje obrazovnih praksi učenika različitog uzrasta (na kraju osnovne i na kraju srednje škole), kao i (5) da li je kulturni kapital povezan sa vrednovanjem obrazovanja od strane učenika. Kako bismo na ova pitanja odgovorili sprovedeno je istraživanje u dve faze. Tokom prve faze anketirano je 575 učenika osmog razreda osnovne škole i 1969 učenika završnih razreda srednje škole. U drugoj fazi istraživanja sprovedeno je osam studija slučaja u centru čije pažnje se našlo osam učenika (četiri iz osnovne i četiri iz srednje šk

Nasilno ponašenje dece u školskom okruženju iz perspek- tive institucije predstavlja jedan od oblika ponašanja koji onemogućava uspešnu socijalnu integraciju u školsku kulturu. Socijalna inkluzija dece koja se nasilno ponašaju zahteva dublje razumevanje uzroka problema kako bi ovaj društveni projekat postao efikasan i održiv. Razni oblici društvene i institu- cionalne nebrige i zanemarivanja dece i mladih u dužem vremen- skom periodu pokazatelj su nepostojanja društveno artikuli- sanog odgovora i odsustva strategije koja bi ponudila izlaz iz narastajućeg problema nasilnog ponašanja dece u društvu Srbije. Polazeći od J. Galtungove (Galtung) definicije nasilja kao ob- lika socijalnog odnosa rad nastoji da rekonstruiše aktuelne odnose između različitih socijalnih aktera koji interreaguju i utiču jedni na druge unutar zadatih institucionalnih koor- dinata školskog sistema u Srbiji, s ciljem da ponudi kritički osvrt, mapira postojeće probleme unutar školskog konteksta koji doprinose perpetuiranju nasilnih oblika ponašanja i ukaže na moguće pravce njihovog dekonstruisanja poštujući principe socijalne pravde, ljudskih prava i sloboda. U suprotnom, programi socijalne inkluzije bili bi samo još jedan projekat opravdavanja i učvršćivanja postojećih društvenih nejednakosti i nepravdi., Violent behavior of children in the school social context from the perspective of institutions is a form of behavior that prevents successful social integration into the school culture. Social inclusion of children who are acting violently requires a deeper understanding of the causes, in order to make this social project an efficient and sustainable. Various forms of social and institutional neglect of children and young people over a longer period of time are an indication of the lack of socialy articulated response and the absence of strategy that would offer a way out of the growing problem of violent behavior among children in Serbian society. Starting from J. Galtung’s definition of violence as a form of social relation. the paper tries to reconstruct the current relations between different social actors that interact within a given institutional coordinates of the school system in Serbia, aiming to offer a critical insight, to mapp the existing problems within the school context that contribute to the perpetuation of violent forms of behavior and to point out possible directions of their deconstruction respecting the principles of social justice, human rights and personal freedoms. Otherwise, the social inclusion programs would be just another project of justifying and reinforcing existing social inequalities and injustices.

This paper presents the results of research of fundamental biological, anthropological and psychological constructs of child and childhood. Dealing with the problem of early development from the evolutional and ethological perspective, the critical analysis of the main elements of ethogram of the child has been done, i.e.very high degree of newborn helplessness and immaturity, nonspecialized development of vital functions, high degree of plasticity of behaviour, and biological system of attachment. In the context of these evidences, the basic constructs of new anthropology of childhood and education, as well as, the new paradigm of sociology of childhood have been presented. In the framework of “social perspective“ the child is discover as the active actor of its education and development. In conclusion, the major developmental achievements has been summarized and, by pointing out the following statement: that early childhood is developmental period that has regular flows and universal development in the part that refers to the process of realization of hereditary potential of the individual, while the development of higher mental functions primarily depended on the social and cultural context in which the personality of the child develops.

From the postmodern theorists point of view, disabled bodies primarily are objects of performing the power, in several ways: from "staring" as the act of labeling, to medicalization, rehabilitation and "normalization". Feminist theory of disability tends to combine gender and disability and to perceive them together as social construction products which "deviate from standards". In postmodern theories of gender, primarily in the works of Judith Butler and Elizabeth Grosz, there is a noticeable tendency to attach a dynamic, relational characteristic to gender, and to observe gender differences in the process of intersecting all other binary differences. In addition, in order to deconstruct sex/gender differences, an increasing emphasis is put on the body as a field for inscribing culturally constructed distinctions. This paper explores the possibility of synthesizing knowledge in the field of postmodern gender theories and postmodern understanding of disability. It examines how gender binarism intersects with binarism "disability - nondisability," and whether, at the level of "disabled" bodies, gender differences become invisible.

The crisis of formal education leads to constant reconsiderations, both at national and global level. It is considered that educational theory, practice and policy focus dominantly on the formal context of learning while they ignore learning in all other contexts, especially informal. Learning in informal contexts, whether it is intentional or coincidental, conscious or unconscious, is usually perceived as less significant and worthwhile. However, the constructivist and cognitivistic theories of the learning processes emphasize the necessity of recognizing and appreciating all the acquired knowledge and experiences that a person brings to the learning situation. In other words, the quality of formal education cannot be ensured with ignorance of students' knowledge and skills acquired through informal learning. The aim of this paper was to determine students' perspective on their own informal learning. Using qualitative approach, we analyzed students' written statements to determine which informal learning outcomes they were aware of. The second aim was to determine who or what supported those informal learning outcomes from students' perspective. By grouping statements by similarity, we got 13 different categories of learned knowledge and skills (the most common informal learning was the skill of practicing different types of art) and 13 types of support for those learning outcomes (the most common support were information and communication technologies (ICT)). The paper proposes directions for planned integration of students' informal learning into the formal context of studies., Kriza formalnog obrazovanja vodi preispitivanjima kako na nacionalnom, tako i na globalnom nivou. Jedan od problema je što obrazovna teorija, praksa i politika zanemaruje učenje u svim drugim kontekstima, posebno informalnim. Učenja u informalnim kontekstima, bilo da su namerna ili slučajna, svesna ili bez svesnosti da se uči, opažaju se kao manje značajna i vredna. Međutim, konstruktivističko i kognitivističko razumevanje prirode saznajnog procesa ukazuje na neophodnost prepoznavanja i uvažavanja svih stečenih znanja i iskustva koje osoba sa sobom donosi u situaciju učenja. Drugim rečima, kvalitet formalnog obrazovanja se ne može osigurati ukoliko se ignoriše i ono što su učenici/studenti stekli kroz informalno učenje. Cilj ovog rada je da utvrdi perspektivu studenata prema vlastitom informalnom učenju. Kvalitativnim pristupom analizirali smo pisane iskaze studenata da bi utvrdili kojih učenja su svesni i ko ili šta su im bili podrške ili modeli za učenje. Grupisanjem iskaza po sličnosti dobili smo 13 različitih kategorija naučenih znanja i veština (od kojih je najzastupljenije učenje vezano za praktikovanje različitih vidova umetnosti) i 13 vidova potpore tim učenjima (od kojih su najzastupljenije informaciono-komunikacione tehnologije (IKT)). U radu se predlažu pravci planskog i osmišljenog integrisanja informalnog učenja studenata u formalni kontekst studija.

Tekstovi socioloških klasika (de Tocqueville, Marx, Simmel) i evropska empirijska istraživanja poslednjih decenija, omogućavaju izgradnju jednog plodnog analitičkog okvira za razmišljanje o siromaštvu u razvijenim zemljama Zapada danas. Nakon „trideset slavnih godina“ (1945-1975) koje se mogu analizirati uz pomoć idealno-tipskih konstrukta „integrisanog“ i „marginalnog“ siromaštva, danas je preovlađujući tip „diskvalifikujuće“ siromaštvo, nastalo onda kada su se moderna salarijalna društva suočila sa masovnom i dugotrajnom nezaposlenošću i prekarizacijom radnih mesta. Uporedo se raširila kolektivna predstava o siromaštvu kao „društvenom padu“ i slika siromaha kao gubitnika na kraju jednog procesa koji obuhvata kumulaciju nekoliko hendikepa ili životnih poraza. Novi eksplikativni faktor, koji nije bio proučen u delima klasika, jeste- oblik i intenzitet društvenih veza. Kao i drugi društveni slojevi, i siromašni izvlače iz tih veza istovremeno i zaštitu i priznanje neophodno za njihovo društveno postojanje. Istraživanja otkrivaju tendenciju slabljenja i čak prekidanja veza sa porodicom i prijateljima, ali i sa institucijama i asocijacijama, dakle smanjenje resursa koji mogu biti iskorišćeni u suočavanju sa životnim nedaćama i društvenu devalorizaciju. Generalizovano osećanje nesigurnosti u kolektivnoj svesti danas je pojačano i pojavom „prostorne diskvalifikacije“ u smislu koncentracije, u „osetljivim“ četvrtima, stanovništva sa velikim rizikom od nezaposlenosti, prekarizacije, siromaštva, i zavisnosti od sistema socijalne intervencije. Proces podrazumeva i ukupnu deteriorizaciju društvenih odnosa, podrivanje socijalne kohezije i posebne mehanizme konstruisanja kolektivnih identiteta. Stigmatizacija se pridružuje drugim transparentnim obeležjima društvenog statusa i tako doprinosi smanjenju životnih šansi i porastu društveno-ekonomskih nejednakosti., Classical sociological texts (de Tocqueville, Marx, Simmel) and european empirical research in the last decades make possible the construction of a fruitfull analytical frame for thinking about poverty in the advanced western societies. After „thirty glorious years“ (1945-1975) which can be analysed by using the ideal-type constructs of „integrated“ and „marginal“ poverty, the concept of „disqualifying poverty“ seems to be more usefull today, when modern salarial societies face massive, long-term unemployment and a growing number of precarious jobs. Collective representation of poverty as a „social failure“ with the corresponding image of a „looser“, being a result of a process of handicaps cumulation have gone together. A new explanation factor, which had not been explored in classics´ works emerged: the forms and the intensity of social connections. Like other social strata, the poors are drowing out their protection and their recognition, indispensable for their social existance, from these connections. The research reveals the tendency of weakening, even of the rupture of the connections with family and friends, but also with institutions and social associations, thus diminishing resources that might be used in facing the missfortunes of life, and the tendency of a strong social devalorization. The ganeralized feeling of insecurity in collective conscience is also enforced by the spacializaton of disqualification: the concentration, in „vulnerable“ neihborhoods, of disadventaged inhabitants with high risk of unemployment, precarization, poverty and dependence of social intervention institutions. The analysis of disqualifying process should also take into account the global deterioration of social relations, the undermining of social cohesion and particular mechanisms of collective identities´ construction. The stigmatization caused by poor reputation of the neighborhood goes along with other transparent marks of social status, contributing to the reduction of li

Predmet ovog istraživanja je uticaj procesa globalizacije na naučnu politiku i naučnoistraživački rad u Srbiji. Globalizacija je proces koji ukazuje na rastuću međuzavisnost različitih delova sveta: počev od sporadičnih prenošenja uticaja iz jednog dela sveta u drugi, do trenutka kada se može govoriti o globalnim naučnim politikama i globalnim upravljačkim strukturama. Istraživanje polazi od kritičke paradigme i teorije svetskog sistema Imanuela Volerstina, to jest, podele sveta na centralne, poluperiferne i periferne zemlje. Unutar ove paradigme, položaj Srbije se dominantno razume kao periferni. Proces evropskih intergacija, koji je zapravo sastavni deo globalizacije i geopolitičke redefinicije svetskog sistema, u Srbiji se odvija usporeno, pri čemu Srbij ostaje na periferiji naučnih zbivanja. Uticaj globalizacije posmatra se dvostruko: s jedne strane, predmet interesovanja su globalni i evropski nadnacionalni okviri za naučne politike, a s druge, nacionalni sistem naučne politike i naučnoistraživačkog rada, koji prolazi kroz transformacije pod uticajem međunarodnih faktora. Dejstvo globalne naučne politike na nacionalnu posmatra se kroz karakteristične vrednosti, diskurse i institucije, dok vremenski okvir istraživanja obuhvata period od osamdesetih godina dvadesetog veka do savremenog doba. Polazi se od pretpostavke da je težište aktuelnih promena institucionalno. Metodološki, pristup istraživanju bazira se na kvalitativnom pristupu. Cilj istraživanja je da predstavi globalizaciju naučne politike kao promenu kroz ključna dokumenta, ali i kroz percepciju procesa od strane samih istraživača. Akteri samog procesa, odnosno istraživači, mogu pružiti relevantne informacije o konkretnim delovanjima globalizacije na naučne politike i naučnoistraživački rad u Srbiji. Stoga je sastavni deo analize upravo rezultat razgovora vođenog sa njima, o njihovom percipiranju aktuelnog procesa.

In the 19th century, at the time when Serbia was being established, the education of students scholars abroad was viewed as one of the main tools for professional development and a strong society. Medical students were one of the first who were sent to study abroad. This practice was associated with increasing vertical social mobility of society. The results achieved in the 19th century encouraged us to focus on the study of temporary migrations of students scholars from Serbia in the 21st century. This article was created as a result of this study. 4 Our goal was to define the profile of medical students scholars who studied abroad in the 21st century thanks to the state funds, to determine the reasons why they opted for education outside their country, and to determine the level of openness of the Serbian society towards them. However, the main objective was to contribute to the research of reverse migration.

Traditional American higher education system, that once was adequate for education of social elite, had to adapt, after the Second World War, to the new wave of students who would occupy middle level and relatively powerless jobs in growing corporate economy and public sector. The Community College Movement was an adequate response to the need for legitimating the new social stratification through school credentials, to the demands of minorities and lower classes youth for ever widening access to higher education, and to the demand for professionalization of some occupational groups aspiring to achieve higher social status. Through class based channeling and educational inflation, higher educational system contributes, in its own way, to preserve the existing patterns of social inequalities., Tradicionalni američki visokoškolski sistem, koji je nekada bio odgovarajući za obrazovanje društvene elite, morao se nakon Drugog svetskog rata prilagoditi novom talasu studenata koji će zauzeti radna mesta srednjeg nivoa i male društvene moći u rastućoj korporativnoj privredi i državnom sektoru. Community College movement je bio adekvatan odgovor na potrebu za legitimisanjem nove društvene stratifikacije putem školskih diploma, na zahteve omladine iz nižih slojeva i manjina za proširenjem pristupa višem obrazovanju, kao i na zahteve za profesionalizacijom nekih zanimanja u cilju podizanja njihovog društvenog statusa. Putem klasno zasnovanog kanalisanja i obrazovne inflacije, visokoškolski sistem daje specifičan doprinos održanju postojećih obrazaca društvenih nejednakosti.

Tokom poslednje decenije sistem visokog obrazovanja u Srbiji je prošao kroz relativno intenzivan proces transformacije. jedan od pratećih fenomena ovog procesa je trend porasta procentualnog učešća mladih starosti izmedju 20 i 24 godine u visokom obrazovanju. Primera radi 2007. godine procentualno učešće studenata unutar ove starosne kohorte unutar opšte populacije bilo je 29%, da bi u 2010. godini ono porasla na čak 39,4%. Iako na prvi pogled, ovi relativni brojevi ukazuju na trend proširivanja mogućnosti za učešće u visokom obrazovanju za pripadnike različitih marginalizovanih grupa, empirijski podaci o strukturi aktuelne studentske populacije (podaci za školsku 2010/2011. godinu) nude dramatično drugačiju sliku. Prema podacima zvanične statistike za školsku 2010/2011. godinu visoko obrazovanje u Srbiji upisalo je samo 1197 studenata koji spadaju u kategoriju studenata sa posebnim obrazovnim potrebama (na svim nivoima visokog obrazovanja i godinama studija unutar njih), odnosno svega 0,5% od ukupne studentske populacije. U tom smislu ovaj rad pokušava da istraži i analizira aktuelno stanje i primenjivost koncepta proširene participacije u uslovima visokog obrazovanja u Srbiji kroz analizu položaja studenata sa posebnim obrazovnim potrebama u okviru aktuelnog sistema visokog obrazovanja u Srbiji. Ovaj rad pokušava da skrene pažnju na problem socio-strukturnog zatvaranja oblasti visokog obrazovanja za pripadnike različitih marginalizovanih grupa, i medju njima posebno studenata sa posebnim obrazovnim potrebama. Analiza se zasniva na podacima zvanične statistike (podaci koji se prikupljaju pomoću ŠV20 obrazaca, čije popunjavanje je deo zvanične upisne procedure za svakog pojedinačnog studenta na svim nivoima studija i godinama studija), i alternativnih podataka i evidencija Udruženja studenata sa hendikepom iz Beograda, Kragujevca, Niša i Novog Sada. Ovi alternativni podaci su zanimljivi ne zato što oni nude kompletniju sliku stanja u visokom obrazovanju po ovom pita, During the /ast decade higher education system in Serbia has undergone relatively intense process of transformation. One of the phenomena accompanying this process is the increasing trend of percentage share in higher education of the specific age cohort (20-24 years). Far example in 2007 the share of student popu/ation in general popu/ation age cohort 20-24 years were 29% and in 2010 39.4%. Although at firstglance these relative numbers indicate the trend of expanding opportunities far participation in university education far the members of diverse marginalized groups, the empirical data related to the structure of current student population (datafor schoolyear 2010/2011) offered a dramatically different picture. According to official statistical data in schoolyear 2010/2011 highereducation in Serbia enrolled only 1197 students (at al/ levels of highereducation) or only 0.5% of student popu/ation. In that sense the presented analysis will explore and challenge the concept of widening participation in HE through the analysis of the position of students with special educational needs within higher education system in Serbia, trying to draw attention to the problem of socio-structura/ inaccessibility of higher education to members of diverse marginalized groups, especially students with special educational needs. The analysis was based on the data provided by official statistics (the data collected using the SV 20 questionnaire. SV20 questionnaire is the instrument that each student needs to fili in as a pa rt of official procedure of enrollment of each academic year in higher education institutions and at ali three levels of studies), and alternative data and records of the Association of Students with Disabilities in Belgrade, Kragujevac, Nis and Novi Sad. These alternative data are interesting nat because they are offering a more complete picture of the situation in higher education in this matter, but because they open up interesting questions related to defining

Rast značaja školskih diploma za alokaciju pojedinaca na tržištu rada jedan je od dubokih trendova evropskih društava nakon II svetskog rata. Školski sistem reagovao je na njega snižavanjem barijera za ulazak u sve nivoe obrazovanja iznad obaveznog. Nakon nekoliko decenija u kojima je postojao paralelizam strukture školskih diploma i strukture radnih mesta, nastupa inflacija diploma koja je značila i njihovu devalorizaciju na tržištu rada. U uslovima strukturalne krize značaj pripisanih obeležja individua jača, a značaj ličnog postignuća opada, što dovodi u pitanje legitimacijsku osnovu savremenih društava kao demokratskih sistema jednakih šansi., The growing importance of school credentials in the process of alocation of the individuals on the job market is one of the major tendencies in european societies after World War II. The school system reacted by lifting barriers for entering into higher levels of the educational system. After a certain period of correspondence between credentials´ structure and available jobs´ structure, the inflation and devaluation of diplomas on the job market took place. During structural crisis the importance of ascribed atributes have grown which consequently undermined the legitimation basis of modern democratic societies- equal opportunity and personal achievement.

Surveys that E. Debarbieux conducted within l'Observatoire European de la violence scolaire showed that in great number of pupils attending French schools gradually developed a strong resentment toward that institution and, as time went by, that resentment turned into a real anti-scholar and anti-institutional culture. However, real roots of that culture are to be found in growing social-economic unequalities of french society so it shouldn't be surprising that school violence and scholar youth delinquency are spatialy concentrated in the so called 'établissements sensibles' (riskful schools) located in poor quarters at the outskirts of cities, that is, quarters that growingly assume characteristics of ghettos. Yet, in creating and spreading of certain types of school violence and youth delinquency in schools, accomplice is school organization itself which gives its contribution to accumulation of micro-violences. These micro-violences actually are the weft of everyday oppression, and reproduct, and what is more important, increase inequalities in a larger society, especially the social inequality of chances to become a victim., Istraživanja koja je Debarbje (E. Debarbieux) sproveo u okviru Evropske opservacije za nasilje u školskoj sredini pokazala su da se kod značajnog broja učenika francuskih škola postepeno razvila snažna odbojnost prema toj instituciji i da se ta odbojnost vremenom pretvorila u pravu antiškolsku ili širu antiinstitucionalnu kulturu. Međutim, pravi koreni te kulture kriju se u rastućim društveno-ekonomskim nejednakostima francuskog društva, tako da ni najmanje ne iznenađuje što su nasilje u školama i školska delinkvencija prostorno koncentrisani u takozvanim etablissements sensibles ('kritičnim' školskim ustanovama), u siromašnim periferijskim četvrtima koje u sve većoj meri poprimaju obeležja geta. A opet, u kreiranju i širenju određenih oblika nasilja i delinkvencije u školskoj sredini, saučesnik je i sama školska organizacija koja daje svoj doprinos akumulaciji mikronasilja. Ta mikronasilja u stvari su potka svakodnevnog ugnjetavanja, a reprodukuju i što je još važnije uvećavaju nejednakosti u širem društvu, posebno nejednakost izgleda da se postane žrtva.

Uticaj društva na samoubistvo predstavlja veliku enigmu koju sociolozi, počev od Dirkema, pokušavaju da odgonetnu. Determinante na koje je ukazao Dirkem u svojoj slavnoj studiji deluju i dalje, ali artikulisane na izmenjene načine. Stope samoubistva su snažno rasle tokom perioda industrijalizacije na Zapadu u 19. veku, ali su stagnirale ili opadale tokom čitavog 20. veka, uprkos starenju stanovništva. Ovo protivreči katastrofičkoj viziji po kojoj ekonomski razvitak nužno vodi patološkim formama individualizma, povećanoj izolaciji, te tako i većoj izloženosti samoubistvu, i navodi na razmišljanje o novim formama socijabilnosti koje imaju zaštitnu funkciju u najrazvijenijim modernim društvima. Snažno povećanje stopa u Kini (inače, jedinoj zemlji u kojoj je stopa samoubistva žena veća od stope samoubistva muškaraca), Indiji i Rusiji u 20. veku, možda ukazuje na slične obrasce destabilizacije društva povezane sa industrijalizacijom kakve je Zapad poznavao u 19. veku. Možda je najupečatljiviji rezultat novijih istraživanja preokret u stopama po godinama starosti u najrazvijenijim zapadnim zemljama. U Dirkemovoj eksplikativnoj šemi, pravilno povećanje stopa sa starošću tretirano je kao „prirodna činjenica“. Međutim, počev od petrolejskih kriza 70-tih, stope samoubistva mladih snažno rastu, dok stope samoubistva starih stagniraju ili opadaju. Snažan porast kod mladih ukazuje na krizu u konstrukciji identiteta gde su nezaposlenost, dekvalifikacija, neizvesnost i nesigurnost na tržištu rada istovremeno i znak nepriznavanja lične vrednosti od strane društva. Uz to, Dirkemov zaključak „la misère protège“ više ne stoji, bar za razvijene zapadne zemlje: stope pravilno rastu kako se ide od vrha prema dnu društvene hijerarhije. Broj samoubistava sledi kretanje društva, na duži i kraći rok. Ako je društvo u stanju da stavi svoj pečat na tako lični čin kao što je samoubistvo, ono to čini sa još većom snagom na druge aspekte života., The impact of society on suicide is an enigma that sociologists have tried to solve since Durkheim s famous study. Many forces indicated by Durkheim have continued to act, but they are articulated differently today. Suicide rates were heavily increasing during industrialization period in the West in !9.th century, but they were decreasing during 20.th century. This contradicts the catastrophic vision in which economic development unavoidably leads to pathological forms of individualism, isolation, and thus to greater exposure to suicide, and induces thinking about new forms of sociability having protective function, generated in modern developed societies. Increasing suicide rates in China (the only country where female suicide rate is higher than that of males), India and Russia may point to similar social destabilization patterns which had been connected with the industrialization of the West in 19. century. But maybe the most striking result of contemporary research is the turnover of suicide rates according to ages of life. In Durkheim’ s explication scheme regular an increase in suicide rates with aging was seen as a „natural fact“. However, starting with the petrol crisis in the 70s, suicide rates of the young have grown, and those of the old have clearly stagnated or decreased in developed western countries. This strong growth points to the crisis of identity construction, where the unemployement, dequalification and uncertainty of the job market are in the same time a sign of social denial of individuals personal value. Nevertheless, Durkheim’s conclusion „ La misère protège“ doesn’ t seem to be valid any more: sucide rates regularly increase from the top to the bottom of social hierarchy. Suicide rates follow the mouvements of society in both large and short scale. If society is able to put its sign on such a personal act as a suicide, it does it even more efficiently on the other aspects of life.

Durkheim's conclusion 'La misère protège' seems to be correct on the international scale: the wealthier one country is, the higher is its suicide rate. During the 19th century wealth and suicide in western countries progressed equally. However, a great change occurred at the beginning of the 20th century: regardless of the continuing economic growth in these countries, suicide rate started to stagnate or even decrease. Moreover, in the most developed regions and prosperous cities this rate is at its lowest today, and the highest rates are being observed in backward rural areas. It seems that societies of late modernity have been able to find, in the world of work and in cities, some new forms of sociability ('creative individualism') capable to amortize the influence of factors favorable for suicide., Dirkemov zaključak 'La misère protège' je tačan na nivou međunarodnih poređenja: što je jedna zemlja bogatija, to je viša stopa samoubistva u njoj. U 19. veku bogatstvo i samoubistvo u zapadnim zemljama progresiraju istim ritmom. Ali u jednom trenutku, početkom 20. veka, dolazi do velike promene: iako se ubrzani privredni rast nastavlja, stopa samoubistva u ovim zemljama počinje da stagnira i čak opada. Šta više, u najrazvijenijim regionima i prosperitetnim gradovima stopa je danas najniža, a najviša je u zaostalim i ruralnim područjima. Izgleda da su društva kasne modernosti uspela da pronađu, u svetu rada i u gradu, nove oblike socijabilnosti ('kreativni individualizam') koji uspevaju da delom 'amortizuju' uticaj faktora povoljnih za rast stope samoubistva.

Russia and the former Soviet block countries hold the world leading position in suicide rate today and represent a very important exception of the well established correlation between national wealth and suicide rate. Russian industrialization after the Revolution resulted in dramatic growth of suicide rate, following well known pattern of western societies at the end of 19th century. However, while their suicide rate started to stagnate or decrease in the second half of the 20th century, in Russia it continued to progress. The curves profiles describing the evolution of all kinds of violent death (accidents, alcoholism, homicide, suicide) show an astonishing paralellism and are a part of the whole 'sanitary crisis' which is syntetically expressed in the shortening of average lifetime. This sanitary crisis is in itself the consequence of deep deregulation in Soviet society functioning, generated far before its political collaps in 1989., Rusija i zemlje bivšeg sovjetskog bloka imaju danas najviše stope samoubistva u svetu čineći značajno odstupanje od stabilne korelacije između bogatstva zemlje i samoubistva. Industrijalizacija Rusije nakon Revolucije rezultirala je dramatičnim usponom stope samoubistva, slično industrijalizaciji Zapada krajem 19. veka. Ali, za razliku od razvijenog Zapada gde je u drugoj polovini 20. veka stopa počela da stagnira ili opada, ona je u Rusiji nastavila da raste. Profili kriva koje opisuju evoluciju svih vrsta nasilnih smrti (nesrećni slučajevi, alkoholizam, homicid, suicid) pokazuju iznenađujući paralelizam i čine deo ukupne 'sanitarne krize' koja se sintetički izražava u smanjenju prosečne dužine života. Ona je i sama rezultat dubokih deregulacija u funkcionisanju sovjetskog društva, nastalih daleko pre njegovog političkog kolapsa 1989.

Katastrofička vizija društva koje se sve više utapa u nasilje nema potporu ni u policijsko-sudskim statistikama niti u rezultatima viktimacijskih anketa. Ona prevashodno služi legitimisanju nove društvene kontrole u društvima kasne modernosti zahvaćenih strukturalnom krizom (nezaposlenost, rast siromaštva, rast društvenih nejednakosti, demisija države blagostanja). L. Mucchielli predlaže složenu analitičku shemu koja obuhvata niz procesa potencijalno različitog porekla, obima i ritma, koja nam može pomoći u čišćenju ideoloških magli koje su rezultirale „bezbednosnim ludilom“., Catastrofic vision of the society progressively sinking into violence does not find support in administrative statistics nor in results of the victimation surveys. It pimarily serves to legitimate the new social control in societies of late modernity undermined by structural crysis (unemployment, growth of poverty, growth of social inequalities, dismantling of the well-fare state). L. Mucchielli sugests a complex analytical approach comprehensing several processes of potentialy different origin, scope and rhytm, which can help us to clean ideological mists resulting in „security frenesy“.

Cиндром професионалног сагоревања ce дефинише као исцрпљеност у професионалном раду која настаје под утицајем варијабли личности и/или варијабли услова рада и која професионални ангажман знатно ограничава или чак онемогућава. Основни циљ овог истраживања је да се утврди заступљеност синдрома сагоревања код стручњака који раде у условима инклузије особа са интелектуалном ометеношћу у Босни и Херцеговини и Републици Србији....

Svako društvo postavlja pred svoje odrasle članove specifične zahteve za kompetentnošću, a svrha institucija socijalizacije je da ispune te zahteve. U tom smislu škola predstavlja glavni agens socijalizacije za mnoge, ako ne i za većinu zadataka koji zahtevaju društveni, ekonomski i politički odnosi izvan porodice. Tako, društveni odnosi “proizvodnje” u školovanju zapravo repliciraju i služe i reprodukovanju društvenih odnosa na radu. Otuda je ključno pitanje koje crte ličnosti, stavova i ponašanja škola podstiče, a koje ne, i koliko je osnovano tvrditi da današnje škole nagrađuju poslušnost, pasivnost, pokornost, a kažnjavaju kreativnost i spontanost? Odgovori na ova pitanja razmatraju se u svetlu istraživanja preduzetih u okviru tzv. teorija konflikta u sociologiji obrazovanja, a pre svega u radovima S. Bovlisa i H. Gintisa i njihovih sledbenika. U tom kontekstu je pokazano i kako različiti obrasci socijalizacije u različitim tipovima škola ili na različitim nivoima obrazovanja reflektuju činjenicu da se ciljevi i očekivanja školske uprave, nastavnika i roditelja (kao i “prijemčivost” učenika za različite obrasce podučavanja i kontrole) razlikuju kod učenika iz različitih društvenih klasa., According to the „correspondance theory“, social relations of the educational encounter replicate (and contribute to reproduce) social relations at work. So the important question is which personality traits, attitudes and types of behaviour are fostered by the educational system, and which are not, and may it be asserted that schools are rewarding obedience, submissivness and passivity while penalizing creativity and spontaneity? The educational system tailors not only the discipline needed for future work, but also self-cencepts, aspirations, self-prezentations and social class identifications which are all important elements of the job-adequacy. Different socialization patterns of schools reflect the fact that the educational objectives and expectations of administrators, teachers and parents (as well as the responsivness of students to various patterns of teaching and control) differ for students of different social classes.

Rezultati velikih anketnih istraživanja provedenih u poslednjih 15 godina u okviru Evropske opservatorije za nasilje u školskoj sredini pokazuju kako se u Francuskoj postepeno razvilo, kod značajnog broja đaka, snažno osećanje odbojnosti prema školi koje je poprimilo obrise jedne prave anti-institucionalne (anti-školske) kulture. Njeno rodno mesto jesu rastuće društveno-ekonomske nejednakosti francuskog društva pa zato ne čudi prostorna koncentracija školskog nasilja i delinkvencije u tzv. “etablissements sensibles” u siromašnim, sve više getoiziranim periferijskim četvrtima. Školska organizacija, međutim, i sama saučestvuje u proizvodnji specifičnih formi nasilja i delinkvencije u svojoj sredini, putem akumulacije niza svakodnevih mikronasilja koja čine potku svakodnevnog ugnjetavanja i zapravo reprodukuju i pojačavaju nejednakosti u širem društvu, uključujući i društvenu nejedakost izgleda da se postane žrtva., The results of large surveys elaborated during last 15 years by l´Observatoire européen de la violence scolaire show that, within an important number of pupils, gradually progress a strong ressentiment toward school, which has taken a shape of a real anti-institutional (anti-scholar) culture. Its origine is taking place in growing social unequalities of french society with a spatial concentration of specific forms of violence and scholar youth delinquancy in „établissements sensibles“ located in poor, more and more ghetto-like housing projects at the outskirts of big industrial cities. The social organization of schools, however, participate in a sort of the co-production of these phenomena by the accumulation of a series of micro-violences which makes a frame of an everyday opression. They reproduct and reinforce unequalities of a larger society, including the social unequality of chances to become a victime.

The expansion of US higher education in the post-World War II period may be explained by the concurrence of three historical tendencies: the expanded demand for technical, clerical and other white collar skills by the corporate and state sector of the economy, the proletarization of the white collar labor, whose privileges and prerogatives are being brought into line with the profit and control objectives of corporate enterprise, and the demand for expanded access to higher education by minority and working class youth. The traditional system of higher education, which was suitable for training an economic elite, was now pressed to accommodate a wave of students who were designated for the middle level of relatively powerless jobs in corporate economy. An increased stratification of the white collar work force was needed and it relied on educational credentials to legitimate the stratification. The Community College Movement was an adequate response to these needs.

Correspondence Theory assumes that a nearly perfect fit between social organization of schooling and social organization of work is the essential characteristic of the USA education. The analysis of historical change of schooling reveals, however, not so smooth adjustment of the school to the evolution of economic life, but rather a jarring and conflict ridden course of struggle and accommodation. Progressive Education Movement, which marked the second turning point in the US educational history developed to complement a transition from factory system to corporate capitalism. The centralization and bureaucratization of the school system, standardization, testing and vocational education are part of the legacy of this movement. Progressivism was an eminent success as a force for producing the work force adjusted to a growing corporate order and in the rationalization of the process of reproducing the social class structure of a modern industrial society. Its failure in fulfilling two other functions assumed in liberal theory, i.e. human development and social equality, is - from the point of view of the correspondence theory - quite inevitable., Teorija korespondencije pretpostavlja da je osnovna strukturalna karakteristika američkog obrazovnog sistema gotovo savršen sklad između društvene organizacije školovanja i društvene organizacije rada. Analiza istorijske promene škole otkriva, međutim, ne tako glatko prilagođavanje škole evoluciji ekonomskog života, već pre jedan neskladan i sukobima obeležen tok stalnih borbi i prilagođavanja. Pokret za progresivno obrazovanje (Progressive Education Movement), koji je obeležio drugu veliku prekretnicu u istoriji američkog školstva bio je sastavni deo tranzicije iz fabričkog u korporativni kapitalistički sistem. U njegovo nasleđe spada centralizacija i birokratizacija školskog sistema, standardizacija, testiranje i usmereno obrazovanje. Progresivizam se pokazao veoma uspešnom snagom za proizvođenje radne snage adekvatne za rastući korporativni poredak i u "racionalizaciji" procesa reprodukcije klasne strukture modernog industrijskog društva. Neuspeh u ostvarivanju druge dve funkcije obrazovanja koje ističe liberalna teorija (sveobuhvatni razvoj ličnosti i povećanje društvene jednakosti), sa stanovišta teorije korespondencije je neizbežan.

The analysis of the authors belonging to the "Correspondence Theory" leaves little doubt that U.S educational expansion and school reform in 19. century was associated with the growing ascendancy of the capitalist mode of production. Discovered pattern comprehends accumulation in the dynamic, advanced sectors of the economy, the consequent integration of new workers into the wage labor system, the expansion of the urban working class and the reserve army, the emergence of political protest movements and the threat of social unrest, and, finally, the development of movements for educational expansion and reform. While the impetus for educational reform rarely came from impoverished disgruntled farmers or urban working class, the leadership of the movement was in the hands of a coalition of professionals and owners from the leading sectors of the economy who always succeeded in stamping its imprint on the form and direction of educational innovation., Analize "teoretičara korespondencije" ostavljaju malo sumnje u povezanost ekspanzije obrazovanja i školske reforme u SAD u 19. veku sa usponom kapitalističkog načina proizvodnje. Otkriveni obrazac obuhvata akumulaciju kapitala u naprednim, dinamičkim sektorima privrede, konsekventno rastuću integraciju novih radnika u najamni sistem, ekspanziju proleterijata i rezervne armije rada, pojavu protestnih političkih pokreta i pretnje društvenom pobunom, i najzad, razvoj pokreta za ekspanziju obrazovanja i školsku reformu. Dok podsticaj za promene u obrazovnom sistemu veoma retko dolazi od osiromašenih farmera bezemljaša i urbanog proletarijata, rukovođenje pokretom je u rukama koalicije stručnjaka i vlasnika iz vodećih sektora privrede, koji uvek uspevaju da daju svoj pečat oblicima i pravcima inovacija.

Riots in French "banlieues" can be properly understood only within a context of the French economic and social history in the last few decades. "Trente glorieuses", the increase of the immigrant population, French "welfare state" and urban politics, the effects of the economic crisis of the 70`s, dismantling and marginalization of the working class environment, concentration of the unemployment and poverty in the "banlieues", segregation and ghettoization - these are the necessary elements of any sociological interpretation of the actual crisis. Between the "urban poverty" and the riots, several mediations have also an important impact: new security policy and police violence - the evolution of Welfare state towards the Penal state, new forms of racism and social exclusions, inefficiency of the "Republican model of integration", suburban youth sub-culture as an attempt of neutralizing the growing stigma etc. Persistent treating of a segment of citizenry as suspect, intrinsically prone to violence - as potential enemies, could prove to be, in the future, a self-fulfilling prophecy., Pobune u francuskim predgrađima mogu se razumeti samo u kontekstu ekonomske i društvene istorije Francuske u poslednjih nekoliko decenija. "Trente glorieuses", rastući imigracioni talasi, "socijalna država", urbana politika, potom posledice ekonomske krize sedamdesetih, destrukturacija i marginalizacija radničke sredine, koncentracija nezaposlenosti i siromaštva u predgrađima, segregacija i getoizacija - neophodni su elementi sociološke interpretacije sadašnje krize. Između "urbanog siromaštva" i pobuna deluje i niz medijacija, institucionalnih ili više difuznih, kao što je nova politika bezbednosti i policijsko nasilje, zaokret od "države blagostanja" ka "represivnoj državi", novi oblici rasizma i društvenog izopštavanja, neefikasnost "republikanskog modela integracije", omladinska potkultura predgrađa kao pokušaj neutralizacije rastuće stigme itd. Uporno tretiranje jednog dela građana - omladine imigrantskog porekla iz predgrađa - kao sumnjivog, "prirodno" sklonog nasilju i kao potencijalnog neprijatelja - moglo bi se u budućnosti pokazati kao samoispunjavajuće proročanstvo.